To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Labor governments.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Labor governments'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 dissertations / theses for your research on the topic 'Labor governments.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse dissertations / theses on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Johnson, Carol. "Social harmony and Australian labor : the ideology of the Curtin, Chifley and Whitlam Labor governments /." Title page, contents and abstract only, 1986. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phj659.pdf.
Full text
2
Barry, Sean. "Hard Labor: The Political Economy of Economics Policy Reform in Australia." Thesis, Griffith University, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/378091.
Full textAbstract:
In the closing decades of the twentieth century, a growing consensus emerged about the tailored economic principles that might promote economic growth. There has been less understanding, however, and no consensus, about the political processes conducive to achieving successful economic reform. The obstacles on the path to successful reform are numerous. Consequently, factors conducive to policy success are vital for understanding the process, and enhancing social learning for policy actors.
This dissertation compares instances of economic reform by federal Labor governments in Australia since 1972, to determine factors that contributed to the success or failure of those reforms. To do so, it uses, and assesses the robustness of a multi-hypothesis framework. The research situates itself within a political economy theoretical framework. This framework recognises the inseparability and interdependence of political and economic factors.
The study draws on economic data and political evidence to examine the actions, circumstances and background of governments and leaders in the relevant periods, using a comparative historical approach and a framework derived from the political economy of reform theory. It utilises a framework encompassing a number of hypotheses about reform, condensed into five ‘clusters’ of: economic conditions, political conditions, role of ideas, economic team, and reform program. This framework is a modified version of one developed by John Williamson and Stephan Haggard in The Political Economy of Policy Reform. This study applies the framework for analysis qualitatively to the three representative case studies of economic reforms.
The first case study examines the 25 per cent across-the-board tariff cut by the Whitlam Government in 1973. Australia had lived behind a ‘tariff wall’ for most of the century, and this reform sought to promote efficiency and innovation by encouraging competition, as well as reducing consumer prices. The second case study explores the Hawke government’s float of the Australian dollar in December 1983. Australia’s approach to its fixed exchange rate had undergone various modifications over the years, but none had allowed the economic flexibility necessary for a country with such a high rate of resource and primary industry exports. The last case analyses the minority Gillard government’s decision to implement the Clean Energy Future Package. It was a significant economic and environmental policy initiative encompassing multiple purposes, including reducing greenhouse gas emissions, decreasing reliance on fossil fuels, and promoting new industries.
The research challenges presumptions that economic reform is driven solely or primarily by ‘economic imperatives’ (such as economic crisis), at least in the Australian context. It finds the landscape of the political economy of policy reform is far more complex. Instead, the political conditions, role of ideas and economic team all influenced the subject reforms to varying degrees. All governments used favourable aspects of the political conditions to pursue reform, exploiting opportunities in their political honeymoons, building social consensus ex post to enhance durability and visionary leadership to support change along the path to reform. These aspects were notable in the earlier two reforms, but largely absent in the third case study and this contributed to the failure of that policy program. All three reforms reflected evolving ideas about the policy prescriptions necessary in the circumstances. The Hawke government’s float of the dollar was a paradigm shift as defined by Peter Hall, which assisted with the durability of the change. The Gillard government’s reform was technically a paradigm shift, but lacked the durability necessary to be a true shift. The governments introduced the reforms during windows of policy opportunity and the most successful program (Hawke) held valence (emotional appeal) within the community, the Gillard reform lacked that support and Whitlam’s valence weakened as economic conditions turned against the government. Of vital importance in all reforms was the role of the economic team. Coherent economic teams supported the executive and the governments, and that assisted the development and introduction of the reforms, and improved the prospects their durability.
It is not possible to unequivocally isolate factors sufficient or necessary for reform to take place in all circumstances. As scholars have recognised, however, there is still considerable value in identifying and exploring a range of contributing factors, even if not all are decisive. This research provides new insights into the political conditions that have been conducive for the pursuit of successful economic reform in Australian conditions. It also demonstrates that the use of a conceptual framework encompassing multiple reform hypotheses provides a richer, more nuanced understanding of reform decisions. This is a viable and useful approach for research in this area of interest, particularly when comparing multiple cases.Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
School of Govt & Int Relations
Griffith Business School
Full Text
3
Fleming, Jenny, and n/a. "New Governments in Queensland: Industrial Relations, 1957-1961, 1989-1990." Griffith University. School of Humanities, 1998. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20051109.142157.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis sets out to examine the capacity of new governments to influence partisan-based policy and legislation. It examines two newly elected Queensland governments - the Nicklin Country-Liberal government in 1957- 1961 and the Goss Labor government in 1989- 1990 and analyses the introduction by those governments of major industrial relations legislative reform. The Nicklin Coalition government was elected to the Queensland parliament in 1957 after the collapse of the Gair Labor government. The Coalition was committed to extensive industrial relations legislative reform but had not prepared for, or anticipated the constitutional, administrative and legal problems associated with such reform. Nor had it taken into account the concessions that would need to be made to the state's trade unions in order to effect its reforms. Consequently it was not until 1961 that it found the time was propitious for the introduction of its major legislative reforms and the restructuring of the state's principal industrial relations legislation. By contrast, in 1989 the Goss government elected as a consequence of the National Party's collapse in the face of the Fitzgerald Inquiry of 1987 had prepared itself for government. As a result it was able to take advantage of its newly elected status and the existence of the Hanger Report (1988) to introduce its legislative intentions quickly, in such a way that it did not alienate the business community. Preparation and circumstances therefore allowed Labor to repeal earlier legislation supported by business and introduce its own changes with little or no opposition. The thesis concludes that their political and economic inheritance and the existing policy environment will in varying degrees limit new governments. But their ability to introduce partisan-based legislative change quickly is also determined by the degree of preparation for the process of government, undertaken prior to their election. This thesis demonstrates that new governments can make a difference and effect changes to the industrial relations environment. However if this potential is to be realised and new governments are to take advantage of their newly elected status it will require a significant degree of administrative preparation or a considerable period of acclimatisation to the rigours of office.
