Log in

Relevant bibliographies by topics / Labor governments

Contents

Journal articles
Dissertations / Theses
Books
Book chapters
Conference papers
Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Labor governments'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 20 February 2023

Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles

Select a source type:

Consult the lists of relevant articles, books, theses, conference reports, and other scholarly sources on the topic 'Labor governments.'

Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.

You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.

Journal articles on the topic "Labor governments"

1

Yang, Gangqiang, Hong Chen, and Xia Meng. "Regional Competition, Labor Force Mobility, and the Fiscal Behaviour of Local Governments in China." Sustainability 11, no. 6 (March 24, 2019): 1776. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su11061776.

Full text

Abstract:

At present, China is in a critical period of transition from labor-intensive industries to capital- and technology-intensive industries. Accordingly, the increasing labor force mobility among Chinese cities has promoted competition over production factors among regions, having a significant impact on local governments’ fiscal expenditure structure. A theoretical analysis shows that the competition of livelihood public good expenditures is playing an increasingly important role in the factor flow competition. Different labor forces’ demand for different public goods and local governments’ demand for different labor forces affect the structural preference of local government fiscal expenditures. Based on panel data on Chinese prefecture-level cities in 2010–2016, this paper empirically tests the impact of different labor mobilities on the structure of local government fiscal expenditures, finding that current decision making on labor mobility is increasingly sensitive to the supply of livelihood public goods, and strengthening labor mobility has reversed the expenditure bias historically caused by the government’s simple capital competition. After dividing the mobile labor force based on whether the labor is settled in the current year, the two labor force types’ demand for different livelihood public goods was found to be different. To attract different labor inflows, local governments should promote an increase in relevant livelihood public good expenditures, showing a strategic fiscal expenditure structural bias. Specifically, with increasing new added general labor mobility, local goverments will increase the proportion of fiscal expenditures on education and medical care, combined with the increase of newly added registered labor mobility, which will correspondingly increase the proportion of environmental protection expenditures.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

2

Manwaring, Rob, and Geoffrey Robinson. "What Is “Labor” About Labor State Governments In Australia?" Australian Journal of Politics & History 66, no. 1 (March 2020): 3–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ajph.12643.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

3

Colombi, Ana Paula Fregnani, and José Dari Krein. "Labor Market and Labor Relations under the PT Governments." Latin American Perspectives 47, no. 2 (September 6, 2019): 47–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x19875713.

Full text

Abstract:

In its 12 years in government, Brazil’s Partido dos Trabalhadores (Workers’ Party—PT) promoted inclusion through the labor market and through consumption with an increase in labor flexibility. Despite an increase in employment and incomes, the increase in the heterogeneity of the labor market and in flexibilization has resulted in a deepening of the insecurity and vulnerability of workers in line with the new trends that contemporary capitalism imposes on labor. These trends are being deepened in the postimpeachment situation. Em 12 anos de governo o PT promoveu um importante movimento de inclusão pelo mercado de trabalho e pelo consumo com avanço da flexibilidade laboral. Apesar do crescimento do emprego e da renda, o alargamento da heterogeneidade do mercado de trabalho e o avanço da flexibilização resultaram no aprofundamento da condição de insegurança e vulnerabilidade dos trabalhadores em linha com as novas tendências que o capitalismo contemporâneo impõe ao trabalho. Essas tendências estão sendo aprofundadas no cenário pós-impeachment.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

4

i Amat, Valeri Sorolla. "Prices, Employment and Pro-Labor Governments." Scandinavian Journal of Economics 97, no. 2 (June 1995): 261. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3440528.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

5

Johnson, Carol. "Negotiating the Politics of Inclusion: Women and Australian Labor Governments 1983 to 1995." Feminist Review 52, no. 1 (March 1996): 102–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/fr.1996.10.

Full text

Abstract:

The Hawke and Keating Labor governments have tended to practise a politics of inclusion in which women, along with other social groups, are seen to have an important part to play in building the new, internationally competitive Australian economy of the twenty-first century, Australian politics have therefore had a very different nature from that of the more exclusionary politics practised by British Conservative governments. While the politics of inclusion have given feminists room for manoeuvre, and facilitated some positive developments in areas such as affirmative action and childcare policies, feminists have had little success in challenging the overall direction of the governments’ right-wing economic policies. Furthermore, the ‘economic’ has functioned as a meta-category which dissolves difference and conflict. The Australian experience therefore has both practical and theoretical implications for British feminists who may be experiencing a Labour government themselves before too long.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

6

Galvão, Andréia. "The Brazilian Labor Movement under PT Governments." Latin American Perspectives 41, no. 5 (August 18, 2014): 184–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x14545972.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

7

Shackleton, J. R. "Britain’s Labor Market Under the Blair Governments." Journal of Labor Research 28, no. 3 (June 28, 2007): 454–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12122-007-9000-7.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

8

Craig, Lyn, Killian Mullan, and Megan Blaxland. "Parenthood, policy and work-family time in Australia 1992—2006." Work, Employment and Society 24, no. 1 (March 2010): 27–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0950017009353778.

