Journal articles on the topic 'Labor market – Soviet Union'
To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Labor market – Soviet Union.
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Labor market – Soviet Union.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Siegelbaum, Lewis H. "The Condition of Labor in Post-Soviet Russia." Social Science History 28, no. 4 (2004): 637–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200012876.
Full textAbstract:
Labor (meaning both wage workers as well as their collective representation) in Russia was a major loser in the decade following the collapse of the Soviet Union. Aggregate data on prices, average wage and pension levels, wage arrears, and unemployment indicate a serious decline in workers’ standard of living that is unprecedented in the post-World War II era, while strike data show an upsurge in this form of worker militancy during the mid-1990s but a decline thereafter.This article seeks to explain both why these developments occurred and what prevented workers from adequately defending their collective interests. Four explanations have been advanced by Western and Russian scholars. The first is that workers were victims of state policies pursued in line with the“Washington consensus” on how to effectuate the transition from an administrative-command to a market-based economy. The second points to workers’ attitudes and practices that were prevalent under Soviet conditions but proved inappropriate to post-Soviet life. The third, claiming that several key indices of workers’ standard of living are misleading, denies that labor has been a loser. The fourth and most compelling of the explanations is derived from ethnographically based research. It argues that despite changes in the forms of property and politics, power relations at the enterprise level remained intact, leaving workers and their unions dependent on the ability of management to bargain with suppliers of subsidies and credits. The article concludes with some observations about workers’ survival strategies and the extent to which collective dependence on economic and political strongmen has worked against structural change in favor of labor.
2
Charnovitz, Steven. "The Human Rights of Foreign Labor." Worldview 28, no. 1 (January 1985): 7–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0084255900046416.
Full textAbstract:
Little noticed by the press. United States trade policy is undergoing significant changes aimed at promoting the rights of workers in foreign countries—changes achieved through the use of both a carrot and a stick. The carrot, now being offered to the less-developed world, is dutyfree access to the U.S. market for qualifying products exported by countries that meet certain new criteria on bbor. The stick is a ban on imports made by forced labor— something the Reagan administration is under increasing pressure to invoke against the Soviet Union. While it is too early to gauge the success of such attempts at exercising economic leverage, they may yet become a milestone in the march of human rights.
3
Kalter, F., and I. Kogan. "Migrant Networks and Labor Market Integration of Immigrants from the Former Soviet Union in Germany." Social Forces 92, no. 4 (March 3, 2014): 1435–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sf/sot155.
Full text
4
Svejnar, Jan. "Microeconomic Issues in the Transition to a Market Economy." Journal of Economic Perspectives 5, no. 4 (November 1, 1991): 123–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jep.5.4.123.
Full textAbstract:
The socialist system introduced microeconomic distortions that probably transcend those observed in the third world. The recent developments in Poland, Yugoslavia, and the Soviet Union also support the hypothesis that macro stabilization will be difficult to achieve in the transforming socialist economies in the absence of adequate micro adjustments. In this paper, I address what I consider to be the most important micro issues related to the transition from socialist to market economies. First I summarize the initial microeconomic conditions, covering labor, capital, and energy markets; the product markets, industrial organization, and trade; and the market for land and housing. Then, I describe the main changes that have taken place in the early stages of the transition. Finally, I discuss the micro policy agenda that needs to be addressed if the transition is to be successful
5
Malle, Silvana. "Labour redeployment and cooperatives in the Soviet Union." Recherches économiques de Louvain 56, no. 2 (1990): 191–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0770451800031900.
Full textAbstract:
SummaryPolicy approach towards employment has changed under perestroïka. The emphasis is falling on the release of labour from the material branches and on its partial redeployment in the service sector in general and in the cooperative sphere in particular.The pattern of labour redeployment, however, does not suggest that under perestroïka the labour market has become less taut. Since cooperative and individual activities draw out of the state sphere the best cadres, the inefficiency of the state economy could increase. Recurrent criticism against cooperatives and price control measures indicate that political and ideological barriers against private enterprise are still considerable.
6
Бурда and M. Burda. "Russia's Policy in the Sphere of External Labor Migration: Management Problems." Administration 5, no. 2 (July 5, 2017): 5–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/article_59537e447b96c2.84477889.
Full textAbstract:
The author analyzes the policy of the Russian Federation in the sphere of external labour migration, reveals the peculiarity of formation of the Russian labor market for foreign workforce, focusing on its basic focus on the integration model of the Eurasian economic Union and the Commonwealth of independent States. The article discusses the scheme of formation of migration policy and identifies a number of problematic issues of management of external labour migration, which the author attributed the imperfection of the migration system and peculiarities of political processes in the post-Soviet space. According to the author, this approach is not conducive to quality development of external labour migration, however, is one way of lobbying foreign policy interests in the post-Soviet space. In turn, Central Asian autocrats are interested in the maximum outflow of the economically dissatisfied citizens to prevent anti-state speeches. The quality of the existing risks management of external labor migration indicates the potential of growth of popularity of right-wing political forces and destabilization of the Russian political system. Taking into account the need to balance national security interests and supported by loyal Russian foreign political elites, the author proposes to separate the management of migration on the field of law enforcement and socio-economic part, which requires a political decision of government institutions. Proposed dualism in the author’s opinion, will promote increase of efficiency of counteraction of illegal migration and activation mechanisms, presence on the labour market demand for migrants. As a tool of migration management, the author highlights the Institute of international agreements, the potential of which is currently used does not fully.
7
Orynbassarova, Dilara. "Entrepreneurial University Perspective: Tracking Labor Force Capacity to Support Industrialization Processes in the Emerging Markets, Evidence from Kazakhstan Data." EMAJ: Emerging Markets Journal 6, no. 2 (January 6, 2017): 5–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/emaj.2016.111.
Full textAbstract:
Industrialisation is considered as main engine of growth in economic development of the most emerging markets. This is especially true for Central Asian transitional countries as Kazakhstan, which obtained independence from the Soviet Union in 1991. For enhancing country’s competitiveness potential, Kazakhstan National Program for 2010-2014 aimed to accelerate industrial-innovative development of the country. While many papers published about the importance of industrialization activities in Kazakhstan, few have focused on examining the current capacity of labor market to meet the industry demand. Main aim of this paper was to investigate if current manpower is adequate to maintain the planned rate of growth in the country. Higher level of economic production led to higher demand of engineering labor force. High demand with low frequency supply created an imbalance in the labor market that resulted what we see as shortage of technically skilled labor. Low frequency of supply is influenced by such factors as high engineers’ outflow rate, low students enrolment and graduation rates, and lack of practical skills of the graduates hired. An erratum to this article has been published as https://doi.org/10.5195/emaj.2017.132.
8
Rzhanitsyna, L. S., and E. V. Kravchenko. "Modern Labor Market in the Arctic Zone of the Russian Federation." Federalism, no. 3 (October 3, 2020): 39–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.21686/2073-1051-2020-3-39-51.
Full textAbstract:
The article highlights the features of employment in the Arctic zone of Russia. The main one is the disparity between the importance of the AZRF in the country’s economy and the constant shortage of workers. This disparity has not arisen now, but is a traditional problem since the Soviet Union, which created a certain management mechanism that promotes the development of this potential. This mechanism was based on state ownership of the property of enterprises and organizations, a centralized system of recruitment of personnel attracted to work from other regions, as well as wages and social packages in order to ensure their material interest in work. All this is against the background of unfavorable climatic conditions for health, lagging service infrastructure (housing, education, medicine), difficulties in providing food and personal consumption goods - primarily due to agricultural production and hence dependence on the center for all these items.