4
Fleming, Jenny. "New Governments in Queensland: Industrial Relations, 1957-1961, 1989-1990." Thesis, Griffith University, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/365316.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis sets out to examine the capacity of new governments to influence partisan-based policy and legislation. It examines two newly elected Queensland governments - the Nicklin Country-Liberal government in 1957- 1961 and the Goss Labor government in 1989- 1990 and analyses the introduction by those governments of major industrial relations legislative reform. The Nicklin Coalition government was elected to the Queensland parliament in 1957 after the collapse of the Gair Labor government. The Coalition was committed to extensive industrial relations legislative reform but had not prepared for, or anticipated the constitutional, administrative and legal problems associated with such reform. Nor had it taken into account the concessions that would need to be made to the state's trade unions in order to effect its reforms. Consequently it was not until 1961 that it found the time was propitious for the introduction of its major legislative reforms and the restructuring of the state's principal industrial relations legislation. By contrast, in 1989 the Goss government elected as a consequence of the National Party's collapse in the face of the Fitzgerald Inquiry of 1987 had prepared itself for government. As a result it was able to take advantage of its newly elected status and the existence of the Hanger Report (1988) to introduce its legislative intentions quickly, in such a way that it did not alienate the business community. Preparation and circumstances therefore allowed Labor to repeal earlier legislation supported by business and introduce its own changes with little or no opposition. The thesis concludes that their political and economic inheritance and the existing policy environment will in varying degrees limit new governments. But their ability to introduce partisan-based legislative change quickly is also determined by the degree of preparation for the process of government, undertaken prior to their election. This thesis demonstrates that new governments can make a difference and effect changes to the industrial relations environment. However if this potential is to be realised and new governments are to take advantage of their newly elected status it will require a significant degree of administrative preparation or a considerable period of acclimatisation to the rigours of office.Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
School of Humanities
Arts, Education and Law
Full Text
5
Hoyle, Maxwell Bruce, and mikewood@deakin edu au. "Australia and East Timor: elitism, pragmatism and the national interest." Deakin University, 2000. http://tux.lib.deakin.edu.au./adt-VDU/public/adt-VDU20050915.110809.
Full textAbstract:
For over two decades the issue of East Timor's right to self-determination has been a prickly issue in Australian foreign policy. The invasion by Indonesian forces in 1975 was expected, as Australian policy-makers had been well informed of the events leading up to the punitive action being taken. Indeed, prior discussions involving the future of the territory were held between the Australian Prime Minister and the Indonesian President in 1974. In response to the events unfolding in the territory the Australian Labor Government at the time was presented with two policy options for dealing with the issue. The Department of Defence recommended the recognition of an independent East Timor; whereas the Department of Foreign Affairs proposed that Australia disengage itself as far as possible from the issue. The decision had ramifications for future policy considerations especially with changes in government. With the Department of Foreign Affairs option being the prevailing policy what were the essential ingredients that give explanation for the government's choice?
It is important to note the existence of the continuity and cyclical nature of attitudes by Labor governments toward Indonesia before and after the invasion. To do so requires an analysis of the influence Doc Evatt had in shaping any possible Labor tradition in foreign policy articulation. The support given by Evatt for the decolonisation of the Netherlands East Indies (Indonesia) gave rise to the development of a special relationship-so defined. Evidence of the effect Evatt had on future Labor governments may be found in the opinions of Gough Whitlam. In 1975 when he was Prime Minister, Whitlam felt the East Timor issue was merely the finalisation of Indonesia's decolonisation honouring Evatt's long held anti-colonialist tradition existing in the Australian Labor Party. The early predisposition toward Indonesia's cohesiveness surfaced again in the Hawke and Keating Labor governments of later years. It did not vary a great deal with changes in government
The on-going commitment to preserving and strengthening the bilateral relationship meant Indonesia's territorial integrity became the focus of the Australian political elites regional foreign policy determinations. The actions taken by policy-makers served to promote the desire for a stable region ahead of independence claims of the East Timorese. From a realist perspective, the security dilemma for Australian policy-makers was how to best promote regional order and stability in the South East Asian region. The desire for regional cohesiveness and stability continues to drive Australian political elites to promote policies that gives a priority to the territorial integrity of regional states. Indonesia, in spite of its diversity, was only ever thought of as a cohesive unitary state and changes to its construct have rarely been countenanced. Australia's political elite justifications for this stance vacillate between strategic and economic considerations, ideological (anti-colonialism) to one of being a pragmatic response to international politics.
The political elite argues the projection of power into the region is in Australias national interest. The policies from one government to the next necessarily see the national interest as being an apparent fixed feature of foreign policy. The persistent fear of invasion from the north traditionally motivated Australia's political elite to adopt a strategic realist policy that sought to shore up the stability, strength and unity of Indonesia. The national interest was deemed to be at risk if support for East Timorese independence was given. The national interest though can involve more than just the security issue, and the political elite when dealing with East Timor assumed that they were acting in the common good. Questions that need to be addressed include determining what is the national interest in this context? What is the effect of a government invoking the national interest in debates over issues in foreign policy? And, who should participate in the debate? In an effort to answer these questions an analysis of how the ex-foreign affairs mandarin Richard Woolcott defines the national interest becomes crucial.
Clearly, conflict in East Timor did have implications for the national interest. The invasion of East Timor by Indonesia had the potential to damage the relationship, but equally communist successes in 1975 in Indo-China raised Australia's regional security concerns. During the Cold War, the linking of communism to nationalism was driving the decision-making processes of the Australian policy-makers striving to come to grips with the strategic realities of a changing region. Because of this, did the constraints of world politics dominated by Cold War realities combined with domestic political disruption have anything to do with Australia's response?
Certainly, Australia itself was experiencing a constitutional crisis in late 1975. The Senate had blocked supply and the Labor Government did not have the funds to govern. The Governor-General by dismissing the Labor Government finally resolved the impasse. What were the reactions of the two men charged with the responsibility of forming the caretaker government toward Indonesia's military action? And, could the crisis have prevented the Australian government from making a different response to the invasion?
Importantly, and in terms of economic security, did the knowledge of oil and gas deposits thought to exist in the Timor Sea influence Australia's foreign policy? The search for oil and gas requires a stable political environment in which to operate. Therefore for exploration to continue in the Timor Sea Australia must have had a preferred political option and thoughts of with whom they preferred to negotiate. What was the extent of each government's cooperation and intervention in the oil and gas industry and could any involvement have influenced the Australian political elites attitude toward the prospect of an independent East Timor? Australia's subsequent de jure recognition that East Timor was part of Indonesia paved the way for the Timor Gap (Zone of Cooperation) Treaty signing in 1989. The signing underpinned Australia's acceptance of Indonesian sovereignty over East Timor.
