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Journal articles on the topic 'Labor governments'
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1
Yang, Gangqiang, Hong Chen, and Xia Meng. "Regional Competition, Labor Force Mobility, and the Fiscal Behaviour of Local Governments in China." Sustainability 11, no. 6 (March 24, 2019): 1776. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su11061776.
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At present, China is in a critical period of transition from labor-intensive industries to capital- and technology-intensive industries. Accordingly, the increasing labor force mobility among Chinese cities has promoted competition over production factors among regions, having a significant impact on local governments’ fiscal expenditure structure. A theoretical analysis shows that the competition of livelihood public good expenditures is playing an increasingly important role in the factor flow competition. Different labor forces’ demand for different public goods and local governments’ demand for different labor forces affect the structural preference of local government fiscal expenditures. Based on panel data on Chinese prefecture-level cities in 2010–2016, this paper empirically tests the impact of different labor mobilities on the structure of local government fiscal expenditures, finding that current decision making on labor mobility is increasingly sensitive to the supply of livelihood public goods, and strengthening labor mobility has reversed the expenditure bias historically caused by the government’s simple capital competition. After dividing the mobile labor force based on whether the labor is settled in the current year, the two labor force types’ demand for different livelihood public goods was found to be different. To attract different labor inflows, local governments should promote an increase in relevant livelihood public good expenditures, showing a strategic fiscal expenditure structural bias. Specifically, with increasing new added general labor mobility, local goverments will increase the proportion of fiscal expenditures on education and medical care, combined with the increase of newly added registered labor mobility, which will correspondingly increase the proportion of environmental protection expenditures.
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Manwaring, Rob, and Geoffrey Robinson. "What Is “Labor” About Labor State Governments In Australia?" Australian Journal of Politics & History 66, no. 1 (March 2020): 3–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ajph.12643.
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Colombi, Ana Paula Fregnani, and José Dari Krein. "Labor Market and Labor Relations under the PT Governments." Latin American Perspectives 47, no. 2 (September 6, 2019): 47–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x19875713.
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In its 12 years in government, Brazil’s Partido dos Trabalhadores (Workers’ Party—PT) promoted inclusion through the labor market and through consumption with an increase in labor flexibility. Despite an increase in employment and incomes, the increase in the heterogeneity of the labor market and in flexibilization has resulted in a deepening of the insecurity and vulnerability of workers in line with the new trends that contemporary capitalism imposes on labor. These trends are being deepened in the postimpeachment situation. Em 12 anos de governo o PT promoveu um importante movimento de inclusão pelo mercado de trabalho e pelo consumo com avanço da flexibilidade laboral. Apesar do crescimento do emprego e da renda, o alargamento da heterogeneidade do mercado de trabalho e o avanço da flexibilização resultaram no aprofundamento da condição de insegurança e vulnerabilidade dos trabalhadores em linha com as novas tendências que o capitalismo contemporâneo impõe ao trabalho. Essas tendências estão sendo aprofundadas no cenário pós-impeachment.
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i Amat, Valeri Sorolla. "Prices, Employment and Pro-Labor Governments." Scandinavian Journal of Economics 97, no. 2 (June 1995): 261. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3440528.
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Johnson, Carol. "Negotiating the Politics of Inclusion: Women and Australian Labor Governments 1983 to 1995." Feminist Review 52, no. 1 (March 1996): 102–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/fr.1996.10.
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The Hawke and Keating Labor governments have tended to practise a politics of inclusion in which women, along with other social groups, are seen to have an important part to play in building the new, internationally competitive Australian economy of the twenty-first century, Australian politics have therefore had a very different nature from that of the more exclusionary politics practised by British Conservative governments. While the politics of inclusion have given feminists room for manoeuvre, and facilitated some positive developments in areas such as affirmative action and childcare policies, feminists have had little success in challenging the overall direction of the governments’ right-wing economic policies. Furthermore, the ‘economic’ has functioned as a meta-category which dissolves difference and conflict. The Australian experience therefore has both practical and theoretical implications for British feminists who may be experiencing a Labour government themselves before too long.
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Galvão, Andréia. "The Brazilian Labor Movement under PT Governments." Latin American Perspectives 41, no. 5 (August 18, 2014): 184–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x14545972.
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Shackleton, J. R. "Britain’s Labor Market Under the Blair Governments." Journal of Labor Research 28, no. 3 (June 28, 2007): 454–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12122-007-9000-7.
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Craig, Lyn, Killian Mullan, and Megan Blaxland. "Parenthood, policy and work-family time in Australia 1992—2006." Work, Employment and Society 24, no. 1 (March 2010): 27–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0950017009353778.
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This article explores how having children impacted upon (a) paid work, domestic work and childcare (total workload) and (b) the gender division of labour in Australia over a 15-year period during which government changed from the progressive Labor Party to the socially conservative National/Liberal Party Coalition. It describes changes and continuity in government policies and rhetoric about work, family and gender issues and trends in workforce participation. Data from three successive nationally representative Time Use Surveys (1992, 1997 and 2006), N=3846, are analysed. The difference between parents’ and non-parents’ total workload grew substantially under both governments, especially for women. In households with children there was a nascent trend to gender convergence in paid and unpaid work under Labor, which reversed under the Coalition.
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Garrett, Geoffrey, and Peter Lange. "Performance in a Hostile World: Economic Growth in Capitalist Democracies, 1974–1982." World Politics 38, no. 4 (July 1986): 517–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010165.
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Many recent studies argue that labor organization and government partisanship were important determinants of the economic performance of the advanced industrial democracies during stagflation. They do not, however, take into account the potential impact on performance of position in the international economy; the relationships reported may therefore be largely spurious. Even when the strong effects of international position, most notably the extent of dependence on imported sources of oil, were controlled for, domestic political structures remained powerful determinants of economic performance during stagflation. “Corporatist” political economies dominated by leftist governments in which labor movements were densely and centrally organized, and “market” political economies in which labor was much weaker and rightist governments were predominant, performed significantly better than the less coherent cases in which the power of labor was distributed asymmetrically between politics and the market.