9
Shumskii, N. "Regional Economic Unions of CIS Countries." World Economy and International Relations, no. 3 (2012): 52–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2012-3-52-58.
Full textAbstract:
For 20 years after the collapse of the USSR the post-Soviet countries, for the most part, turned into the independent states. So, it is not surprising that each of them has its own policy, posts and defends its own interests. The strive to preserve independence, to modernize the economy and to improve the living standards of the population remains the main driving force of interaction between the former Soviet republics within the Commonwealth of Independent States. The CIS serves as the main systemic structure in the post-Soviet space that allows the member states to harmonize their positions and, with varying degrees of effectiveness, to solve common problems. CIS provides more certainty than the regional grouping of states of the CIS. While assessing the results of different integration projects at the post-Soviet space, it can be concluded that until now Belarus and Russia fail to create a viable Union State. The Eurasian Economic Community (G5) is also far from the establishment of a customs union and an unified economic space. The fate of the Customs Union of three states (Belarus, Kazakhstan and Russia) will be defined in the upcoming years in the context of the enormous challenges of creating a common market for goods, services, capital and labor.
10
Saar, Ellu, Siim Krusell, and Jelena Helemae. "Russian-Speaking Immigrants in Post-Soviet Estonia: Towards Generation Fragmentation or Integration in Estonian Society." Sociological Research Online 22, no. 2 (May 2017): 96–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.4228.
Full textAbstract:
The disadvantages experienced by immigrants in education and labour markets have been of growing concern in many countries in recent years. However, little research has been undertaken on ethnic inequalities in labour markets in Eastern Europe, and especially in post-Soviet societies. This article considers the integration of the immigrant population into the labour market in post-Soviet Estonia, where the context and peculiarities of the arrived population are quite different from the assumptions of Western immigrant integration theories. The Russian-speaking population arrived in Estonia after World War II as internal migrants, because Estonia was part of the Soviet Union. A remarkably high proportion of them were well educated. After Estonia regained its independence in 1991, the context of integration changed radically, and the legal status of internal Soviet Union migrants was redefined. To account for these societal and political changes, we suggest making an analytical distinction between generations of immigrants in a demographic sense (being born in Estonia) and an integrational sense (becoming an integral part of the host society, in the labour market - having more similar patterns to those of the native population in the context of labour market outcomes). This distinction impacts differently on different age cohorts and we analysed outcomes of labour market integration alongside both nativity generations and age cohorts. Our analysis based on the 2011-2013 Labour Force Surveys shows that, while in most Western countries there are tendencies of convergence between natives and second-generation immigrants regarding structural integration, in Estonia the dynamics are different. The net disadvantage of young second-generation immigrants relative to their Estonian counterparts is either more pronounced compared to the disadvantage of their ‘parents’ age cohort relative to their Estonian peers (with regard to the risks of unemployment or chances of obtaining a high occupational position) or becoming less pronounced, but only for the highly educated portion of second generations (in terms of self-assessed over-education).
11
Trofimov, Yevgeny. "Migration Processes in the Post-Soviet Territory in the 21st Century." Bulletin of Baikal State University 30, no. 1 (March 25, 2020): 23–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2500-2759.2020.30(1).23-29.
Full textAbstract:
The author analyzes contemporary characteristics of migration processes in the post-Soviet territory. Factors which explain the dynamics of migration gain of Russias population due to former Soviet Republics and the ones which lead to increased ethnic tensions are considered. Such post-Soviet phenomenon as xenophobia is highlighted. It can be observed in the majority of former republics of the USSR. The author draws a conclusion that international migration is becoming a specific indicator which characterizes attractiveness of a country. The article discusses some issues which concern peculiarities of migrants employment and their discrimination in the labor market. It is mentioned that most migrants come to Russia from Ukraine, Kazakhstan, Tajikistan, Moldova, Uzbekistan, Azerbaijan and Armenia. The author substantiates that the dissolution of the Soviet Union sharply intensified migration processes between the former republics. These processes are characterized by, to some extent, fast cyclic changes.
12
Lewin-Epstein, Noah, Moshe Semyonov, Irena Kogan, and Richard A. Wanner. "Institutional Structure and Immigrant Integration: A Comparative Study of Immigrants’ Labor Market Attainment in Canada and Israel." International Migration Review 37, no. 2 (June 2003): 389–420. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7379.2003.tb00142.x.
Full textAbstract:
The present study focuses on the incorporation of immigrants from the former Soviet Union in two receiving societies, Israel and Canada, during the first half of the 1990s. Both countries conducted national censuses in 1995 (Israel) and 1996 (Canada), making it possible to identify a large enough sample of immigrants and provide information on their demographic characteristics and their labor market activity. While both Canada and Israel are immigrant societies, their institutional contexts of immigrant reception differ considerably. Israel maintains no economic selection of the Jewish immigrants and provides substantial support for newcomers, who are viewed as a returning Diaspora. Canada employs multiple criteria for selecting immigrants, and the immigrants’ social and economic incorporation is patterned primarily by market forces. The analysis first examines the characteristics of immigrants who arrived in the two countries and evaluates the extent of selectivity. Consistent with our hypotheses, Russian immigrants to Canada were more immediately suitable for the labor market, but experienced greater difficulty finding and maintaining employment. Nevertheless, immigrants to Canada attained higher-status occupations and higher earnings than their compatriots in Israel did, although the Israeli labor market was more likely to reward their investments in education.
13
Awada, Saleh. "ANALYSIS OF HIGHER EDUCATION CORRELATION WITH THE LABOUR MARKET AND ITS MAIN PROBLEMS IN ISRAEL AND T." Economica, no. 2(120) (August 2022): 49–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.53486/econ.2022.120.049.
Full textAbstract:
Although the Soviet Union education system and its principles do not exist anymore, many parents and grandparents still regret that they cannot train their descendants in higher education institutions of a soviet-style and the labour market of both Moldova and Israel stimulate these aspirations. In this research, the author tries to find out current problems of Higher Education and suggest some solutions for solving them. The research is based on intensive study of literature, articles and scientific papers on the labour market in Israel and the Republic of Moldova, trying to compare the ratio between the educational supply of higher education and the demand of the labour market in both countries, to reveal problems and propose some possible solutions, based on international experience.
14
Rudokvas, Anton D. "Trade Unions and Labour Law in a Modern Russia." International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations 17, Issue 4 (December 1, 2001): 407–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/394545.
Full textAbstract:
The author highlights the actual problems of the trade union movement and labour market changes taking place in a modern Russia, analyzes the evolution of trade unionism through the prism of its history. He rightly believes that it is impossible to carry out such a study without addressing the situation in this field in the U.S.S.R. as many realities of that time continue to exist in an adjusted form now. In terms of centralized state soviet trade unions performed the role of one of the divisions of the mechanism of the government. The appearance of alternative trade unions marked an important shift towards decentralization and liberalization of the labour relations. The peculiarity of a trade union movement in Russia of the second half of the 1990s consists in its high degree of politization. In the event of a rigid confrontation between workers and employers the functions of trade unions on the regional level are often taken by small opposition parties and left groupings. The proclamation of the course aimed at the formation of the market economy in a post-communist Russia has brought the questions on the labour law reform. So another important issue touched by the author concerns the reform of the Russian Labour Code which was adopted in the epoch of socialism and now results no more adequate in light of the drastic social economic and political changes taking place in Russia.