The outcome of the analysis of the issues that shaped Australia's foreign policy toward East Timor showed that the political elite became locked into an integration model, which was defended by successive governments. Moreover, they formed an almost reflexive defence of Indonesia both at the domestic and international level.
6
Liby, Alonso Swen. "Political learning and economic policymaking : governments of the left and of traditional labor-based parties during Latin America's golden decade (2003-2013)." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/118221.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis: Ph. D., Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Political Science, 2018.Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (pages 226-249).
This dissertation seeks to explain variation in macroeconomic management among Latin American governments of the left and of traditional labor-based parties during the commodity boom that lasted from 2003 to 2013. In particular, it aims to explain why a set of governments during this period of loosened external constraints - in a break with the past, some of their peers, and theoretical expectations - exercised consistent macroeconomic restraint. The dissertation argues that political learning on the basis of inflationary crises in the 1970s and 1980s constitutes an important factor for explaining discipline during the commodity boom. Lessons from such crises instilled a respect for - what during the commodity boom were largely latent - economic constraints. Leaders of left and of traditional labor-based parties who embraced the lessons such processes had yielded therefore opted for disciplined fiscal and monetary policies. The dissertation argues further that political learning was the most likely to take place and be lasting when past crises had occurred in the context of resurgent left or labor-based parties and where individuals with direct experience of past crises had been incorporated into contemporary governments. Empirically the dissertation focuses on the governments of Evo Morales in Bolivia and Alan Garcia and Ollanta Humala in Peru, which pursued disciplined macroeconomic policies, and the government of Néstor and Cristina Kirchner in Argentina, which relinquished restraint. It is based on 104 elite interviews - including with several Ministers of Finances and close advisors of the relevant presidents - carried out over the course of nearly 8 months of fieldwork in 2015 and 2016 as well as a review of newspaper reporting and a variety of government and party documents. The dissertation also provides a toolkit for studying the effect of political learning by elites on outcomes. This set of tools centers on three criteria for systematically assessing the descriptive accuracy, relevance as a proximate cause, and independence of political learning. These criteria provide the basis for a transparent and structured empirical strategy for studying political learning and facilitate cross-case comparisons.
by Swen Martin Manuel Liby Troein.
Ph. D.
7
McSwiney, John 1967. "A platform worth fighting for : a study of federal Labor governments and their success in pursuing and implementing the federal platform from 1901-1949." Monash University, Dept. of Politics, 2004. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/5173.
Full text
8
Sasuga, Katsuhiro. "The dynamics of cross-border micro-regionalisation among Guangdong, Taiwan and Japan : sub-national governments, multinational corporations and the emergence of multi-level governance." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2002. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/106456/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis applies an international political economy perspective to explore the main factors and processes involved in the development of micro-regionalisation among the Guangdong province of China, Taiwan and Japan with specific reference to the electronics industry. The emphasis is on the inter-related dynamics of multi-level governance (involving in particular the increasingly important role of Chinese sub-national governments and their network relations with multinational corporations) and the spread of cross-border production networks and international commodity chains. This is the first study to integrate an analysis of economic and political-governmental factors in the development of this particular case of micro-regionalisation. The analysis focuses on three related research questions: (1) How should we define and characterise the key components of micro-regionalisation among Guangdong, Taiwan and Japan? (2) What kinds of policy environment and what actors in the host and home countries are needed to support cross-border economic relations? (3) How do networks of multi-level governance (MLG) operate to facilitate micro-regionalisation? First, the phenomenon of micro-regionalisation among Guangdong, Taiwan and Japan is analysed in terms of three major components: the opening up of new political and economic spaces in Guangdong as a result of China’s domestic reform movement and the emergence of a fluid and flexible system of multi-level governance; the strategic decisions by Japanese firms, especially in electronics, to invest in southern China; and the expansion of cross-strait production networks between southern China and Taiwan. Secondly, the development of cross-border relations is examined from the viewpoint of the inter-relationships between key strategic actors (the state, sub-national governments and multinational firms) and the impact of a number of organisational variables, including commodity chains, network linkages, production networks, guanxi networks and organisational learning and conventional social factors). The analysis highlights the impact on firms’ behaviour of both the home and host governance contexts. Thirdly, the analysis shows that, with the dispersion of authoritative decision making in China, the multiple levels of local (sub-national) government have assumed more responsibility in responding directly to foreign investors. The case study of Dongguan and the electronics industry reveals the important roles of the provincial, city and sub-municipal governments in developing cross-border micro-regional network relations with multinational firms. It also highlights some of the major problems arising from an emergent, unplanned system of multi-level governance that lacks overall control and co-ordination.
9
Cerbulis, Erik C. "Job attitudes of 911 professionals: a case study of turnover intentions and concerns among local governments throughout Central Florida." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2001. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/215.
Full textAbstract:
This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf.edu/Systems/DigitalInitiatives/DigitalCollections/InternetDistributionConsentAgreementForm.pdf You may also contact the project coordinator, Kerri Bottorff, at kerri.bottorff@ucf.edu for more information.Bachelors
Health and Public Affairs
Public Administration
10
Yang, Xuehui. "Labor NGOs : labor movement agencies in China." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2016. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/600.