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Alvarez, R. Michael, Geoffrey Garrett, and Peter Lange. "Government Partisanship, Labor Organization, and Macroeconomic Performance." American Political Science Review 85, no. 2 (June 1991): 539–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1963174.
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Governments of the Left and Right have distinct partisan economic policies and objectives that they would prefer to pursue. Their propensity to do so, however, is constrained by their desire for reelection. We argue that the ability of governments to further their partisan interests and preside over reelectable macroeconomic outcomes simultaneously is dependent on the organization of the domestic economy, particularly the labor movement. We hypothesize that there are two different paths to desirable macroeconomic performance. In countries with densely and centrally organized labor movements, leftist governments can promote economic growth and reduce inflation and unemployment. Conversely, in countries with weak labor movements, rightist governments can pursue their partisan-preferred macroeconomic strategies and achieve similarly beneficial macroeconomic outcomes. Performance will be poorer in other cases. These hypotheses are supported by analysis of pooled annual time series data for 16 advanced industrial democracies between 1967 and 1984.
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Vis, Barbara. "Under which conditions does spending on active labor market policies increase? An fsQCA analysis of 53 governments between 1985 and 2003." European Political Science Review 3, no. 2 (April 1, 2011): 229–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773910000378.
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This article examines the conditions under which governments increase spending on active labor market policies (ALMPs), as the European Union and the organization of economic co-operation and development recommend. Given that ALMPs are usually expensive and unlikely to win a government many votes, this study hypothesizes that an improving socio-economic situation is a necessary condition for increased spending. On the basis of the data of 53 governments from 18 established democracies between 1985 and 2003, the fuzzy-set qualitative comparative analysis shows that there are different combinations of conditions, or routes, toward activation and that an improving socio-economic situation is needed for each of them. Specifically, the analysis reveals that governments activate under decreasing unemployment combined with (1) trade openness, or (2) the absence of corporatism in the case of leftist governments, or (3) the presence of corporatism in the case of rightist governments. These findings advance our understanding of the politics of labor market reform.
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Pierson, Chris, and Francis G. Castles. "Australian Antecedents of the Third Way." Political Studies 50, no. 4 (September 2002): 683–702. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.00002.
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New Labour theorists have been prone to identify American New Progressivism as the proximate source of ‘third way’ ideas. In this article we argue that, if the focus is on the governing practice rather than on the naming of a governing orientation, a case can be made for seeing Australian Labor in government from 1983 to 1996 as a progenitor of third way thinking and as a specific source of New Labour policy development in a number of areas. Taking Stuart White's account of the main dimensions of third way programmatic realignment as our guide, we discuss the success of the Hawke/Keating Labor governments in reducing the direct provider role of state, developing new forms of collective provision, reforming the tax system, making social policy more employment-friendly and creating the institutions of an asset-based egalitarianism. We conclude by pointing out that, whilst there are many common themes in Australian Labor practice and New Labor rhetoric, and some evidence of specific policy transfer from one to the other, a plausible case can also be made for seeing many of the policy initiatives of the Hawke/Keating era as a reworking of an older Australian Labor tradition of regulatory state activism.
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Stoddart, Mark C. J., Liam Swiss, Nicole Power, and Lawrence F. Felt. "Taking Care of Companion Animals." Society & Animals 24, no. 5 (October 11, 2016): 423–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685306-12341425.
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Focusing on local government and non-governmental nonhuman animal welfare organizations, this paper reports survey results on institutional policies, interpretive frameworks, and practices regarding companion animals in Newfoundland and Labrador, Canada. The findings suggested that local governments and animal shelters use different interpretive frameworks of companion animal welfare, with the former taking a human-centric position and the latter focusing on animal well-being. The results showed that most local governments are not well engaged with animal welfare issues. Instead, these issues are more often dealt with by non-governmental organizations that operate on limited budgets and rely heavily on volunteer labor. Whereas federal and provincial governments are responsible for legislating companion animal welfare, practical implementation of animal welfare has been largely the responsibility of non-governmental organizations. Our findings demonstrated that the ways that animal welfare policy is interpreted and enacted at the local level have significant implications for animal well-being more broadly.
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Zhao, Liuyang. "Labor Disputes in China’s Local Government-Led Enterprise Restructuring: A Litigation Case Study,." Modern China 47, no. 1 (October 26, 2020): 26–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0097700420966784.
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In legal practice in contemporary China, courts usually distinguish between government-led enterprise restructuring 政府主导的企业改制 and independent enterprise restructuring 企业自主改制. Following contract logic, the courts believe that labor disputes related to government-led enterprise restructuring are not contract disputes—that is, they are not disputes between equal parties, which is required for civil litigation—and are therefore generally not accepted. Moreover, in actual legal practice, the scope of application of the principle of government-led restructuring has been expanded, with the courts adopting a very broad standard. In addition, a considerable number of cases are excluded on the grounds that the time limit imposed on arbitration has been exceeded. This in effect has replaced the older principles surrounding labor relations in enterprise restructuring led by local governments. The actual practice of the principle of government-led restructuring should be understood in the larger framework of multidimensional and complex relationships between local governments and the market. The use of local government power in conjunction with the logic of contract in effect enlarges the scope for setting aside the older principles of labor relations for the purpose of enhancing the market competitiveness of enterprises and promoting economic development. The result has been a marked degree of social injustice. The construction of labor laws should be rooted in actual conditions, and not overemphasize the formalism of contract logic and ignore the substantive logic of labor relations.
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Rynkov, Vadim M. "Labor market regulation in Eastern Russia in 1918–1922: Institutional factors, mechanisms, and outcomes." Russian Journal of Economics 7, no. 2 (July 9, 2021): 137–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.32609/j.ruje.7.56634.