15
Weidman, John C., and Brian Yoder. "Policy and Practice in Education Reform in Mongolia and Uzbekistan during the First Two Decades of the Post-Soviet Era." Excellence in Higher Education 1, no. 1&2 (December 31, 2010): 57–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/ehe.2010.16.
Full textAbstract:
This article describes the social, economic, and political processes that have influenced educational reform in two countries of Central Asia since the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991. It compares and contrasts the various educational reform initiatives that have occurred in each country, including legal and policy frameworks, curriculum change, decentralization, privatization, finance, structure, and emphasis of educational systems, and the fit between what is taught in educational institutions and demands of the labor market. A sector-wide framework for education reform is presented to facilitate understanding of the very complex set of processes involved.
16
Nadyrov, Sharip. "Kazakstan and Xinjiang: Regional Players in the World Economy." Nationalities Papers 26, no. 3 (September 1998): 565–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999808408584.
Full textAbstract:
After the collapse of the Soviet Union, the large international companies of the Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region (XUAR) began to emphasize collaboration with the former Soviet republics because of opportunities for new markets and raw materials. There are several basic problems, however, demanding serious research into such trade prospects:(1) The definition of economic and technological variants in the division of labor among Russia, Central Asia, and the People's Republic of China (P.R.C.), including the roles of Kazakstan and Xinjiang.(2) Defining needs and prioritizing units of production, labor, transportation, etc.(3) Macropolitical and macroeconomical forecasts of the situations in Russia, Central Asia, and China.(4) Research on the optimum forms of cooperation.
17
Clark, Terry D., Stacy J. Holscher, and Lisa A. Hyland. "The LDLP Faction in the Lithuanian Seimas, 1992–1996*." Nationalities Papers 27, no. 2 (June 1999): 227–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/009059999109046.
Full textAbstract:
In the 1992 elections to the national legislature, Lithuania became the first country in Eastern Europe to return its former communist party to power. Headed by Algirdas Brazauskas, the former First Secretary who had led the party in its split from the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) in December 1990, the party had rejected the Soviet past and renamed itself the Lithuanian Democratic Labor Party (LDLP). Declaring itself a social-democratic party, the LDLP supported democracy and a free market “with a human face.” In the 1992 elections the LDLP campaigned as a party of experienced, competent administrators capable of managing the reforms in such a way as to lessen their social impact. As a result the party won a resounding victory in the elections of that year to the national legislature, winning 73 of the 141 seats in the Seimas.
18
Szabaciuk, Andrzej. "30 lat rosyjskiej polityki imigracyjnej i jej znaczenie z perspektywy Federacji Rosyjskiej i obszaru poradzieckiego." Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 19, no. 2 (December 2021): 365–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.36874//riesw.2021.2.18.
Full textAbstract:
The article aims to analyze the immigration politics of the Russian Federation from the perspective of the last three decades after the collapse of the Soviet Union. We have considered its importance from the point of view of the domestic and foreign policy of the state. Since 2000, with the beginning of Vladimir Putin’s first presidency, we have been observing a significant increase in the importance of the immigration policy of the Russian Federation, which was an important component of the Russian population policy and one of the key instruments to counteract the deepening depopulation of the state. However, the growing popularity of labor migration to the Russian Federation and the low effectiveness of managing migration flows resulted in a massive influx of irregular migrants, which have used some of the Russian political circles to fuel anti-immigration sentiments. Because of this politics, since 2007, we have been observing a gradual departure from the earlier model of immigration policy, open to labor migration from the Commonwealth of Independent States, towards a policy limiting the influx of Muslim migrants from Central Asia. At the same time Russian government have invited Russian-speaking people from the post-Soviet area to settle in Russia. The introduced restrictions allowed the Russian Federation to use the facilitation of access to the Russian labor market as an instrument encouraging the political and economic integration of the post-Soviet states within the structures controlled by the Russian Federation. The increase in the political component of immigration policy did not change the fact that it was thanks to the influx of people from the post-Soviet area that Russia avoided the depopulation that is currently observed in Ukraine. Analyzing the situation of the Russian Federation and its politics towards the post-Soviet region, the realistic paradigm was used as it best reflects the specificity of the region.
19
Toro-Morn, Maura I., Anne R. Roschelle, and Elisa Facio. "Gender, Work, and Family in Cuba: The Challenges of the Special Period." Journal of Developing Societies 18, no. 2-3 (June 2002): 32–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0169796x0201800203.
Full textAbstract:
It is within the context of the Special Period, the economic crisis that began in the early 1990s after the collapse of the Soviet Union and the tightening of the economic blockade by the United States, that we analyze work and family relations in Cuba. Although women made significant gains in the labor market after the Revolution, the Special Period has eroded many of these gains. Using interviews collected in Cuba, we document the struggles that women workers encountered in order to continue to support their families and stay in the labor market. The growth of jobs in the tourist sector has led to worker redistribution and occupational downward mobility, as workers moved from professional to less skilled jobs in the tourism industry with little opportunities for mobility. We also capture how the Special Period has impacted Cuban families. Despite state attempts to legislate gender equity within the family, patriarchy was never fully eradicated in the home. This failure of the revolutionary project has been exacerbated by the country’s current economic crisis. The burden of this crisis has fallen more heavily on women who continue to shoulder the responsibility for household work and childcare.
20
Janicki, Joel J. "Coercion and Coerciveness in the Politics of Cold-War Ukraine and Taiwan." Bibliotekarz Podlaski Ogólnopolskie Naukowe Pismo Bibliotekoznawcze i Bibliologiczne 51, no. 2 (August 16, 2021): 9–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.36770/bp.598.
Full textAbstract:
The present study is devoted to an examination of the prison memoirs by the Ukrainian writer, Mykhaylo Osadchy (1936–1994) and the Taiwanese writer Tsai Tehpen (b. 1925) from the perspective of coercion. Osadchy was a member of the Sixtiers, a group of young Ukrainian intellectuals who brought about cultural renaissance in post-Stalin Ukraine. Their writings marked a strong reaction against Moscow’s policy of great-power chauvinism at the onset of the regime change that marked the end of Khrushchev’s liberalizing campaign. Osadchy was one of the victims of the subsequent wave of arrests of dissidents in the Soviet Union, including Ukraine, in 1965. His memoir, Cataract (1971) is a powerfully evocative response to trumped-up charges of subversion, anti-Soviet agitation and bourgeois nationalism, and a riveting description of life in a Mordovian labor camp, a work that posed a strong attack on official Soviet culture.
21
Haberfeld, Y. "Ethnicity and Labour Market Performance among Recent Immigrants from the Former Soviet Union to Israel." European Sociological Review 16, no. 3 (September 1, 2000): 287–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/esr/16.3.287.
Full text
22
NAKAYAMA, Hiromasa. "Sadayoshi OHTSU: The Labor Market in The Modern Soviet Union (in Japanese), Nihon-hyoron-sha, Tokyo, 1988, 396 p." Japanese Slavic and East European Studies 11 (1990): 104–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.5823/jsees.11.0_104.
Full text
23
Giluyn, O. V., and L. O. Kolisnyk. "Why should dual higher education be developed in Ukraine? Sociological analysis." Науково-теоретичний альманах "Грані" 21, no. 10 (November 15, 2018): 86–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/1718133.