Full textAbstract:
Prevailing literature on Chinese labor non-governmental organizations (NGOs), which focuses largely on their relations with the authoritarian state and strategies for survival, mainly views that these labor groups, in order to survive, tend to confine their work to social service provisions and legal consultations that are permitted, or, at least, not prohibited, by the state. Hence, they hardly become the agencies of social change to build a labor movement in China. However, based my observations between 2013-2015 in the Guangdong Province, I argue that a small group of labor NGOs have stepped beyond their supposed roles and become labor movement agencies in China; they actively assist and organize striking workers to negotiate with employers, and have hatched several informal labor groups in industrial zones. To explain this new development of labor NGOs in China, first, I argue that the state exerts its control on labor NGOs through a differentiated process, which creates a certain space for movement-oriented labor NGOs to survive. On the one hand, the state's need for NGOs in relieving its social welfare obligations gives them a chance to "disguise" as an ostensible social service provider by employing strategies. One the other hand, the different functions, power bases and vested interests of labor NGO-related state organstrade unions, public and national security agencies, and civil affairs bureaususually lead to less coordinated efforts in containing these groups. Second, the movement-oriented labor NGOs are able to develop strong ties to workers and facilitate labor organizing. During workers' collective struggles, they organize training to enhance workers' right consciousness and transmit the idea of collective bargaining to them; they also help elect and train worker representatives, offer tactics to them, and are even present on bargaining tables on workers' behalf. By hatching informal labor groups, these labor groups network and educate workers in communities to build solidarity, and encourage them to run group activities and learn self-organization skills. Particularly, worker-turned NGO activists, who previously experienced labor disputes and with leadership skills, notably facilitate these activities due to their deep understanding of workers' circumstance and demands, and profound knowledge of their language and labor dispute settlement. This research demonstrates that, although movement-oriented labor NGOs are probably transitional forms in China and not able to replace genuine trade unions, they have taken up some roles that trade unions were supposed to play, significantly contributing to improving the organizational capacity of Chinese workers.
11
Yang, Xuehui. "Labor NGOs: labor movment agencies in China." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2016. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/338.
Full textAbstract:
Prevailing literature on Chinese labor non-governmental organizations (NGOs), which focuses largely on their relations with the authoritarian state and strategies for survival, mainly views that these labor groups, in order to survive, tend to confine their work to social service provisions and legal consultations that are permitted, or, at least, not prohibited, by the state. Hence, they hardly become the agencies of social change to build a labor movement in China. However, based my observations between 2013-2015 in the Guangdong Province, I argue that a small group of labor NGOs have stepped beyond their supposed roles and become labor movement agencies in China; they actively assist and organize striking workers to negotiate with employers, and have hatched several informal labor groups in industrial zones. To explain this new development of labor NGOs in China, first, I argue that the state exerts its control on labor NGOs through a differentiated process, which creates a certain space for movement-oriented labor NGOs to survive. On the one hand, the state's need for NGOs in relieving its social welfare obligations gives them a chance to "disguise" as an ostensible social service provider by employing strategies. One the other hand, the different functions, power bases and vested interests of labor NGO-related state organstrade unions, public and national security agencies, and civil affairs bureaususually lead to less coordinated efforts in containing these groups. Second, the movement-oriented labor NGOs are able to develop strong ties to workers and facilitate labor organizing. During workers' collective struggles, they organize training to enhance workers' right consciousness and transmit the idea of collective bargaining to them; they also help elect and train worker representatives, offer tactics to them, and are even present on bargaining tables on workers' behalf. By hatching informal labor groups, these labor groups network and educate workers in communities to build solidarity, and encourage them to run group activities and learn self-organization skills. Particularly, worker-turned NGO activists, who previously experienced labor disputes and with leadership skills, notably facilitate these activities due to their deep understanding of workers' circumstance and demands, and profound knowledge of their language and labor dispute settlement. This research demonstrates that, although movement-oriented labor NGOs are probably transitional forms in China and not able to replace genuine trade unions, they have taken up some roles that trade unions were supposed to play, significantly contributing to improving the organizational capacity of Chinese workers.
12
Cox, Naomi. "Corporatist tendencies and the Hawke Labor Government /." Title page, table of contents and synopsis only, 1993. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arc8772.pdf.
Full text
13
Voight, Lisa Marie. "Transforming government| An exploration of labor management partnership in the government sector." Thesis, Pepperdine University, 2016. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10139068.
Full textAbstract:
This case study explored the use of Labor Management Partnerships in the government sector through the Partnership to Achieve Comprehensive Equity (PACE), a partnership between Metro, a division of King County government and Amalgamated Transit Union, Local 587 (ATU). The study examined the partnership’s influence on organizational outcomes and the manner in which the partnership functioned and sustained itself, as well as the challenges and obstacles that threatened both the partnership and outcomes. Two key findings emerged from this study. First, partnerships are supported by flexible structures and practices that foster relationship-building through dialogue and co-learning. Second, partnerships must confront contextual challenges, such as changes in leadership and organizational resistance that threaten their viability. As this case study illustrates, it is the community’s ability to establish strong and dynamic relationships that ensures members are respected, empowered, and engaged in the partnership’s outcomes.
14
Рудика, М. В. "Покращення системи мотивації персоналу органів місцевого самоврядування (на прикладі Управління з питань праці Сумської міської ради)." Master's thesis, Сумський державний університет, 2021. https://essuir.sumdu.edu.ua/handle/123456789/87028.
Full textAbstract:
У роботі досліджено теоретичні засади мотивації працівників в органах місцевого самоуправління.
У роботі проведено аналіз Управління з питань праці Сумської міської ради та надана детальна характеристика мотиваційних потреб працівників даного Управління. Проаналізовано використовуваний інструментарій мотивації співробітників Управління з питань праці Сумської міської ради, виявлені проблеми мотивації та обґрунтована необхідність їх вирішення.
Виявлена можливість удосконалення існуючої системи мотивації співробітників Управління з питань праці Сумської міської ради та запропоновано комплекс заходів з формування більш ефективної системи мотивації в досліджуваному відділі.
15
Ip, Yee-cheung. "An analysis of government policy on importation of labour." [Hong Kong] : University of Hong Kong, 1992. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B1323643X.
Full text
16
Filho, SÃrgio Mendes de Oliveira. "Impacts of government income transfers in Brazilian labor market." Universidade Federal do CearÃ, 2010. http://www.teses.ufc.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=5309.
Full textAbstract:
FundaÃÃo de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado do CearÃIn view of the empirical studies shortage in literature involving a possible reduction of labor as adverse incentive for the government income transference, this thesis intends to analyze in a detailed way the impact of transferences over the formal and informal labor supply from the family heads such as every individuals older than 10 years old. For the analyze of the effects in scope of the entrance decisions in job market it was estimated a multinomial logit model, while in the scope of the working time it was used a variation of the method of Durbin and McFadden (1984) for selection bias correction based on the multinomial logit, contained in Bourguignon et al. (2004). It has verified that transferences have positive effect over the probabilities that the individual doesnât work and does informally work. However, this last one seems to be related to a substitution effect, once it has been observed a parallel negative effect over the probability to work on the formal sector. It has been obtained yet that the benefits negatively impacts on the offered hours by the family heads wether in the formal or non formal sector, effect that has happened to be verified on the hours offering in formal sector of all individuals. In the other hand, as we consider the hours of working of those who are engaged in informal sector, it has obtained that income transferences perform not as a discourage issue but as a magnifier factor of worked hours.