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This article uses archival documents and periodical publications to analyze the impact of the Civil War on the labor market in the regions of Eastern Russia. It considers key labor market institutions such as legislation, infrastructure (labor exchanges, unemployment funds, and professional and entrepreneurship organizations), and labor contracts. It has been established that there was continuity in the regulatory framework and labor market management tools between the Provisional Government and the anti-Bolshevik governments. The study shows the challenges and shortcomings of managing hiring and dismissal processes by soft regulatory methods given the deep economic crisis. The labor supply was backed by extensive cohorts of prisoners of war, refugees, and foreign workers, which contributed to a drop in labor rates. The government sought to stabilize the situation by reinforcing transactional barriers to reduce employment. The labor market in Eastern Russia was subjected to regionalization and localization.
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Prajnaparamita, Kanyaka. "Perlindungan Tenaga Kerja Anak." Administrative Law and Governance Journal 1, no. 2 (August 8, 2018): 215–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/alj.v1i2.215-230.
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This study aims to determine the protection of child labor in Indonesia, especially the rules that protect child labor both in industrial areas and on entertainment such as artist child and the like. The research method used is legal research with statutory approach approach (analytical approach) which is analyzed with qualitative analysis. The results of the study show that child labor has gained enough protection from Indonesian legislation. Such protection is both at the level of the country's basic laws (contitutions) and the Law, as well as on derivative regulations issued by the central government, ministers, and local governments. Keywords: Labor Law, Child Labor, Child Protection
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Koltsov, Mikhail V. "Herbert Morrison in British Governments (1945-1951)." Vestnik Yaroslavskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta im. P. G. Demidova. Seriya gumanitarnye nauki 16, no. 4 (December 14, 2022): 584. http://dx.doi.org/10.18255/1996-5648-2022-4-584-611.
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The article is devoted to the activities of the British politician Herbert Morrison in the Labor governments under the leadership of C. Attlee (1945-1951). The author consistently characterizes the work of the Labor politician in the positions of Deputy Prime Minister, Lord President of the Council and Leader of the House of Commons in 1945-1951, when he played an important role in shaping domestic policy and carrying out reforms, including the nationalization of a number of British industries. In addition, the article tells about the successes and failures of H. Morrison in his last government position - Foreign Secretary, which he held in 1951
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Bessard, Pierre. "From Taxation to Justice: Extending the Search for a ‘Just Tax’." Journal of Public Finance and Public Choice 24, no. 1 (April 1, 2006): 41–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/251569206x15665366751238.
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Abstract Current systems of taxation imply that governments have a prior claim on the fruits of a person's labor. Such a notion is fundamentally immoral and can never be just, despite governments’ claims to the contrary. Since most government spending has been shown inefficient, there cannot be any rationalization of taxation on the grounds of raising government revenue at arbitrary levels, either. Any tax policy based on the concept of justice should seek to minimize the tax burden by discontinuing most government activities, reinforcing civil society and the free market economy.
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Kim, Dongkyu, Mi-son Kim, and Cesar Villegas. "Organized Labor Strikes and Social Spending in Latin America: The Synchronizing Effect of Mass Protest." Latin American Politics and Society 62, no. 2 (March 23, 2020): 99–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/lap.2019.62.
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ABSTRACTThe theories and evidence about relationships between democracy and social spending in Latin America are highly contested. A recent study shows that collective protest by organized labor effectively increases social security and welfare spending, whereas mass protest does not have comparable effects on human capital spending in Latin American democracies. This article reexamines the analysis and demonstrates that organized labor alone cannot sway democratic governments. Labor strikes require the synchronizing effect of mass protest to obtain government concessions. Only through concurrent episodes of mass protest can organized labor overcome the numerical disadvantage of pressing democratic government for social welfare spending. In understanding the relationship between labor protests and social welfare spending through the lens of insider-outsider dichotomy, it is critical to consider the synchronizing effect of mass protests. The findings remain robust with alternative measures of democracy and various model specifications.
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Elmelund-Præstekær, Christian, Michael Baggesen Klitgaard, and Gijs Schumacher. "What wins public support? Communicating or obfuscating welfare state retrenchment." European Political Science Review 7, no. 3 (November 24, 2014): 427–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773914000253.
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Conventional wisdom holds that in order to evade electoral punishment governments obfuscate welfare state retrenchment. However, governments do not uniformly lose votes in elections after they cut back on welfare benefits or services. Recent evidence indicates that some of these unpopular reforms are in fact vote-winners for the government. Our study of eight Danish labor marked related reforms uses insights from experimental framing studies to evaluate the impact of welfare state retrenchment on government popularity. We hypothesize that communicating retrenchment is a better strategy than obfuscating retrenchment measures. In addition, we hypothesize that the opposition’s choice between arguing against the retrenchment measure, or staying silent on the issue, affects the government’s popularity. Thus, the study presents a novel theoretical model of the popularity effects of welfare state retrenchment. In order to evaluate our propositions, we move beyond the standard measure in the literature and use monthly opinion polls to reduce the number of other factors that might affect government popularity. We demonstrate that governments can evade popular punishment by communication. They can even gain popularity if the opposition chooses not to attack. On the other hand, government popularity declines if the government obfuscates – and the decline is even larger if the opposition chooses to attack.
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Kuruvilla, Sarosh, and Anil Verma. "International Labor Standards, Soft Regulation, and National Government Roles." Journal of Industrial Relations 48, no. 1 (February 2006): 41–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185606059313.
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In this article, we briefly describe the different approaches to the regulation of international labor standards, and then argue for a new role for national governments based on soft rather than hard regulation approaches. We argue that this new role shows potential for significantly enhancing progress in international labor standards, since it enables governments to articulate a position without having to deal with the enforcement issues that hard regulation mandates. We justify this new role for governments based on the increasing use of soft regulation in the international arena. Of course, this approach is not without its own problems, but given that existing approaches have all provided imperfect solutions to the problem of improving labor standards globally, re-visiting the role of national governments is in our view, highly important.
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Murillo, M. Victoria, and Andrew Schrank. "With a Little Help from my Friends." Comparative Political Studies 38, no. 8 (October 2005): 971–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414004274402.