Full textAbstract:
The article is devoted to the problem of interaction of the labor market and higher education in modern Ukrainian society. On the basis of the analysis of statistical data and the results of sociological surveys of different categories of the population, it is concluded that the market of educational services in the present-day Ukraine functions, mainly in itself, poorly interacting with the labor market. It is noted that the significant manifestation of the structural imbalance of supply and demand in the labor market is the discrepancy between the structure, volume and quality of graduates’ training of higher education institutions for the needs of employers, the economy of Ukraine as a whole, as well as informal and part-time employment, part-time, and the widespread practice of employment of graduates of educational institutions is not specialty, labor migration, the inability of the educational services market to react in a timely manner to the changes taking place in the labor market. Overcoming the separation of higher education from the domestic labor market is impossible without increasing of relationship between theoretical and practical training of students. The article emphasizes that this, as the European experience shows, can be effectively carried out through the introduction of dual education in Ukraine under the current conditions. After all, the dual education system, as one of the modern models of co-operation in training with production, meets the interests of all parties involved in it - employers, students, higher education institutions, as well as the state. The article emphasizes that this, as the European experience shows, can be effectively implemented under the current conditions through the introduction of dual education in Ukraine. After all, the dual education system, as one of the modern models of co-operation in training with production, meets the interests of all parties involved in it - employers, students, higher education institutions, as well as the state. It is noted that the elements of dual education in the form of a combination of work with education in the format of education in the evening or correspondence form of study, as well as in the format of educational institutions at large industrial enterprises, existed in the Soviet Union during the heyday there planning and administrative systems, but in the transition to a market economy in the post-Soviet countries were neglected. Attention is drawn to the fact that dual education should not be idealized, it has not only advantages but also certain limitations. A dual form of training is not suitable for all and not always, not for each specialty. It is best suited for training professionals in areas such as economics, business administration, engineering, social security. Limited possibilities of using dual education in the preparation of art critics and humanists. The article states that the idea of introducing dual higher education in Ukraine is positively perceived as the direction of the branch ministry of education and ordinary citizens. The data of the sociological survey of inhabitants of the Dnieper in the city about the fact that the introduction of dual education, according to citizens, should not be obligatory for all universitys or all students and should start only from the senior courses of study.
24
Kwiatkowski, Michał. "The labour market in Poland - preceding the cultural transformations associated with the influx of immigrants." International Journal of Pedagogy, Innovation and New Technologies 5, no. 1 (June 30, 2018): 69–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0012.2141.
Full textAbstract:
This article attempts to analyse preparation of the Polish labour market to welcome migrant workers from outside the European Union. In addition to the numerous statistics showing the current state of the domestic labour market, the author focuses on aspects related to entering the job market by young people and their chances of getting a job. Also analysed is the readiness of Polish society to accept immigrants. The psychological acceptance of immigrants is an extremely important area, especially in the situation of mass inflow of workers from Ukraine, Belarus and other countries from post-Soviet Europe. According to official statistics over 2 million people came to Poland since 2014, which is the largest wave of immigration in the modern history of Poland. Current and adequate knowledge about the Polish labour market is only a starting point for undertaking work on the development of mechanisms to facilitate the immigrants not only the beginning of work, but also a happy life in Poland
25
Helms, Marilyn M., and Cynthia J. Guffey. "The role of women in Europe." European Business Review 97, no. 2 (April 1, 1997): 80–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/09555349710162580.
Full textAbstract:
With major events including the European Economic Community, German unification and the fall of the former Soviet Union, there is an increased reality of a large united Europe. With these societal and political changes comes change in the role of women. As the number of women entering the labour market increases, the effect of job equality must be investigated. Examines the role of women in the European workforce. Discusses areas such as promotion, mentoring, education, compensation and reform recommendations. Shows that four key economic, demographic, and organizational trends are creating positive effects for women in the European labour force.
26
Eskytė, Ieva. "When Accessibility of Public Space Excludes. Shopping experience of people with vision impairments." Journal of Public Space, Vol. 4 n. 4 (December 31, 2019): 37–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.32891/jps.v4i4.1233.
Full textAbstract:
The United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (2006) recognises access to consumer goods and services in the mainstream private market as essential for full participation in society. Nevertheless, people with impairments rarely enjoy the same rights and consumer experience as non-disabled individuals. This paper argues that (in)accessibility of public space is an important factor shaping how accessible the private market is for people who do not ‘fit’ conventional norms and standards. It demonstrates how category-driven accessibility provisions in some geographical areas and not in others segregate disabled people within certain providers, create social and consumer isolation, and become a marker that accentuates difference and separation between disabled consumers who live in accessible districts, and the rest of the population. To illustrate the case, the paper uses empirical evidence from mystery shopping in retail outlets and qualitative interviews with people with vision impairments who live in the ‘Blind district’ in Lithuania. The district was developed by the Soviet Union (1949-1990) to boost people with vision impairments’ participation in the socialist labour market economy.
27
Francis, Corinna-Barbara. "Reproduction of Danwei Institutional Features in the Context of China's Market Economy: The Case of Haidian District's High-Tech Sector." China Quarterly 147 (September 1996): 839–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000051821.
Full textAbstract:
The literature on the political and economic transition from Communism, developed largely in the context of Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union, has been dominated by the idea that horizontal forms of social and political association displace the vertically structured, segmented forms of social control and organization which are characteristic of traditional Communist systems. Social forces, by linking together in broadly based, horizontally structured associations such as industry-wide labour unions and associations of private entrepreneurs, are able to break out of the vertical structures of control and strengthen their collective bargaining position vis-a-vis the state. New associations of entrepreneurs, workers, religious organizations and eventually political parties emerge and coalesce and further strengthen the power of civil society against the state. Economic liberalization is seen as a particular catalyst to this process. Market reforms weaken the state's centralized control and enable social forces to mobilize autonomously.
28
Tinin, Dmytro. "The concept and essence of mobbing, ways to overcome it." Naukovyy Visnyk Dnipropetrovs'kogo Derzhavnogo Universytetu Vnutrishnikh Sprav 1, no. 1 (March 29, 2021): 171–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.31733/2078-3566-2021-1-171-176.
Full textAbstract:
Today, employers like to complain about the low efficiency of their employees. However, they do not take into account the fact that they themselves are not only unable to adequately organize the labor process, but also very often create their own non-working atmosphere, full of intrigue, harassment and violence. As a result, labor productivity is low, there is hatred for each other in the team, and the most promising employees can not withstand the pressure and are fired. For the most part, in post-Soviet labor collectives with a well-developed informal management apparatus, the rights of workers enshrined in the current legislation are leveled and the practices of “etching” or “surviving” people from work become acceptable. These may be workers with other socio-political views, those who do not succumb to the dominant practices of psychological or sexual oppression, aim to create an independent union, who prefer to work decently, rather than participate in the competition "who is closer to the throne" at regular banquets and meetings, gradually losing professional and personal dignity. The spread of mobbing in the field of labor shows the vulnerability of the most vulnerable categories of the population to increased labor exploitation, declining social status and lack of social support. Predatory laws of the market system dictate predatory behavior to labor market participants who are afraid of losing their livelihoods. Mobbing is a clear result of material stratification and marginalization of a large part of the population of Ukraine. It is to such consequences that global capitalism leads. And of course, we need to treat the causes, not the consequences. However, with adequate legal mechanisms to combat mobbing, one can hope to reduce the violent pressure on the employee. This will be facilitated by the "legal mechanism of counteraction" and not by the punitive pressure of law enforcement agencies, which stigmatizes victims of mobbing as informers and justifies the need for violence against them instead of protecting professional honor and human dignity.