Tendo em vista a escassez de estudos empÃricos na literatura envolvendo uma possÃvel reduÃÃo do trabalho como incentivo adverso dos programas de transferÃncias de renda governamentais, esta dissertaÃÃo se propÃe a analisar de forma detalhada o impacto das transferÃncias sobre a oferta de trabalho formal e informal dos chefes de famÃlia e de todos os indivÃduos maiores de 10 anos. Para anÃlise dos efeitos no Ãmbito das decisÃes de entrada no mercado de trabalho foi estimado um modelo logit multinomial, enquanto no Ãmbito das jornadas de trabalho utilizou-se uma variaÃÃo do mÃtodo de Durbin e Mc Fadden (1984) para correÃÃo de viÃs de seleÃÃo baseado em modelos logit multinomiais, contida em Bourguignon et al. (2004). Verificou-se que as transferÃncias tÃm efeito positivo sobre as probabilidades do indivÃduo nÃo trabalhar e de trabalhar informalmente, porÃm, este Ãltimo parece estar mais relacionado a um efeito substituiÃÃo, pois se observou paralelamente um efeito negativo sobre a probabilidade de trabalhar no setor formal. Obteve-se ainda os benefÃcios impactam negativamente nas horas ofertadas pelos chefes de famÃlia tanto no setor formal quanto no informal, efeito esse que tambÃm foi verificado na oferta de horas no setor formal de todos os indivÃduos. Contudo, ao consideramos a jornada de trabalho de todos aqueles engajados no setor informal, obteve-se que as transferÃncias de renda atuam nÃo como um desestÃmulo e sim como um fator ampliador das horas trabalhadas.
17
Gamarra, Vílchez Leopoldo. "Balance of the Labor Policy of the Current Government." Derecho & Sociedad, 2017. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/118483.
Full textAbstract:
This paper analyzes the employment policy of the current Peruvian government. We begin with some considerations on the economic and social context of the period 2011-2015 and specifically on the concept of precariousness in employment. Then we analyze the most important changes in labor and social security matters; finally, we will discuss some proposals for concrete measures regarding the search for solution of the problems addressed.El presente trabajo se propone analizar la política laboral del actual Gobierno peruano. Empezaremos con algunas consideraciones sobre el contexto económico y social del período 2011-2015 y específicamente sobre el concepto de la precariedad en el empleo. Luego, analizaremos los cambios más importantes en materia laboral y previsional; finalmente, expondremos algunas propuestas como medidas concretas respecto a la búsqueda de solución de los problemas tratados.
18
Riddell, Neil Bruce. "The second Labour Government 1929-1931 and the wider Labour movement." Thesis, University of Exeter, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.260687.
Full text
19
Walker, Matthew Edward. "New Labour, new regionalism : the Labour Government's agenda for the English region." Thesis, Brunel University, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.436486.
Full text
20
Macintyre, Terence Arthur. "Anglo-German relations during the Labour governments 1964-70." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.407848.
Full text
21
Cooper, Matthew. "The Labour Governments 1964-1970 and the other equalities." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2013. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/8384.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis explores the idea that an equality state has evolved in Britain since the 1960s. The policies and institutions that make up the equality state are those that seek to ensure some forms of equality between its citizens. Its latest development has been through the 2010 Equality Act that promotes equality in relation to nine protected characteristics, but just two of these are considered here, race and sex. The study will investigate the origins of the equality state under the 1964-1970 Labour governments through the formulation of policies that explicitly or implicitly promoted sex and racial equality. The main areas examined in relation to racial equality are the anti-discrimination provisions of the 1965 and 1968 Race Relations Acts; measures to promote the integration of immigrants, particularly in employment, education, housing and policing; the institutions which aided integration particularly the National Committee for Commonwealth Immigrants and Community Relations Commission; and the Urban Programme and other measures taken in response to Enoch Powell's 1968 'Rivers of Blood' speech. With sex equality the areas considered are the 1970 Equal Pay Act; the development of policy to promote equal opportunity in employment; and the reform of law relating to abortion, divorce and the availability of contraceptive services through state agencies. iv The primary focus of the thesis is on the policy making process and the research is based on government papers in The National Archives. Other influences on these policy areas have been researched through primary sources, particularly policies' origins in the Labour Party, the influence of the trade union movement, campaigning groups and, in the case of sex equality, the remaining first wave feminist organisations. Through this the thesis develops an understanding of the nature and limitations of the equality that the equality state promotes.
22
Vaughan, Jake. "The first Labour Government and the Civil Service." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2007. https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/the-first-labour-government-and-the-civil-service(b8b3a81e-37bf-4365-bf1d-11f508234bc7).html.
Full text
23
Alburaas, Theyab. "British Labour Government Policy in Iraq, 1945-1950." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2012. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc271770/.
Full textAbstract:
Britain during the Labour government's administration took a major step toward developing Iraq primarily due to the decision of Ernest Bevin, the Foreign Minister, to start a new British policy toward the Iraqi regimes that would increase the British influence in the area. This led to Bevin's strategy of depending on guiding the Iraqi regime to make economic and political reforms that would lead to social justice.
24
Hogenkamp, Albert Peter. "The British documentary movement and the 1945-51 Labour governments." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.280557.
Full text
25
Friedberg, Leora. "The effect of government programs on the labor supply of the elderly." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/10831.
Full text
26
Lai, Yiu-man, and 黎耀民. "An analysis of labour, capital and government with reference to the labour importation policy." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1993. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31964527.
Full text
27
Rose, Peter. "The Labour government's Northern Ireland policy 1964 - August 1969." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.264207.
Full text
28
Ip, Yee-cheung, and 葉以暢. "An analysis of government policy on importation of labour." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1992. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31964059.