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Why did Latin American governments adopt potentially costly, union-friendly labor reforms in the cost-sensitive 1980s and 1990s? The authors answer the question by exploring the relationship between trade unions and two of their most important allies: labor-backed parties at home and labor rights activists overseas. While labor-backed parties in Latin America have locked in the support of their core constituencies by adopting relatively union-friendly labor laws in an otherwise uncertain political and economic environment, labor rights activists in the United States have demonstrated their support for their Latin American allies by asking the U.S. government to treat the protection of labor rights as the price of access to the U.S. market. The former trajectory is the norm in traditionally labor-mobilizing polities, where industrialization encouraged the growth of labor-backed parties in the postwar era; the latter is more common in more labor-repressive environments, where vulnerable unions tend to look for allies overseas.
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Payton, Autumn Lockwood, and Byungwon Woo. "Attracting Investment: Governments' Strategic Role in Labor Rights Protection." International Studies Quarterly 58, no. 3 (June 19, 2014): 462–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/isqu.12138.
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FINN, DAN. "Job Guarantees for the Unemployed: Lessons from Australian Welfare Reform." Journal of Social Policy 28, no. 1 (January 1999): 53–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279499005462.
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High levels of long-term unemployment have undermined some of the assumptions of the post-war welfare state. In response most OECD governments are now replacing what have been characterised as passive income support payments with active benefit systems. Many have introduced new time limits to unconditional benefit entitlement in the form of job and training guarantees for those without work. This article describes how the 1993–6 Australian Labor government modernised its commitment to full employment by combining labour market programmes and social security reforms to create a Job Compact for the long-term unemployed. It analyses the achievements of the strategy and what went wrong, and it draws out lessons of relevance to the British Labour government which has committed itself to using job guarantees to build new bridges between welfare and work.
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Junankar, P. N. "Comparing Australian Macroeconomic Management: Labor versus Coalition." Economic and Labour Relations Review 16, no. 1 (July 2005): 43–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/103530460501600104.
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This paper attempts to assess the relative performance of the Australian Labor Party (ALP) and the Coalition governments in their management of the Australian macroeconomy. Given the problem of defining an appropriate counter/actual, we make comparisons using a number of different methods. Firstly we compare the averages of the key macroeconomic variables for the period of each government and then compare changes over the tenure of each government. Secondly, we use the method of ‘difference in differences’; that is, we compare the performance of the Australian economy with the US economy. This allows us to control for any features of the world economy that may be driving all the economies. A crude comparison suggests that the Labor party performed better on inflation and the real rate of interest while the Coalition performed better on growth and unemployment. However, there is no clear cut answer.
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Montinola, Gabriella, Yingyi Qian, and Barry R. Weingast. "Federalism, Chinese Style: The Political Basis for Economic Success in China." World Politics 48, no. 1 (October 1995): 50–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wp.1995.0003.
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China's remarkable economic success rests on a foundation of political reform providing a considerable degree of credible commitment to markets. This reform reflects a special type of institutionalized decentralization that the authors call “federalism, Chinese style.” This form of decentralization has three consequences. First, it fosters competition, not only in product markets, but also among local governments for labor and foreign capital. This competition, in turn, encourages local government experimentation and learning with new forms of enterprises, regulation, and economic relationships. Second, it provides incentives for local governments to promote local economic prosperity. Finally, it provides a significant amount of protection to local governments and their enterprises from political intrusion by the central government.
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Wu, Dandan, and Wei Dong. "Does Local Government’s Competitive Behavior to Attract Foreign Investment Affect Ecological Welfare Performance? Evidence from China." Sustainability 14, no. 19 (October 10, 2022): 12903. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su141912903.
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Ecological welfare performance (EWP) is an essential indicator of sustainable socioeconomic development. In China, the government-led economic development paradigm mandates that the competitive behavior of local governments is a major influencing factor on EWP. This research explores how the government’s competitive behavior to attract foreign investment affects ecological welfare performance. Based on the super-efficiency slacks-based measure (SBM) model to assess the level of EWP in China, this paper utilizes a two-way fixed-effects model to determine the impact of local governments’ foreign investment competition on EWP. The results indicate the following. (1) Although introducing foreign investment may promote regional EWP, local governments’ vicious competition in introducing foreign investment is detrimental to its improvement. (2) The effect of local governments’ foreign investment competition on EWP exhibits various heterogeneous characteristics that depend on the differences in the regional distribution and intensity of competition for fiscal revenue and expenditures. (3) Resource factor mobility has a significant moderating effect on the impact of local governments’ competition for foreign investment on EWP. Capital mobility weakens the inhibitory effect of governments’ competition for foreign investment on the enhancement of EWP, while technological mobility and labor mobility have the opposite moderating effect. These findings may clarify the impact of governments’ competition for foreign investment on EWP and provide policy guidelines and implications for other countries pursuing the expansion of foreign direct investment (FDI).
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Viktor Nyzhnyk and Oleh Rudyk. "CHARACTERISTICS OF BASIC COMPONENTS OF THE SOCIAL AND LABOR RELATIONS REGULATION MECHANISM IN THE UNITED TERRITORIAL COMMUNITIES." International Journal of Innovative Technologies in Economy, no. 1(28) (March 31, 2020): 19–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.31435/rsglobal_ijite/31032020/6960.
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The study is devoted to the substantiation of the basic components of the mechanism of regulation of social and labor relations in the united territorial communities of Ukraine. The article analyzes the research on the role of the state and local governments in regulating and developing social and labor relations at the local level. The leading world concepts in regulating social and labor relations have been characterized. The purpose and role of local self- government bodies in regulating social and labor relations have been defined. The basic scientific approaches to the concept of “community development” have been investigated. Based on the research, the basic components of the mechanisms of regulation of social and labor relations in the united territorial communities have been identified and their characteristics have been given.
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Brigden, Cathy. "Unions and Collective Bargaining in 2008." Journal of Industrial Relations 51, no. 3 (May 20, 2009): 365–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185609104303.