29
Gorbanyov, V. A. "New Geographical Regionalization of Russia." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 4(37) (August 28, 2014): 187–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-4-37-187-196.
Full textAbstract:
After the October Revolution there was an urgent need for a new economic zoning of Russia. Under the leadership of the greatest scientists the Soviet Union was divided in to economic regions. After the collapse of the USSR and the emergence of a market economy, these regions have lost their meaning, and the new were not created. Therefore there was a need of a new zoning Russia, and not by economic regions, but by the complex geographical regions. This is a difficult task, but because of the author's opinion that geography should be a single, new geographical areas should reflect their historical, natural, economic, social, cultural view specifics. This approach will promote rational geographical division of labor in the country in a market economy. An attempt to new geographical zoning, with 10 allocated geographic regions: Capital, Central, European North, European South, North Caucasus, Volga-Urals, Western Siberia, Southern Siberia, Northern Siberia and the Far East. For each region area, population size and density, level of urbanization, natural, mechanical and overall population growth, GDP per capita, the structure of employment, Human Development Index were counted, and the appropriate analysis were made.
30
Cohen, Lizabeth. "Katznelson's Working Within the System Now." International Labor and Working-Class History 46 (1994): 33–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900010796.
Full textAbstract:
Germany has been reunified. The Soviet Union and Eastern Europe have fractured into ethnically defined nationalist republics trying to dismantle decades of communist political and economic structures and replace them with free markets and free marketplaces of ideas. It seems only fitting that Ira Katznelson should publically embrace liberal political theory with a new “zest for political engagement”, enthusiastically endorsing the old liberal vision of political science as a discipline, and thrusting both onto labor historians as the perfect solution to political and epistemological crises in their field.In response, I would say to Katznelson, “You're working within the system now, but do we all need to?” Even more significantly, did the working-class populations we study operate within a liberal framework sufficiently enough to make liberal, state-centered concerns—the relationships and negotiations between actors in civil society (particularly articulated through unions and parties) and the liberal state—the “most potent tools” for political and historical analysis?
31
Lustick, Ian S. "The Absence of Middle Eastern Great Powers: Political “Backwardness” in Historical Perspective." International Organization 51, no. 4 (1997): 653–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002081897550483.
Full textAbstract:
Propelled by the oil boom of the mid-1970s the Middle East emerged as the world's fastest growing region. Hopes and expectations were high for Arab political consolidation, economic advancement, and cultural efflorescence. With falling oil prices and a devastating war between Iran and Iraq, these hopes had dimmed somewhat by the early 1980s. In 1985, however, the spectacular image of an Arab great power was still tantalizing. A Pan-Arab state, wrote two experts on the region, would include a total area of 13.7 million square kilometers,second only to the Soviet Union and considerably larger than Europe, Canada, China, or the United States. … By 2000 it would have more people than either of the two superpowers. This state would contain almost two-thirds of the world's proven oil reserves. It would also have enough capital to finance its own economic and social development. Conceivably, it could feed itself.… Access to a huge market could stimulate rapid industrial growth. Present regional inequalities could ultimately be lessened and the mismatch between labor-surplus and labor-short areas corrected. The aggregate military strength and political influence of this strategically located state would be formidable.… It is easy to comprehend why this dream has long intoxicated Arab nationalists.
32
Shekh, Alexander V. "Отражение событий августа 1991 года в Мурманской области." Transaction Kola Science Centre 11, no. 1-2020 (October 19, 2020): 140–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.37614/2307-5252.2020.1.18.009.
Full textAbstract:
The attempt to remove from power in August 1991, M.S. Gorbachev actually marked the end of the history of the Soviet Union. The August events forced the peoples of the republics of the USSR to unite around republican elites who defended the achievements of perestroika. The socio-political situation in the Murmansk region in August 1991 is considered on the material of the regional press.It reflects a specific feature of those events in the region. Despite the differences in the positions of different groups of the population, in General, electoral support for the legitimate authorities was reflected. The highest degree of tension in the labor collectives of the region fell on the morning of August 21. The political elite of the region took a wait-and-see attitude. The Soviet authorities in one of the militarized regions of the country managed to prevent clashes, not to give reasons to the top leadership to enter troops in localities, and to declarea state of emergency in the region.
33
Heilbrunn, Sibylle, Khaled Abu-Asbeh, and Muhammed Abu Nasra. "Difficulties facing women entrepreneurs in Israel: a social stratification approach." International Journal of Gender and Entrepreneurship 6, no. 2 (June 3, 2014): 142–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijge-02-2013-0007.
Full textAbstract:
Purpose – The purpose of this article is to explore the difficulties facing entrepreneurs in three groups of women in Israel: immigrant women from the Former Soviet Union (FSU), women belonging to the Palestinian Israeli minority and Jewish Israeli women belonging to the majority population. Relying on the stratification approach, the authors investigate the extent to which labor market, resource and women-specific disadvantages constrain women's entrepreneurship within these three groups. Design/methodology/approach – The target research population consisted of 477 women entrepreneurs who operated businesses between 2009 and 2010. Using systematic sampling, the authors surveyed 148 FSU immigrant women business owners, 150 Jewish Israeli women business owners and 170 Palestinian Israeli women business owners, using a comprehensive questionnaire administered in the entrepreneurs' native language. Findings – The authors found similarities and differences between the three groups as to their ability to handle difficulties deriving from labor market, resource and women-specific disadvantages. Overall, the authors found that Palestinian women entrepreneurs have relatively more difficulties than the other two groups. Research limitations/implications – Women entrepreneurs' socio-political status within stratified social realities imposes constraints on their economic activities. Further research should investigate policies, which could assist in overcoming these constraints taking into consideration similarities and differences between specific groups. Originality/value – In addition to shedding light on the impact of socio-political environmental circumstances on women entrepreneurs in a particular country, the authors believe that applying the social stratification approach is especially valuable at the intersection of minority status, gender and entrepreneurship.
34
Roberts, K., G. I. Osadchaya, H. V. Dsuzev, V. G. Gorodyanenko, and J. Tholen. "Who Suceeds and who Flounders? Young People in East Europe's New Market Economies." Sociological Research Online 7, no. 4 (November 2002): 32–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.735.
Full textAbstract:
The main question addressed in this paper is what happens when the usual sociological predictors (family background and educational attainment, for example) fail to predict labour market success and failure The paper presents evidence from surveys conducted in 1999 among 1300 25-26 year olds in Moscow, Vladikavkaz and Dneipropetrovsk which shows that this was indeed the situation in these places, and probably in most other parts of the former Soviet Union also. Our analysis also draws on evidence from focus groups conducted in Moscow and Dneipropetrovsk during 2002 with a total of 25 recent university graduates. All these young people were ‘succeeding’ according to the definition of success adopted in our analysis. It is argued that in the new market economies young people's prospects really have become unpredictable: that there are no efficacious but so far overlooked social or psychological variables. Young people's ways of coping with their chaotic conditions are identified: ‘keeping faith’ with customary reliabilities, off-setting risks, and endeavouring to de-couple their personal prospects from macro-realities. The paper concludes by evaluating competing explanations of the new unpredictability. It is argued that specifically post-Soviet economic trends and conditions in the 1990s are wholly responsible, and that, irrespective of whether the economies recover or remain depressed, the unpredictability of success will most likely be a short-term phenomenon.