Full text
29
McCaig, Colin. "Preparing for Government : education policymaking in the Labour Party." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2000. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/5657/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis sets out to examine changes to the policymaking structure and practice of the Labour Party during the 1994-1997 period, and to link these changes to the adoption of new policies. The leadership of new Labour has used its enhanced autonomy to move closer to the Conservative Party on a number of key education and training policies. The thesis uses manifesto and documentary analysis to illustrate policy movement, and interview evidence with policy actors past and present to trace the changing relationship between the party and the policy community. The thesis concludes that new Labour can best be understood as a synthesis of three elements; changing policymaking practices since the 1980s; the intellectual acceptance of globalisation, flexibility and market forces, which can be dated from the 1987-1989 policy review; and moral authoritarianism, introduced since the accession of Tony Blair to the leadership and the appointment of David Blunkett as shadow education spokesperson in 1994. The thesis identifies two main currents of thought within the Left‟s educational discourse, egalitarianism and meritocracy, and concludes that new Labour has succeeded in presenting its new policies within the boundaries set by such a broad ideology. In educational terms, the new Labour Government has continued the centralisation of power within the Department for Education and Employment. Other key themes for new Labour include an enthusiasm for employer imperatives in education, institutional diversity in state education and centrally determined pedagogy. In post-compulsory and higher education, the costs and benefits will henceforth be the responsibility of the individual, not the state or employers. The thesis suggests that new Labour is characterised by cultural change rather than structural reform, because its adoption of Conservative positions in education and training has limited the opportunities for radicalism.
30
Goodwin, Mark. "Education governance, politics and policy under New Labour." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2011. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/1771/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis investigates the political management of state schooling under New Labour from 1997-2010. The thesis considers and rejects two mainstream approaches to the analysis of New Labour‟s education strategy which characterise the New Labour education project as either a process of marketisation or as a symptom of a shift to a new governance through networks of diffused power. Instead, the thesis argues that the best general characterisation of New Labour‟s education strategy is as a centralising project which has increased the power and discretion of the core of the core executive over the education sector at the expense of alternative centres of power. The thesis proposes that the trajectory of education policy under New Labour is congruent with a broader strategy for the modification of the British state which sought to enhance administrative efficiency and governing competence. Changes to education strategies can then be explained as the result of changing social and economic contexts filtered through the governing projects of strategic political actors. The thesis argues that New Labour‟s education strategy was largely successful in terms of securing governing competence and altering power relations and behaviour in the sector despite continuing controversy over the programmatic and political performance of its education policies.
31
Rittau, Yasmin. "Regional Labour Councils and Local Government Employment Generation: The South Coast Labour Council 1981-1996." University of Sydney. Business, Discipline of Work and Organisational Studies, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/574.
Full textAbstract:
The thesis examines the role of regional labour councils in local employment generation. It specifically analyses the case of an Australian regional labour council, the South Coast Labour Council (SCLC), between 1981 and 1996. The Illawarra region was the centre of SCLC activity. It was an industrialised region that experienced high levels of unemployment in the period. These were greater than the State and national averages, which reflected a geographical concentration of unemployment in certain regions in Australia. The SCLC attempted to address this issue, as it was part of the union structure that was specifically focused on the regional level and on regional concerns. The study argues that the SCLC developed a local employment generation strategy and it examines how and why this was adopted and pursued. It finds that the SCLC was well placed at the regional level and was well resourced with a capacity to influence the external environment through its utilisation of both political and industrial methods in a period of agreeable internal relations. The research identifies the development of its local employment generation strategy. Sometimes the SCLC pursued its strategy in a manner of ad hoc decision-making and muddling through, while at other times it involved characteristic and distinctive regular patterns. The thesis concludes by evaluating the SCLC�s strategy of local employment generation and by exploring the applicability of the general trade union literature on methods and strategy to regional labour councils.
32
Limardi, Michela <1981>. "Trade policy, government and non-State regulation of international labor and environmental standards." Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2011. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/4205/.
Full text
33
Wang, Wai-han Maria. "A study of government policy on work arrangements during typhoons and rainstorms." Click to view the E-thesis via HKUTO, 2003. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B31967371.
Full text
34
Lavelle, Ashley, and n/a. "In the Wilderness: Federal Labor in Opposition." Griffith University. School of Politics and Public Policy, 2004. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20040226.151930.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis is a study of the federal Australian Labor Party (ALP) in Opposition. It seeks to identify the various factors that shape the political direction of the party when it is out of office by examining three important periods of Labor Opposition. It is argued in the first period (1967-72) that the main factor in the partys move to the left was the radicalisation that occurred in Australian (and global) politics. Labor in Opposition is potentially more subject to influence by extra-parliamentary forces such as trade unions and social movements. This was true for this period in the case of the reinvigorated trade union movement and the Anti-Vietnam War Movement, whose policy impacts on the ALP under Gough Whitlam are examined in detail. While every one of the party's policies cannot be attributed to the tumult of the period, it is argued that Labor's Program embodied the mood for social change. The second period (1975-83) records a much different experience. After Labor's Dismissal from office in November 1975, the enduring conclusion drawn by the party was that it had failed in government as economic managers, and that in future it would need to embrace responsible economic management and to jettison programmatic-style reform. This conclusion was accepted and argued by both federal leaders during this time, Gough Whitlam (1975-77) and Bill Hayden (1977-83). The thesis argues that the key reason for Labor's abandonment of reformist politics was the dramatic shift in the economic context wrought by the collapse of the post-war boom in 1974, which undermined the economic basis of the Program. The degree to which 'economic responsibility' governed Labor's approach to policy-making is highlighted through case studies of uranium mining and the Prices-Incomes Accord. The final period of Opposition (1996-2001) commences with the partys landslide defeat at the 1996 Federal Election. Under the leadership of Kim Beazley, the party continued in the pro-free market policy tradition of Labor Prime Ministers Bob Hawke and Paul Keating. In conjunction with this, it employed a 'small-target' strategy that pitched its electoral success on community anger towards the government, rather than any alternative policies of the Opposition. The free-market policy continuity is set in the context of the ideological effects of the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and the collapse of the Soviet Bloc, in the aftermath of which all political players accepted that there was no real alternative to the market. Furthermore, the overall state of the Australian and world economies was not conducive to a return to 'tax and spend' policies. The partys bipartisanship on globalisation and economic rationalism effectively robbed it of an alternative political approach to that of the Coalition. Thus, in a sense it was hemmed into the 'small-target' strategy. The thesis concludes by comparing and contrasting the three periods, and assigning weight to the various factors that shape Labor in Opposition.