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For Australian unions, 2008 was the first year with a federal labour government in office after more than a decade of conservative government. Attention focused on the promised dismantling of the Work Choices legislation and the introduction of a new legislative framework, although it took until late November for the Fair Work Bill to be introduced into federal parliament. Confronting a disappointing decline in union membership levels, a number of union campaigns focused on recollectivizing workplaces. For other unions, collective bargaining with employers was a frustrating experience, as was the case with Qantas and Telstra. Public sector unions faced lengthy and hard-fought disputes with state labour governments, while an extraordinary dispute over electricity privatization unfolded between unions and the New South Wales Labor government. By the end of the year, the impact of the global financial crisis, and the consequences for jobs was the prevailing concern for many unions.
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Hong-Cheng, Liu. "A study on the performance of labor outsourcing in the public sector." South African Journal of Economic and Management Sciences 16, no. 5 (December 7, 2013): 9–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/sajems.v16i5.666.
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Governments in many countries are gradually adjusting their traditional concepts and committing private businesses to conducting governmental business and services in order to achieve economic and operational goals and to introduce more dynamic technologies from private organisations for better financial flexibility. With a freely competitive mechanism in private markets, the quality and efficiency of public services could be effectively promoted in order to enhance economic benefits. Using data from garbage clean-up outsourcing in various districts under the 2008-2010Environmental Protection Bureau, Kaohsiung City Government, the Data Envelopment Analysis (DEA) and the Malmquist Productivity Analysis were combined to measure the total efficiency (TE), pure technical efficiency (PTE), and scale efficiency (SE) of the garbage clean-up services in 11 districts in Kaohsiung City to provide follow-up information on the garbage clean-up outsourcing initiative of the Environmental Protection Bureau, Kaohsiung City Government. The empirical results for overall efficiency show that optimal total efficiency was reported in the Hsin-hsing District (0.99), optimal pure technical efficiency in the Hsin-hsing District (0.99), and optimal scale efficiency in the San-min District (1.00).
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Sidorov, Maksim Andreevich. "Initiation of implementing innovative digital tools into activities of municipal organizations." Vestnik of Astrakhan State Technical University. Series: Economics 2022, no. 2 (June 30, 2022): 42–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.24143/2073-5537-2022-2-42-50.
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Digital labor tools effectively penetrate into the sphere of public administration, in particular, into the activities of local governments in 2022. There have been found such negative factors as technical and technological contradictions, an increase in the duration of user training, organizational opposition to innovation, which is stipulated by the lack of a single technology for the introduction of innovative digital labor tools adapted to the specifics of municipal organizations. The technology of initiating the innovative digital tools in the activities of local governments is being developed. The initiation process is considered as the first phase of the technological model of using the innovative digital tools in the local governments and is a set of stages that combine activities that precede the material embodiment of an innovative labor tool. The main factors influencing the initiation of an innovative digital tool have been identified; the analysis of processes for structuring the reasons for implementation was carried out; the basic criteria for the effectiveness of the implementation of digital innovative implementation of an innovative digital tool are determined. A complex model of the phase of initiation of the introduction of an innovative digital tool into the activities of a local government has been developed. Within the framework of the developed model, this process is divided into stages: realization of the need for an innovative tool, characterization of the problem, identification of the admissibility of alternatives, determination of the purpose of implementation, determination of implementation criteria. For each stage, the content, universal aspects of the process, characteristic of local governments, are indicated. It is noted that the results of the study can be widely applied in the framework of providing a structural approach for the practical informatization of the activities of local government personnel, as well as for developing the new digital tools.
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Cho, Hyorae. "Civil Society Organizations’ Strategies for Interests Representation and Organizing of Unorganized Workers in Gyeongsangnam-do Province." Korean Association of Regional Sociology 23, no. 2 (August 31, 2022): 83–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.35175/krs.2022.23.2.83.
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This study examines how civil society organizations(CSOs) in Gyeongsangnam-do Province have pursued the strategies for improving labor rights and organizing of unorganized workers, focusing on their relationship with labor unions, central and local governments.
Many civil society organizations(CSOs) in local community have focused on counseling services, research and campaigns for vulnerable workers. Many CSOs working for labor rights in local community have been established after institutionalization of labor union system and IMF economic crisis in the late 1990s.
They have tried to make the best use of ‘political opportunities’ of democratization and expansion of local self-government for solving the difficulties of vulnerable workers in local community. Whereas the CSOs have their roots in the union struggles have focused on expanding working class solidarity in cooperation with labor unions, the CSOs are based on local community have tried to empower and organize vulnerable workers by means of employment services which have been supported by central and local governments.
Organizing of vulnerable workers by CSOs has various forms including a new general union outside the established union system, a workers’ cooperative, a mutual aid organization, and an immigrant workers’ organization. Now, they are faced with some difficulties of reproduction of leadership and financial stability of CSOs. Also, they should keep a balance between members participation and vulnerable worker-centered business in their organizational objectives
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Schofield-Georgeson, Eugene, and Michael Rawling. "Industrial legislation in Australia in 2019." Journal of Industrial Relations 62, no. 3 (April 2, 2020): 425–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185620911682.
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In this 2019 electoral year, a federal Morrison Liberal Government was returned to power with little in the way of an industrial agenda. It failed to implement its key legislation, which mainly included reform to union governance and changes to religious freedom in the workplace. Meanwhile, the state governments, particularly the Victorian Andrews Labor Government, reviewed a swathe of labour law, including wage theft, industrial manslaughter, owner–driver legislation and workers' compensation laws and implemented a host of progressive changes. This year has also seen the continuation of a key policy trend, observable at both state and federal levels of government, towards regulation of aspects of industrial relations by the state that were once exclusively the province of employers and trade unions through a twentieth-century system of conciliation and arbitration.
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Martínez, Samuel. "From Hidden Hand to Heavy Hand: Sugar, the State, and Migrant Labor in Haiti and the Dominican Republic." Latin American Research Review 34, no. 1 (1999): 57–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100024304.