35
ZHDANOVA, L. L. "INSTITUTIONS FOR DEVELOPMENT IN SOCIO-ECONOMIC SYSTEM OF MODERN UKRAINE." Economic innovations 22, no. 1(74) (March 20, 2020): 72–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.31520/ei.2020.22.1(74).72-79.
Full textAbstract:
Topicality. The actuality of problem is due to the fact that over the years of the Ukrainian economy transformation, market institutions have been created, and development institutions have not.
Aim and tasks. The aim of the study is to identify the basic institutions that promote development, and to study the specificity of their functioning in modern Ukraine. Research results. Research shows that in the institutional system of developed countries, the main social institution that initiates progress of the economy is trade union. Trade unions are seeking for a wage increase that encourages employers to introduce in their enterprises inventions that supplant labour, to raise the technical level of their companies. The creation of such trade unions in modern Ukraine is difficult, because this institutional niche is already occupied by trade unions inherited from the Soviet system, where they did not solve the problems of labour cost and working time, their activities were limited to mass cultural work. This is what they continue to do in modern Ukraine. This conclusion is based on a study of the status of collective labour disputes, wage arrears and real wage movements for the period 2013-2018. Comparison of these indicators shows that with a marked fall in real wages and rising debt, protest activity in the labour market did not increase. Ukrainian labour collectives very rarely use such form of resolution of labour conflicts as a strike. Despite the deterioration of the financial status of workers during this period, even the number of hours not worked on average per worker involved in the strike is insignificant. And in 2017, when statistics recorded the maximum number of businesses and organizations that went on strike, that is, 23, the average number of hours not worked per strike worker was only 66. Note that in 2015, extreme in terms of deterioration of the financial status of persons employed, the number of unresolved labour disputes decreased to a minimum value of 34.8% for the whole studied period. It is also significant that only one collective labour dispute was resolved in 2013 and one in 2015 as a result of the strike. Such paradoxical evidence that the deterioration of the financial position of workers, the growth of unresolved labor conflicts and demands of workers does not lead to an intensification of the struggle of trade unions and the radicalization of their actions, indicate that trade unions behave is radically different from the way known in developed countries. Economic development largely depends not only on economic institutions but also on political ones. Political parties are the most important among them. Political parties in Ukraine have not yet formed as ideological organizations. This has made political parties such a social institution that has little influence on economic development. Thus, in the modern institutional system of Ukraine, the main social institutions, that are trade unions and political parties, have little influence on economic development. Сinclusion. Changes in the institutional system are possible only if there are social forces interested in such changes and able to implement them.
36
Klinov, Ruth. "A comparison of labour market performance in central Asian and European republics of the former Soviet Union 1989‐1992." International Journal of Social Economics 23, no. 10/11 (October 1996): 209–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/03068299610149543.
Full text
37
Korol, V. M., S. M. Korol, and A. A. Lysenko. "LABOR MIGRATION OF UKRAINIANS IN THE USSR: GUEST WORKER’S DIARY OF STAGNATION ERA AS A SOURCE TO THE STUDY OF THE PHENOMENON." Sums'ka Starovyna (Ancient Sumy Land), no. 55 (2019): 5–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/starovyna.2019.55.1.
Full textAbstract:
The publication is devoted to the study of the features of the phenomenon of Ukrainians labour migration during the Soviet era. Since the early 1970s, oil and gas production and sales abroad have become a major contributor to USSR profits. More and more personnel from the entire Soviet Union had to be recruited to produce hydrocarbons in the Far North. Thousands of Ukrainians went to work to develop oil fields and build infrastructure. The state government encouraged them with high pay and benefits. Diary of a Ukrainian guest worker Mykola Havrysh is introduced to scientific circulation in the publication. M. Havrysh was born in Sumy region, and at the Stagnation period he worked on the development of oil fields in Western Siberia. This diary describes the life of the author and his construction team chronologically from the autumn of 1974 to the summer of 1975. Different aspects and variants of motivation of workers to come to the Far North are defined in the text. The everyday life and leisure activities of the Soviet workers of the northern oil-producing territories are vividly illustrated. Staying in a harsh climate has made a significant impact on people’s lives. The daily life described in the pages of the diary is marked by unpretentiousness. Hunting and drinking alcohol were the most common entertainments for oilmen. The text of the published diary is accompanied by scanned copies of the author’s sketches and photographs from the Havrysh family archive. Key words: labour migration, guest workers, Far North, Stagnation period, diary, everyday life.
38
Obolenskiy, V. P. "Integration Projects of Russia and EAEU: Chance for Extension Export?" Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 13, no. 3 (August 20, 2020): 156–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2020-13-3-9.
Full textAbstract:
The article deals with the possibilities of improving the access of Russian goods to foreign markets through regional trade agreements. Participation in such agreements has acquired mass character in the current century, within their framework about two thirds of transboundary commodity flows are already moving. The main peculiarity of regionalism development in this century is the pro‑integration character of the concluded agreements, which are not limited to agreements on free trade zones of goods, but cover a wide range of issues of trade in services, investment cooperation, competition, environment, labor standards, i.e. they envisage a movement towards greater institutional homogeneity of economies. Until recently, Russia was limited to the tasks of preserving and developing economic ties in the post‑Soviet space, and only after the establishment of the Eurasian Economic Union did it start showing interest in signing free trade agreements with non-CIS countries. To date, the EAEU has concluded free trade agreements with a number of countries and is negotiating a FTA with several more countries. The EAEU integration policy has not yet brought any noticeable results in terms of a significant reduction of tariff barriers into total foreign markets: the current and planned integration projects will allow Russia to enjoy tariff preferences on less than one tenth of the global market. Possible new union agreements on preferential trade with ASEAN countries can only help Russia to expand its scope, while the creation of liberal economic partnerships such as WTO plus is not on the Russian integration agenda. Nor is there any intention to promote the idea of a FTA with Russia’s largest trade partners – the EU and China – in the EAEU. The conclusion is made that it is vital for Russia to address the problem of increasing the competitiveness of manufacturing industries, without which further facilitation of access to foreign markets through free trade agreements may not be possible.
39
Muhammad, Rehan Khan. "International Forced Migration and Pak- Afghan Development Concerns: Exploring Afghan Refugee Livelihood Strategies." Journal of Social and Development Sciences 2, no. 4 (October 15, 2011): 181–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.22610/jsds.v2i4.667.
Full textAbstract:
This study investigates the livelihood strategies employed by Afghan refugees residing in Pakistan. These refugees were forced to take refuge in Pakistan after Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan in 1978. Three decades after their migration, and after repeated Pakistani government attempts to resettle them in Afghanistan, scores of Afghan refugees still reside in Pakistan. This paper discusses the evolving relationship between Afghanistan and Pakistan over the years and their respective implications. Researching the various livelihood strategies that Afghan refugees pursued their impact on the Pakistani labor market is discussed. By means of taking a case study of an Afghan refugee woman, this study concludes that there exists a gender dimension in Afghan refugee population. In doing so two developmental concerns are identified i) development projects focused on refugee assistance in Afghanistan and Pakistan ignore the development concerns of the women population ii) countries that provide refuge to victims of war are exposed to a new set of development challenges in addition to their already burdened economy. This paper furthers the academic debate on achieving the development challenge of attaining a stable South Asia, in light of the AfPak strategy initiated by President Obama in 2010, and reflects on potential areas for policy making for Pakistan, Afghanistan and the United States.