35
Lavelle, Ashley. "In the Wilderness: Federal Labor in Opposition." Thesis, Griffith University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/366181.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis is a study of the federal Australian Labor Party (ALP) in Opposition. It seeks to identify the various factors that shape the political direction of the party when it is out of office by examining three important periods of Labor Opposition. It is argued in the first period (1967-72) that the main factor in the party’s move to the left was the radicalisation that occurred in Australian (and global) politics. Labor in Opposition is potentially more subject to influence by extra-parliamentary forces such as trade unions and social movements. This was true for this period in the case of the reinvigorated trade union movement and the Anti-Vietnam War Movement, whose policy impacts on the ALP under Gough Whitlam are examined in detail. While every one of the party's policies cannot be attributed to the tumult of the period, it is argued that Labor's Program embodied the mood for social change. The second period (1975-83) records a much different experience. After Labor's Dismissal from office in November 1975, the enduring conclusion drawn by the party was that it had failed in government as economic managers, and that in future it would need to embrace responsible economic management and to jettison programmatic-style reform. This conclusion was accepted and argued by both federal leaders during this time, Gough Whitlam (1975-77) and Bill Hayden (1977-83). The thesis argues that the key reason for Labor's abandonment of reformist politics was the dramatic shift in the economic context wrought by the collapse of the post-war boom in 1974, which undermined the economic basis of the Program. The degree to which 'economic responsibility' governed Labor's approach to policy-making is highlighted through case studies of uranium mining and the Prices-Incomes Accord. The final period of Opposition (1996-2001) commences with the party’s landslide defeat at the 1996 Federal Election. Under the leadership of Kim Beazley, the party continued in the pro-free market policy tradition of Labor Prime Ministers Bob Hawke and Paul Keating. In conjunction with this, it employed a 'small-target' strategy that pitched its electoral success on community anger towards the government, rather than any alternative policies of the Opposition. The free-market policy continuity is set in the context of the ideological effects of the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and the collapse of the Soviet Bloc, in the aftermath of which all political players accepted that there was no real alternative to the market. Furthermore, the overall state of the Australian and world economies was not conducive to a return to 'tax and spend' policies. The party’s bipartisanship on globalisation and economic rationalism effectively robbed it of an alternative political approach to that of the Coalition. Thus, in a sense it was hemmed into the 'small-target' strategy. The thesis concludes by comparing and contrasting the three periods, and assigning weight to the various factors that shape Labor in Opposition.Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
School of Politics and Public Policy
Full Text
36
Paul, Thierry. "Three essays on inter-sectoral labour migration and government policy." Thesis, University of Southampton, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.240905.
Full text
37
Hild, Matthew George. "Greenbackers, Knights of Labor, and Populists : farmer-labor insurgency in the late-nineteenth-century South." Diss., Georgia Institute of Technology, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1853/25691.
Full text
38
Oet, Pui-kuen. "A study of the five-day week policy of the HKSAR Government." Click to view the E-thesis via HKUTO, 2007. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B38645981.
Full text
39
Phillips, James K. "The Labour Governments and the docks, 1945-51 : international and industrial tension." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/26851.
Full textAbstract:
This account of the 1945-51 Governments emphasises the extent to which its two principle tasks-economic recovery and the containment of communism - coloured its approach to events in the docks. I argue in the first chapter that the Government enjoyed immensely significant support from the TUC in marshalling working class support for the economic recovery and anti-communism. The ensuing chapters look at how the relationship between the Government and the Unions was affected by developments in the docks, an area of vital economic importance given the export-driven strategy for recovery. In the second chapter I examine the long history of the docks, and point out that the Government's tasks were complicated by the long-term failure of its closest ally from 1945, the Transport and General Workers' Union, to organise its docks membership thoroughly. In the enclosed world of the docks, the workforce traditionally adhered to a system of local and sectional loyalties, rather than the national and industrial loyalities demanded by the TGWU. The implications of this tradition, as they were felt in the 1945-1951 period, I examine in three chapters on separate unofficial dock strikes. These all resulted from industrial disputes, yet Government and Trade Union leaders were anxious to portray them as resulting from political subversion. In Chapter Six I argue that this false characterisation was designed to deflect attention from the Union's difficulties in the docks, and also from a number of problems arising from the introduction of the 1947 Dock Labour Scheme. As both of these institutions, the Union and the Scheme, were regarded as essential to economic recovery, the Government was anxious to protect them from public scrutiny.
40
Walstam, Fredrik. "ORGANIZED LABOR AND THE AP-FUNDS : How the Swedish government AP-Funds challenge financialization." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Institutionen för ekonomisk historia och internationella relationer, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-193927.
Full text
41
Aportela, Fernando (Aportela Rodríguez) 1971. "Micro-econometric studies of how government programs affect labor supply and saving in Mexico." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/9514.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (Ph.D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Economics, c1999.Includes bibliographical references.
This thesis analyzes the micro-economic effects of different government programs on the savings and labor supply behavior of Mexican households and individuals. The first two chapters deal with household saving behavior and government intervention. Chapter 1 assesses the impact of increasing financial access on low-income people saving rates and on different informal savings instruments. It considers an exogenous expansion of a Mexican savings institute that targets low-income people and uses the 1992 and 1994 National Surveys of Income and Expenditures. Results show that the expansion increased the average saving rate of affected households by more than 3 to almost 5 percentage points of income. Evidence of crowding out of informal savings instruments caused by the expansion is limited. Chapter 2 investigates the effects of the country's financial reform in the early 1990's on households' saving rates. It uses the 1989 and 1992 Mexican National Surveys of Income and Expenditures. Households had different degrees of exposure to the financial reform depending on their income level and location. Results indicate that households located in cities, which are more likely to have financial intermediaries, reduced their saving rate significantly after the financial reform. The effects were significantly stronger among richer households. Findings are consistent with the hypothesis that the financial reform reduced borrowing constraints among younger households. Finally, chapter 3 evaluates the effects of a Mexican training program of the unemployment spells of trainees. This program consists of training courses on several types of activities. Non-parametric estimations and different hazard rate models are estimated. To tackle selection biases, a propensity score procedure was calculated. Parametric results for the complete database show that training increaser. the hazard rate of leaving unemployment by 20 percent to 60 percent, depending on the type of training. Average effects hide substantial variation among men and women. The training effect is in general non-significant for men, while it is highly significant for women.
by Fernando Aportela.