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AbstractFor more than a century, the Dominican sugar industry has hosted seasonal immigrations of neighboring Caribbean islanders as harvest laborers (most recently, Haitians). This migrant labor system is fully comparable to systems of labor control after slavery in other parts of the Caribbean. But the regional historical trend toward more liberal labor relations in commercial agriculture seems largely to have been reversed in the case of Dominican sugar. Between the 1930s and 1960s, the recruitment and employment of harvest labor changed from something resembling free wage labor into a government-managed system of semicoerced exploitation. Processes of state formation in Haiti and the Dominican Republic are crucial in explaining this transformation. Fuller understanding of historical change in the case at hand is afforded by broadening the scope of inquiry beyond the direct confrontation between labor and estate owners and by recognizing that governments and their agents have not always acted in accordance with private agro-industrial interests.
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Fenna, Alan. "Studying Labor Governments in the Australian States: Theory and Method." Australian Journal of Politics & History 66, no. 1 (March 2020): 22–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ajph.12640.
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Pollitt, Michael. "Freeing the slaves from our supply chains." Human Resource Management International Digest 22, no. 7 (October 13, 2014): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/hrmid-10-2014-0131.
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Purpose – This paper aims to ask how much forced labor and trafficking have changed since the abolition of the trans-Atlantic slave trade and whether businesses and governments are taking adequate measures to remove slavery from international supply chains. Design/methodology/approach – It looks at three of the most high-profile slavery cases in the past four years and asks whether modern manifestations of slavery are any different from the traditional forms we associate with the colonial governments of the eighteenth century. It sets out the latest theories behind the unexpected increase in forced labor. It also addresses the scope, successes and shortfalls of three anti-slavery enactments proposed in the past four years, to ask how much is being done to fully update international labor laws and why certain efforts could prove insufficient. Practical implications – It points out that the government of California and the International Labor Organization have successfully implemented rigorous and savvy anti-slavery laws, but the UK has yet to produce a draft Bill that would put British anti-slavery efforts in the appropriate international context. Social implications – It argues that international corporations must acknowledge that many of the countries in which they operate lack the institutional capacity to enforce the rule of law, so the responsibility to uphold modern-day standards often rests with the businesses themselves. Originality/value – It argues that existing international anti-slavery conventions have failed to suppress the slave-trade boom because they do not reflect the shift in economic control from governments to the private sector and its trans-national network of supply chains.
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Haldar, Anasuya, and Narayan Sethi. "THE ECONOMIC EFFECTS OF COVID-19 MITIGATION POLICIES ON UNEMPLOYMENT AND ECONOMIC POLICY UNCERTAINTY." Buletin Ekonomi Moneter dan Perbankan 25 (March 23, 2022): 61–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.21098/bemp.v25i0.1833.
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This paper examines the effects of government COVID-19 mitigation strategies and Economic Policy Uncertainty (EPU) on unemployment-rate over the period November 2019 to April 2021 for the 16 most severely COVID-19 affected countries. Our specific objectives are threefold: first, to examine the dynamic relationship between EPU and unemployment-rate; second, to analyze the extent to which government’s COVID-19 mitigation response affects the unemployment-rate; and third, to examine indirectly the effects of government economic policies on the unemployment-rate through market indicators, such as the business and consumer confidence indices. We find that EPU increases fluctuations in unemployment for the COVID-19 affected countries, while governments’ vaccination drive significantly reduces it. Increases in government stringency aggravate unemployment in the informal sectors and enhances labor inequality.
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Ouyang, Tianhao, and Xiaoyong Lu. "Clustering Analysis of Risk Divergence of China Government’s Debts." Scientific Programming 2021 (August 30, 2021): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2021/7033597.
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It is a difficult time for the world’s economics while the impact of COVID-19 is undergoing. A possible worldwide sovereign debt crisis could emerge, in short term, for supply chains blockage due to its slowing-down in many countries. China, having the second largest economy in the world, is crucial for the stability and sustainability of the economic recovery. China endures a long-term growth since 2000; nevertheless, a large amount of that growth is contributed by the government debt, which was spent on infrastructures. The accumulation of debts is a potential risk to the future growth of China. This research evaluates the central government and local government debts with a series of indicators. The weights of indicators are determined by objective methods of the CRITIC approach. Results confirm that the central government debt of China is on the edge of risk, while the risk of local governments debt is already in a concerning danger. The local government risk is 50% higher than the central government’s risk. Moreover, the K-means clustering algorithm performed on data, collected from various provinces, suggests that the local government debts of China follow a pattern of geographical distribution; that is, the closer to the coast, the lesser the risk, which is in accordance with the pattern of labor flowing. Labors are attracted by job opportunities which lie in the well-developed regions of China. This is confirmed by the crosscheck with the wage growth data. This indicates that the less developed areas of China rely more heavily on debt-investment stimulation that could be of a potential stagnation because the yield of investment follows diminishing marginal returns and the relative lacking labor weakens the potential economic growth.
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DEWI, Emilia Fitriana, Agus MULYA, An CHANDRAWULAN, Yani PUJIWATI, Achmad GHAZALI, and Dany Muhammad Athory RAMDLANY. "The Equal Migrant Labor Distribution through Indonesia Labor Law Policy in ASEAN Economic Community Framework." Journal of Advanced Research in Law and Economics 11, no. 2 (March 31, 2020): 334. http://dx.doi.org/10.14505/jarle.v11.2(48).06.
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The ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) currently requires diverse economic agreements and laws across the region because it moves in a robust multilateral connection based on political, industry, welfares, services, and especially migrant workers. Indonesia, as the largest provider of migrant workers, should have been prepared to deal with the cases of migrant workers. There is a need to build up consensus and appropriate Indonesian labor laws, such as the establishment of multi-partite bodies for purposes of recognition in the ASEAN Economic Community. Thus, this paper attempts to analyze the current existing labor laws in Indonesia. External desk research was employed in this study as the methodology. The results found that the several laws do not meet the needs of the Protection of Indonesian Migrant Workers concerning the Placement and Protection of Indonesian Workers Abroad. There has not yet provided proportional tasks and authority between the Central Government, Regional Governments, and the private sector. The implementation of the Protection of Indonesian Migrant Workers requires strict supervision and law enforcement. The supervision including protection before work, during work, and after work, and law enforcement should accommodate the administrative sanctions and criminal sanctions.