40
Tichá, Michaela. "State or Private Ownership? A Survey of Empirical Studies." Review of Economic Perspectives 12, no. 2 (January 1, 2012): 120–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10135-012-0006-6.
Full textAbstract:
State or Private Ownership? A Survey of Empirical Studies This paper focuses on property rights and performance of enterprises. The objective of this paper is to summarize existing knowledge from empirical studies dealing with the question of whether private property and privatization of enterprises encourage firms to increase their performance measured as growth of profitability, labor productivity, investments, costs effectiveness, etc. On the basis of empirical studies, it is also determined what the influence of institutional frameworks of property rights and privatization is on the firm performance. The first part of the paper reviews results of studies on the non-transition economies privatized by 1990. The second one evaluates the impact of private ownership on performance of enterprises from transition economies of Central and Eastern Europe, and the Former Soviet Union. The results of the studies suggest that private ownership is an important but not sufficient determinant of firm prosperity, subsequently resulting in overall rise of wealth of nations. The positive impact of private ownership on economic performance can occur only in an appropriate institutional environment with relevant legal standards (righteous and enforceable contracts, the protection of shareholders and creditors, adequate banking system, functioning bankruptcy courts, capital market supervision, etc.).
41
Kaser, Michael. "V. The Economic and Social Impact of Systemic Transition in Central Asia and Azerbaijan." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 2, no. 3 (2003): 459–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156915003322986352.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThe economies of Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan differ from the other states that quit the Soviet Union in 1991 by their inheritance of poor productivity growth and high demographic pressure for job creation. Moreover, since their incorporation into the Russian Empire during the nineteenth century, their production has been geared to primary goods - cotton and hydrocarbons - that in the 1930s Stalin's policy towards autarky was directed to Soviet domestic consumption. The six countries hence gained independence, but with high export dependency on markets that all suffered severe demand recessions. The corresponding production decline in the six states was modified during the 1990s by diversifying the direction of trade and was not as deep as indicated by the official GDP data by reason of the substantial growth of unmeasured production. That 'shadow economy' goes untaxed and all six states show government revenue inadequate for the social expenditure required to maintain the stock of human capital inherited from Soviet planning priorities and to reverse the widening of income differentials, as well as for capital formation to employ the expanding labor force. Some improvement has resulted from emigration and foreign investment by Kazakhstan, and from foreign investment by Azerbaijan. But that inflow has enhanced those states' dependence on hydrocarbons and the danger of a "Dutch disease." In all six states, authoritarian and corruption-prone governance inhibit foreign investment, though in two, Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan, state funds have been established so that eventual income from fixed assets replace that from depleting hydrocarbon deposits.
42
Wojnicz, Piotr. "WYZWANIA POLITYKI MIGRACYJNEJ FEDERACJI ROSYJSKIEJ – STUDIUM PRAWNE, SOCJOLOGICZNE I GEOPOLITYCZNE (wersja poprawiona)." Civitas et Lex 5, no. 1 (March 31, 2015): 65–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/cetl.2036.
Full textAbstract:
Migration is a mass phenomenon of our time, a permanent phenomenon which takes manyforms, affects all continents and all countries. This phenomenon is one of the most important socialand international issues of the modern world. In this context, the Russian Federation is not freefrom problems arising from migration processes. Migration policy of the Russian Federation isa very important part of that country’s geopolitical game. Location Russia between the EuropeanUnion and China creates considerable scope to influence the shape of migration processes notonly regional but also global. Russia has become a country of immigration. There are two veryimportant aspects in the migration policy of Russia: the internal and external aspects. The internalaspect relates to such phenomena as the fight against the demographic crisis and related deficitsin the labor market, national and religious revival of ethnic groups living in Russia, the low levelof social integration of immigrants. In terms of external migration policy is treated as an instrumentof pressure on the countries of the former Soviet Union, a way of shaping relations with Chinaand the element of national security. Russian migration policy is an active instrument for solvingproblems within the country, as well as a very important foreign policy wizard. Pejorative sideof this policy is that it is planned from above, without taking into account the needs and natureof various Russian regions.
43
Gurshev, Oleg. "What determines foreign direct investment in Russia?" Central European Economic Journal 6, no. 53 (July 8, 2020): 311–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ceej-2019-0016.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis article focuses on the determinants of inward foreign direct investment (FDI) in Russia. The article briefly describes the historical context of foreign investment policymaking in Russia since the beginning of the economic transition to an open market economy after the dissolution of the Soviet Union. When compared to other developing countries, Russia's FDI stocks continue to lag despite a set of proactive measures undertaken by the national government. Following the literature review, the most commonly cited determinants explaining inward FDI in Russia include market size, labour productivity, trade and investment barriers, domestic exchange rate, rule of law and institutional framework.This article aims to contribute empirically to the study of determinants of inward FDI in Russia.This article uses the Pseudo-Poisson Maximum Likelihood (PPML) estimation technique, the robustness of the PPML estimation is then verified using a standard autoregressive integrated moving average (ARIMA) model with the Durbin–Watson autocorrelation test.Our benchmark results suggest the efficiency-seeking motive of FDI over a market seeking and horizontal motive as a main reason for inward FDI in Russia. The ARIMA regression indicates the absence of statistical significance of economic openness and variables of labour productivity. Overall, the market size and tax rate variables have the most positive effects on the inward FDI, while barriers to trade and sanctions have the most negative effects. The results confirm that for transitional economies, integration into the world economy, proactive local development and tax cuts for outside investors remain to be critical when it comes to attracting FDI.
44
Grinberga Zalite, Gunta, and Joanna Hernik. "TERRITORIAL MARKETING IN THE BALTIC SEA REGION PORT CITIES." Latgale National Economy Research 1, no. 9 (November 30, 2017): 35. http://dx.doi.org/10.17770/lner2017vol1.9.2672.
Full textAbstract:
Today in the Baltic Sea region, territorial marketing plays a substantial role both for tourist attraction and local young families, a quality workforce and students’ retention to the region, which is not easy due to the wide scope of work and travel opportunities in the European Union Member States. Territorial marketing aims to increase the prestige of a territory by attracting local and foreign subjects to the territory by creating an expressive image, maximal use of the territory’s natural, material and technical as well as financial, labour and social resources. The Baltic Sea region countries have a lot in common: historical heritage of Soviet Union influence until 1991, which has left its impact both on their architecture, city planning and on peoples’ mentality; joining the European Union in 2004 and since then struggling with common market side effects that force these countries to look for new ways to sustain their regional competitiveness. The current research focuses on exploring the experience of territorial marketing use in four Baltic Sea region port cities: Parnu (Estonia), Ventspils (Latvia), Klaipeda (Lithuania) and Szczecin (Poland). The research aimed to compare the territorial marketing approaches used in the four Baltic Sea region port cities and specifics of brand positioning for the cities. In the research work, desk study and the comparative method were applied to aggregate and interpret secondary data on the four cities’ development trends. Analysis and synthesis methods were applied to investigate the elements of territorial marketing.
45
Adler, Paul S. "Capitalism, Socialism, and the Climate Crisis." Organization Theory 3, no. 1 (January 2022): 263178772210847. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/26317877221084713.