Ph.D.
42
Sensenbrenner, Julia Smith. "Rust in the iron rice bowl labor reforms in Shanghai's state enterprises, 1992-1993 /." access full-text, 1996. http://libweb.cityu.edu.hk/cgi-bin/ezdb/umi-r.pl?9719025.pdf.
Full text
43
Economou, Nicholas. "Greening the Commonwealth : the Australian Labor Party government's management of national environmental politics, 1983-1996 /." Connect to thesis, 1998. http://eprints.unimelb.edu.au/archive/00000333.
Full text
44
Choudhary, Vikas. "Crafts producers and intermediation by government, NGOs and private businesses in rural Rajasthan, India." Related electronic resource:, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1342728731&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=3739&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
Full text
45
Young, Ross. "The Labour Party and the Labour Left : party transformation and the decline of factionalism 1979-97." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2001. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:6e09469d-854f-420c-8167-c755b1b919f1.
Full textAbstract:
This Thesis examines the relationship between the organisational and ideological transformation of the Labour Party, and the decline of intra-party factionalism by the groups of the Labour Left during the period from 1979 to 1997. Two central questions are considered. First, whether the fragmentation and decline of the Left during this period can best be understood by examining the interplay between organisational and ideological factors at both the party and individual group levels. Second, whether 'New Labour' continues to exhibit some of the key traits of attitudinal dissent among its grassroots membership, despite the lack of an organisational apparatus within which sub-groups of activists could challenge the centralising tendencies of party leaders and influence the direction of party policy. Labour's ideological and organisational transformation had a number of important consequences for the prevalence of intra-party factionalism. The organisational reforms meant that Labour ceased to represent Duverger's 'branch-mass' type of party. Furthermore, party leaders regained centralised control over members and activists through the resurgence of Michels' 'iron law of oligarchy'. The depth of Labour's ideological transformation also reinforced the narrowing of the ideological gap between (radical) grassroots members and ordinary (moderate) voters, such that May's 'law of curvilinear disparity' appeared extinct inside Blair's New Labour. Labour's transformation had a remarkably fragmenting effect at the group-level. The Labour Left was a collection of various groupings, each of which displayed different structural properties and ideological characteristics. There was no single organisational form of Labour Left factionalism, nor was their any common sense of ideological purpose. The processes of party transformation would act only to further the Left's fragmentation and cement its decline. However, it would be premature to talk of New Labour as a party free from dissent. Despite the dissolution of the Labour Left, New Labour's grassroots membership has retained some of the principal features of factionalism. Using data from original survey research among party members, it is suggested that New Labour has encouraged new types of 'objective' and 'subjective' factionalism. The kind of factionalism typified by the Labour Left of the 1970s and 1980s may have disappeared, but we should not preclude the growth of new dimensions of conflict between party leaders and grassroots members.
46
Adams, Romeo. "Work motivation amongst employees in a government department in the provincial government Western Cape." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2007. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_9004_1220340062.
Full textAbstract:
The South African social, political and economic landscape has been characterized by profound changes during the past several years. Many organizations and their management are faced with inter alia, downsizing decisions, affirmative action policies to be implemented and a overabundance of other factors which could sway motivation and morale, attitudes and views of employees. The general research aim was to measure work motivation amongst employees in a government department in the Provincial Government Western Cape. Research has shown that motivated and satisfied employees are more productive and there is an improvement in service delivery.
47
Phipps, Mike. "Relations between government and trades unions in Nicaragua, 1979-86." Thesis, University of Essex, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.328373.
Full text
48
Kappo-Abidemi, Christiana Omolayo. "South African and Nigerian workers' perceptions of their trade union federations : a comparative analysis of the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) and the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC)." Thesis, Cape Peninsula University of Technology, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11838/2085.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (MTech (Human Resource Management))--Cape Peninsula University of Technology, 2012.South Africa and Nigeria are both African countries, while the former is located in the southern region of the continent, the latter can be found in the western region. The Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) is the largest trade union federation in South Africa with twenty-nine affiliate unions. The trade union federation entered into an alliance with the ruling African National Congress (ANC) government owing to their long-standing involvement in the struggle for freedom during the Apartheid era in South Africa. Conversely, the Nigeria labour Congress (NLC) is the only trade union federation in Nigeria with forty-two affiliates. Their political alliance is with the have the Labour Party. The study examines and compares the two trade union federations' administrative and leadership styles. Also, economic, political and social involvements of the unions are examined and members' perceptions with regards to these two union federations promote the interest of their members are compared. Quantitatively designed close-ended questionnaires were distributed to members of (COSATU) and NLC affiliates. The members were drawn from South Africa Municipality Workers Union (SAMWU), South Africa Democratic Teachers Union (SADTU), Nigeria Union of local Government Employees (NULGE) and Nigeria Union of Teachers (NUT). Various questions were asked about the trade unions federation's performances regarding some union-specific areas. Participants were required to grade the unions' performance based on their opinions with regard to assessment of their functions. This study also, discusses the unions' performances in the past, and relates it with their present activities, as well as areas, which union members hope to improve. Results from the questionnaire were coded, cleaned and cross-tabulated by using SPSS. A chi-square test of association was used to determine significant levels of association. Levels of significant differences were determined at p≥ 0.05. The overall result shows that workers still believe in trade unions activities and representation.
49
Mackinnon, Moira. "A tale of two Parliaments representativeness, effectiveness and industrial citizenship in Argentina and Chile, 1900-1930 /." Diss., [La Jolla] : University of California, San Diego, 2009. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3386748.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2009.Title from first page of PDF file (viewed Jan. 19, 2010). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 320-329).
50
Mak, Mei-kuen Rebecca. "A comparative study of the organization and functions of public sector unions." [Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong], 1992. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B13236337.
Full text