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Paull, John. "Pandemic Elections and the Covid-Safe Effect: Incumbents Re-elected in Six Covid-19 Safe Havens." Journal of Social and Development Sciences 12, no. 1(S) (June 22, 2021): 17–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.22610/jsds.v12i1(s).3159.
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The Antipodes have been amongst the safest places on the planet during the Covid-19 pandemic. The governments of Australia and New Zealand (national, state, and territory governments) have acted promptly, decisively, and cohesively in closing borders, quarantining incoming returnees, instigating rigorous contact tracing and extensive testing, social distancing, hand washing, masks, and occasional lockdowns. Antipodean governments and populations have long experience of awareness and compliance with biosecurity issues. Isolation and distance have long served to keep Australia and New Zealand free of many pests and diseases. Each Antipodean election held during the Covid-19 pandemic has returned the incumbent. During the first 14 months of the pandemic, six out of six incumbent governments facing elections during the Covid pandemic have been returned. Five returned incumbents were center-left while the sixth was center-right. Four of the elections have rewarded the incumbent government with an increased majority, the Northern Territory election returned a reduced majority, and the Tasmanian election returned the status quo with the narrowest of majorities maintained. The New Zealand election returned the Labor government to power in their own right and released them from the coalition. The Western Australian election saw Labor returned with a landslide result with an unprecedented, win of 53 out of 59 seats (90% of seats). The object of the present paper is to report the outcomes of the six antipodean elections conducted during the Covid-19 pandemic (to date) and to reflect on the Covid-safe effect on them if any.
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WIEMERS, ALICE. "‘WHEN THE CHIEF TAKES AN INTEREST’: DEVELOPMENT AND THE REINVENTION OF ‘COMMUNAL’ LABOR IN NORTHERN GHANA, 1935–60." Journal of African History 58, no. 2 (June 7, 2017): 239–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853716000633.
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AbstractAs colonial and nationalist governments pursued small-scale development in mid-century northern Ghana, so-called ‘voluntary’, ‘communal’, or ‘self-help’ labor became a key determinant of funding. District records and oral histories show how colonial officials, chiefs, and party politicians alternately cast unpaid labor as a way to cut costs, a catalyst for new forms of politics, and an expression of local cohesion. This article extends analysis of ‘self-help’ beyond articulations of and debates about national policy, examining daily negotiations over budgeting and building. It follows two chiefs who used their ability to raise labor to navigate a rapidly changing political landscape. The line between coercion and voluntarism was rarely clear, nor were the meanings of labor fixed for administrators, chiefs, or their constituents. These local actors created the circumstances for successive governments to frame unpaid labor as a legitimate demand on rural citizens.
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Clark, Benjamin Y., Nicholas Zingale, Joseph Logan, and Jeffrey Brudney. "A Framework for Using Crowdsourcing in Government." International Journal of Public Administration in the Digital Age 3, no. 4 (October 2016): 57–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijpada.2016100105.
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Crowdsourcing is a concept in which the crowd is used as a source of labor, idea generation, or problem identification. Crowdsourcing originated in the private sector; though with any good private sector practice it is increasingly being utilized in government. This paper provides an overview of the concept of crowdsourcing, gives examples of its use in the private and public sectors, and develops a framework for how governments can begin to strategize and think about crowdsourcing to solve problems when engaging with citizens. The authors' framework is illustrated with a number of cases from current or past uses of crowdsourcing in government. They conclude with important considerations about how governments should strategize their crowdsourcing efforts.
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Huguet, Jerrold W. "The Future of International Migration within Asia." Asian and Pacific Migration Journal 1, no. 2 (June 1992): 250–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/011719689200100204.
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Data on flows from Asia to the Middle East and developing countries as well as on flows within Asia are presented, followed by a discussion of the growing importance of intraregional labor migration. Demographic pressures and widely varying economic growth rates will stimulate this movement and bring greater private and government agency participation. Female and family migration and settlement will be encouraged by geographic and cultural proximity. As intraregional labor migration becomes more institutionalized, governments face major policy challenges for planning, regulating and monitoring overseas employment; for the protection of migrant workers; and for stronger regional cooperation.
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Belevschuk, G. P. "OVERVIEW OF ACTIVITIES OF PRIMORSKY REGIONAL LABOR EXCHANGE FOR 1918." Vestnik Altaiskogo Gosudarstvennogo Pedagogiceskogo Universiteta, no. 49 (December 1, 2021): 79–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.37386/2413-4481-2021-4-79-83.
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The article is devoted to the activities of Primorsky Regional Labor Exchange - an institution responsible for combating unemployment. The history of functioning of Labor Exchange in Primorsky region underwent several stages. The first stage is related to the activities of Provisional Government. The next one is the Soviet period, characterized by organizational work to establish a system of registration of the unemployed and the formation of the stock exchange committee. The third stage was the rule of non-Bolshevik governments, when there was an attempt to conduct statistical records of workers, enterprises and institutions in the region, as well as to find out the norms of remuneration.
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Hollander, Robyn. "‘Every man's right’: Queensland Labor and Home Ownership 1915–1957." Queensland Review 2, no. 2 (September 1995): 56–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s132181660000088x.
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In 1990, the Queensland Government launched its now discredited Home Ownership Made Easy scheme. HOME provided financial assistance to ‘moderate’ income earners by offering fixed interest, low start loans, and was accompanied by HOME Shared and HOME Buy which targeted public housing tenants. While HOME differed from past programs in its detail, it can be seen as the most recent attempt by a State Labor Government to extend owner occupation in Queensland. Between 1915 and 1957, the Queensland Labor Party actively sought to promote home ownership through a range of programs including the Workers' Dwellings and Workers' Homes schemes. These programs were a reflection of a fundamental belief in home ownership as ‘every man's right’ and as an ‘essential’ element of the ‘Australian way of life’. Thus, Queensland Labor displayed none of the ambivalence which characterised Labor Party attitudes to home ownership elsewhere in Australia. Williams contends that the Australian Labor Party was trapped between its commitment to assisting the poor, its reluctance to play the role of landlord, and its support for home ownership. The Queensland Party experienced no such ideological quandary. While other Labor Governments tended to accept an obligation to provide public rental accommodation for those unable to buy homes of their own, Queensland Labor continued to display a distaste for ‘public landlordism’.