Full textAbstract:
The climate crisis calls for a massive and rapid retooling of our economy and society. I argue that we have reasons to doubt that capitalism, even reformed, could meet that challenge. As an alternative solution, authoritarian socialism such as existed in the former Soviet Union or China would be neither attractive nor effective; by contrast, a democratic form of socialism might be both. In a democratic socialist society, we would govern democratically both our enterprises and our economy as a whole. Democratizing the governance of enterprises would help them make better tradeoff decisions and internalize some important externalities. But if they remain at the mercy of capitalist competition in product, labor, and financial markets, many enterprises will be economically unable to retool fast enough, so we also need to pool the country’s economic resources and manage them democratically, collectively, and strategically towards our shared environmental, social, and economic goals. Organizational research on corporate strategic management offers insights into how such an economic system could satisfy four key requirements for a successful fight against climate change—democracy, innovation, efficiency, and motivation.
46
Vatlin, A. Yu. "1922 — the best year of the Comintern. Soviet Russia, German communists and the Genoa conference." Moscow University Bulletin of World Politics 14, no. 3 (November 27, 2022): 52–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.48015/2076-7404-2022-14-3-52-87.
Full textAbstract:
The signing of the Declaration on the formation of the Soviet Union on December 30, 1922 marked a new stage in the history of international relations, and, at the same time, took stock of intense domestic and international political struggle unfolding in the previous years. The developments within the Communist International were of particular importance for both the outcomes of this struggle and the future of international labor movement. The author stresses that for the Comintern the year of 1922 was dominated by a struggle between the two opposing ideological and political trends: the inertia of the ‘storm and onslaught’ enthusiasm of the first post-revolutionary years and the rise of the ideas of peaceful coexistence. In this context, the paper assesses the role that the Bolshevik leaders envisaged for the Comintern during the preparation and conduct of the Genoa Conference and, particularly, for the policy of the united workers front. The author shows that the very idea of cooperation with socialists and social democrats received an extremely ambiguous reaction from representatives of Western communist parties. In this regard, the position of the German Communist Party (KPD) was of particular importance to the Bolshevik leaders. Indeed, the case of KPD was emblematic of those tendencies and contradictions that marked the development of the international communist movement in the period under review. The KPD leaders welcomed the Comintern’s turn towards a united workers front. However, the author notes that this support was based on a highly unstable compromise between multiple contradicting domestic and foreign policy imperatives, including opposition from the left-wing radicals within the party and continuous conflict with the government of the Weimar Republic, exacerbated by ideological and financial dependence on Moscow. As a result, the KPD’s actions were very often ad hoc and inconsistent, reflecting general issues typical to the international labor movement of that period. That became clear during the Fourth Congress of the Comintern, which took place at the end of 1922. It failed to outline a clear strategy for interaction between the Russian Bolsheviks and foreign communists. At the same time, the outcomes of the Fourth Congress were crucial for further evolution of the ideology and practical activities of the Comintern. The policy of the united workers front got a broader definition as the Communist International started to recognize the threat posed by fascism.
47
Varnavskii, Vladimir G. "ANALYSING THE DYNAMICS OF THE BALTIC STATES’S PRODUCTION LINKAGES WITH RUSSIA." Baltic Region 14, no. 2 (2022): 4–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.5922/2079-8555-2022-2-1.
Full textAbstract:
Russia and the Baltic States have a long-standing relationship of industrial specialisation, cooperation, division of labour and trade exchange, all dating back to the Soviet Union. Today, this relationship is facing a tough test amid political and ideological challenges and risks. The last two years have seen a profound and large-scale crisis caused by the global COVID-19 pandemic. Overall, the production linkages between Russia and the Baltic States have adapted in response to the existing problems, remaining resistant to the geopolitical and pandemic shocks. This article examines the production linkages between Russia and the Baltic countries, investigating the export-import flows of consumer and intermediate goods in 2003—2020. A comparative study of the Baltic States’ production linkages with Russia and their main partners in the EU — Germany and Finland — is carried out. It is concluded that, before the introduction of sanctions in 2014 and the world trade crisis of 2015—2016, Russia was a more promising market than Germany and Finland for the Baltic States’ companies trading in intermediate goods.
48
MENAHEM, GILA, and MIRI LERNER. "An Evaluation of the Effect of Public Support in Enhancing Occupational Incorporation of Former Soviet Union Immigrants to Israel: A Longitudinal Study." Journal of Social Policy 30, no. 2 (April 2001): 307–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279401006237.
Full textAbstract:
Does governmental intervention in the form of occupational training and retraining and other forms of assistance improve immigrants' occupational opportunities both as self-employed and as salaried employees? These have been longstanding research and government concerns in societies that face large waves of immigration. This study reports on the research findings of a longitudinal study which sought to examine the effects of governmental support mechanisms on the incorporation of a large immigrant inflow from the former Soviet Union (FSU) high in human capital into the labour market. Three types of public support programmes were investigated: occupational retraining, subsidised salaries for immigrants and support for immigrants in business creation. The research population consisted of 910 new immigrants from the FSU who arrived to Israel in the 1990s; they were interviewed in-depth in 1992 and again in 1994/5. The findings show that the three support mechanisms differ in their contribution to the transferability of human capital of immigrants and their earnings from jobs. They also affect men and women immigrants differently. The question ‘what worked?’ is discussed from three viewpoints: accountability of public programmes, knowledge basis and implementation. A training system approach is used to explain differences in the effects of the three policy instruments on the occupational incorporation of the immigrants.
49
Cohen, Y., and I. Kogan. "Next Year in Jerusalem ... or in Cologne? Labour Market Integration of Jewish Immigrants from the Former Soviet Union in Israel and Germany in the 1990s." European Sociological Review 23, no. 2 (December 13, 2006): 155–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/esr/jcl026.
Full text
50
Aggeeva, Irina. "“More Great Goods to the People! Better Work for This Year after Year!” the Soviet Alternative to the Western Society of Mass Consumption (1960s — 1970s)." ISTORIYA 13, no. 3 (113) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840020454-8.
Full textAbstract:
The “mass consumption society” which arose in the Western industrially developed countries in the middle of the twentieth century was viewed by the Soviet Union as a form of anti-communism in the logic of the opposing systems competition and Cold War rivalry. Experiencing permanent difficulties with consumer sector the USSR opposed the new concepts with a comprehensive preventive alternative in the broad ideological and socio-economic context of a “developed socialist society”. The socialist version of the future prosperity presupposed a breakthrough in the development of the industries of the “B” group, the formation of socialist values, idealistic personal consumption, spiritual and cultural growth, the priority of public interests, and a selfless communist devotion to job. The archival documents reveal that the attractiveness of Western prosperity and the departure from the reforms of the mid-1960s, which did not change the absolute adherence to the principles of central planning and single public property, served as a catalyst for the strengthening of the ideological components of economic policy and further degradation of the production sphere. Material incentives were replaced by conscientiousness and patriotism. “Socialist competition” and communist “subbotniks” completely turned into a kind of “voluntary-compulsory” uncompensated labor in favor of the state. The USSR failed to solve the problems of unsatisfied consumer demand with the help of the Comecon countries, which were experiencing similar difficulties. The Soviet search for progressive answers to “mass consumption” had an important by-product, the scientific research of anthropogenic influence on the climate, responsible, balanced consumption, environmental protection, conservation of natural resources aimed at sustainable development. The accumulated experience is relevant for the 21st century, the beginning of which was marked by global pandemics and crises of planetary scale associated with the spread of consumerism to new states and territories.