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Tao, Jill L. "National-Local Networks and Immigration Governance." Hrvatska i komparativna javna uprava 19, no. 3 (September 27, 2019): 345–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.31297/hkju.19.3.1.
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The ability to regulate the flow of goods, capital and people across borders is one of the defining characteristics of nation-state political power. But there is not always agreement between the central government and local officials as to the desirability of immigration, where local governments may desire greater, or fewer, numbers of immigrants, depending on the local economy and labor needs. In South Korea, a unitary form of government offers an opportunity to examine the policy distance between the national government’s stance on immigration based on the politics of the ruling party, and the attitudes of local officials who work for metropolitan-level governments (those with a population of one million or more). I look at the impact of local economic market needs on local attitudes towards national immigration policy through the lens of intergovernmental relations and Lipsky’s concept of bureaucratic discretion. Comparing two cases drawn from local governments in South Korea with dissimilar economic bases but similar levels of local autonomy, I find that economic needs at the local level are addressed by local approaches to immigration policy. Contrary to expectations, the cases illustrate the relative importance of fiscal autonomy and a new understanding for political autonomy. These cases illustrate the need for caution when applying political and institutional theory within new contexts and offer new variables for future investigations of local autonomy.
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Kim, Kihyung. "A Study on Improvement of Local Labor-Management Conflict Management through Conflict Management System Approach: Focused on Local Association of Labor, Management, Community, and Government." Korea Association of Local Administration 19, no. 1 (April 30, 2022): 131–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.32427/klar.2022.19.1.131.
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This study identified the problems related to conflict management of the local association of labor, management, community and government from the perspective of the conflict management system and suggested improvement measures. The results of the study are as follows. First, in terms of available procedures, there is a local association stipulated in the relevant law as a conflict management procedure or system that can be used by the parties to the current regional labor-management conflict. However, 79 local governments, about 32.5% of the 243 local governments, have not yet established a local association, so there is a problem that the available procedures for conflicting parties in these regions are limited. Therefore, it is suggested that the ordinance to establish a local association in these regions should be first enacted. Second, in terms of motivation, since there is a problem of lack of active will and participation of participants, it was suggested to induce participants to actively participate in the local association to represent their interests. Third, in terms of skills, the problem of skills shortage was discussed focusing on the lack of organizational base of the participants, and the central government support and education and programs for strengthening the skills of the participants were proposed until the participants had some level of competence. Fourth, in terms of resources, the problem of lack of permanent administrative offices and fulltime employees, lack of budget, and lack of information provision were pointed out. And to improve these problems, support and incentives to expand permanent administrative offices and fulltime employees, budget support, and information provision support were proposed.
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Colley, Linda. "Union recognition and union security." Journal of Management History 23, no. 1 (January 9, 2017): 95–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jmh-06-2016-0029.
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Purpose Union membership has declined in many countries reducing union capacity to bargain and contribute to economic equality. This paper aims to explore a more hopeful case in an Australian state, where the dramatic anti-union strategies of conservative governments have been reversed by Labor governments. Design/methodology/approach The research frames union recognition and union security in an international context, highlighting differences between US, Canadian, UK and Australian approaches. The research focuses on the Australian state of Queensland, providing an historical account of changes to union recognition and union preference provisions, drawing on legislation, major public service agreements, newspapers and parliamentary transcripts. Findings Conservative governments in Australia have implemented anti-union strategies, and Labor governments have often failed to restore union-friendly provisions when re-elected. In contrast, the Queensland study demonstrates a substantial restoration of union security provisions when Labor governments are re-elected, rebuilding political capital with unions and potentially supporting union membership. This difference is due to unique political and institutional factors that provide governments with unfettered powers to legislate their industrial relations agenda, whether in support or otherwise of unions, and has led to the more distinctive pendulum swings to the right and left than occurred elsewhere in Australia. Originality/value The research contributes to debates about the factors related to declining union membership and highlights a case where unions have achieved restoration of many provisions that increase their influence and potentially their membership.
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Gauteplass, Asle A., and Arnt O. Hopland. "Using game theory to stimulate provision of local public facilities." Property Management 35, no. 4 (August 21, 2017): 368–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/pm-04-2016-0018.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to study how the central government can use well-known game-theoretical concepts in order to stimulate provision of local public facilities. Design/methodology/approach The authors use the classical adverse selection framework to discuss how the central government can use investment transfers as efficiently as possible to stimulate increased provision of local public facilities. Findings The benefits of local public facilities, such as kindergartens, schools, and primary healthcare institutions are greater than what each local government takes into account. Consequently, the central government, which maximizes social welfare in total, wants more local public facilities than the individual local government find optimal to supply. The central government thus would want to stimulate additional provision of local public facilities using contracts where local governments receive a transfer as compensation for increasing their supply. Since local governments differ regarding their efficiency in supplying facilities, the required amount of facilities and the corresponding transfer size should be allowed to vary across local governments. Originality/value Almost all countries are organized with multiple tiers of government, and local governments are important providers of many important welfare services. After labor, facilities are probably the second most important input in production of local public services. This paper offers insights into how the central government can efficiently stimulate the production of local public facilities.
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van Waijenburg, Marlous. "Financing the African Colonial State: The Revenue Imperative and Forced Labor." Journal of Economic History 78, no. 1 (March 2018): 40–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050718000049.
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Although recent studies on African colonial tax systems have deepened our understanding of early fiscal capacity building efforts in the region, they have largely ignored the contributions from a widely used butinvisiblesource of state revenue: that of labor contributions. Exploiting data oncorvéesystems in French Africa, this is the first article to make these in-kind taxes “visible” by estimating a lower bound of how much they augmented governments' revenue base. Revealing that labor taxes constituted in most places the largest component of early colonial budgets, I argue that studies on historical taxation need to make a greater effort to integrate this significant source of government revenue into their analysis.