Full text

Abstract:

This article explores how having children impacted upon (a) paid work, domestic work and childcare (total workload) and (b) the gender division of labour in Australia over a 15-year period during which government changed from the progressive Labor Party to the socially conservative National/Liberal Party Coalition. It describes changes and continuity in government policies and rhetoric about work, family and gender issues and trends in workforce participation. Data from three successive nationally representative Time Use Surveys (1992, 1997 and 2006), N=3846, are analysed. The difference between parents’ and non-parents’ total workload grew substantially under both governments, especially for women. In households with children there was a nascent trend to gender convergence in paid and unpaid work under Labor, which reversed under the Coalition.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

9

Garrett, Geoffrey, and Peter Lange. "Performance in a Hostile World: Economic Growth in Capitalist Democracies, 1974–1982." World Politics 38, no. 4 (July 1986): 517–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010165.

Full text

Abstract:

Many recent studies argue that labor organization and government partisanship were important determinants of the economic performance of the advanced industrial democracies during stagflation. They do not, however, take into account the potential impact on performance of position in the international economy; the relationships reported may therefore be largely spurious. Even when the strong effects of international position, most notably the extent of dependence on imported sources of oil, were controlled for, domestic political structures remained powerful determinants of economic performance during stagflation. “Corporatist” political economies dominated by leftist governments in which labor movements were densely and centrally organized, and “market” political economies in which labor was much weaker and rightist governments were predominant, performed significantly better than the less coherent cases in which the power of labor was distributed asymmetrically between politics and the market.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

10

Alvarez, R. Michael, Geoffrey Garrett, and Peter Lange. "Government Partisanship, Labor Organization, and Macroeconomic Performance." American Political Science Review 85, no. 2 (June 1991): 539–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1963174.

Full text

Abstract:

Governments of the Left and Right have distinct partisan economic policies and objectives that they would prefer to pursue. Their propensity to do so, however, is constrained by their desire for reelection. We argue that the ability of governments to further their partisan interests and preside over reelectable macroeconomic outcomes simultaneously is dependent on the organization of the domestic economy, particularly the labor movement. We hypothesize that there are two different paths to desirable macroeconomic performance. In countries with densely and centrally organized labor movements, leftist governments can promote economic growth and reduce inflation and unemployment. Conversely, in countries with weak labor movements, rightist governments can pursue their partisan-preferred macroeconomic strategies and achieve similarly beneficial macroeconomic outcomes. Performance will be poorer in other cases. These hypotheses are supported by analysis of pooled annual time series data for 16 advanced industrial democracies between 1967 and 1984.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

More sources

Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Labor governments"

1

Johnson, Carol. "Social harmony and Australian labor : the ideology of the Curtin, Chifley and Whitlam Labor governments /." Title page, contents and abstract only, 1986. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phj659.pdf.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

2

Barry, Sean. "Hard Labor: The Political Economy of Economics Policy Reform in Australia." Thesis, Griffith University, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/378091.

Full text

Abstract:

In the closing decades of the twentieth century, a growing consensus emerged about the tailored economic principles that might promote economic growth. There has been less understanding, however, and no consensus, about the political processes conducive to achieving successful economic reform. The obstacles on the path to successful reform are numerous. Consequently, factors conducive to policy success are vital for understanding the process, and enhancing social learning for policy actors. This dissertation compares instances of economic reform by federal Labor governments in Australia since 1972, to determine factors that contributed to the success or failure of those reforms. To do so, it uses, and assesses the robustness of a multi-hypothesis framework. The research situates itself within a political economy theoretical framework. This framework recognises the inseparability and interdependence of political and economic factors. The study draws on economic data and political evidence to examine the actions, circumstances and background of governments and leaders in the relevant periods, using a comparative historical approach and a framework derived from the political economy of reform theory. It utilises a framework encompassing a number of hypotheses about reform, condensed into five ‘clusters’ of: economic conditions, political conditions, role of ideas, economic team, and reform program. This framework is a modified version of one developed by John Williamson and Stephan Haggard in The Political Economy of Policy Reform. This study applies the framework for analysis qualitatively to the three representative case studies of economic reforms. The first case study examines the 25 per cent across-the-board tariff cut by the Whitlam Government in 1973. Australia had lived behind a ‘tariff wall’ for most of the century, and this reform sought to promote efficiency and innovation by encouraging competition, as well as reducing consumer prices. The second case study explores the Hawke government’s float of the Australian dollar in December 1983. Australia’s approach to its fixed exchange rate had undergone various modifications over the years, but none had allowed the economic flexibility necessary for a country with such a high rate of resource and primary industry exports. The last case analyses the minority Gillard government’s decision to implement the Clean Energy Future Package. It was a significant economic and environmental policy initiative encompassing multiple purposes, including reducing greenhouse gas emissions, decreasing reliance on fossil fuels, and promoting new industries. The research challenges presumptions that economic reform is driven solely or primarily by ‘economic imperatives’ (such as economic crisis), at least in the Australian context. It finds the landscape of the political economy of policy reform is far more complex. Instead, the political conditions, role of ideas and economic team all influenced the subject reforms to varying degrees. All governments used favourable aspects of the political conditions to pursue reform, exploiting opportunities in their political honeymoons, building social consensus ex post to enhance durability and visionary leadership to support change along the path to reform. These aspects were notable in the earlier two reforms, but largely absent in the third case study and this contributed to the failure of that policy program. All three reforms reflected evolving ideas about the policy prescriptions necessary in the circumstances. The Hawke government’s float of the dollar was a paradigm shift as defined by Peter Hall, which assisted with the durability of the change. The Gillard government’s reform was technically a paradigm shift, but lacked the durability necessary to be a true shift. The governments introduced the reforms during windows of policy opportunity and the most successful program (Hawke) held valence (emotional appeal) within the community, the Gillard reform lacked that support and Whitlam’s valence weakened as economic conditions turned against the government. Of vital importance in all reforms was the role of the economic team. Coherent economic teams supported the executive and the governments, and that assisted the development and introduction of the reforms, and improved the prospects their durability. It is not possible to unequivocally isolate factors sufficient or necessary for reform to take place in all circumstances. As scholars have recognised, however, there is still considerable value in identifying and exploring a range of contributing factors, even if not all are decisive. This research provides new insights into the political conditions that have been conducive for the pursuit of successful economic reform in Australian conditions. It also demonstrates that the use of a conceptual framework encompassing multiple reform hypotheses provides a richer, more nuanced understanding of reform decisions. This is a viable and useful approach for research in this area of interest, particularly when comparing multiple cases.
Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
School of Govt & Int Relations
Griffith Business School
Full Text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

3

Fleming, Jenny, and n/a. "New Governments in Queensland: Industrial Relations, 1957-1961, 1989-1990." Griffith University. School of Humanities, 1998. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20051109.142157.

Full text

Abstract:

This thesis sets out to examine the capacity of new governments to influence partisan-based policy and legislation. It examines two newly elected Queensland governments - the Nicklin Country-Liberal government in 1957- 1961 and the Goss Labor government in 1989- 1990 and analyses the introduction by those governments of major industrial relations legislative reform. The Nicklin Coalition government was elected to the Queensland parliament in 1957 after the collapse of the Gair Labor government. The Coalition was committed to extensive industrial relations legislative reform but had not prepared for, or anticipated the constitutional, administrative and legal problems associated with such reform. Nor had it taken into account the concessions that would need to be made to the state's trade unions in order to effect its reforms. Consequently it was not until 1961 that it found the time was propitious for the introduction of its major legislative reforms and the restructuring of the state's principal industrial relations legislation. By contrast, in 1989 the Goss government elected as a consequence of the National Party's collapse in the face of the Fitzgerald Inquiry of 1987 had prepared itself for government. As a result it was able to take advantage of its newly elected status and the existence of the Hanger Report (1988) to introduce its legislative intentions quickly, in such a way that it did not alienate the business community. Preparation and circumstances therefore allowed Labor to repeal earlier legislation supported by business and introduce its own changes with little or no opposition. The thesis concludes that their political and economic inheritance and the existing policy environment will in varying degrees limit new governments. But their ability to introduce partisan-based legislative change quickly is also determined by the degree of preparation for the process of government, undertaken prior to their election. This thesis demonstrates that new governments can make a difference and effect changes to the industrial relations environment. However if this potential is to be realised and new governments are to take advantage of their newly elected status it will require a significant degree of administrative preparation or a considerable period of acclimatisation to the rigours of office.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

4

Fleming, Jenny. "New Governments in Queensland: Industrial Relations, 1957-1961, 1989-1990." Thesis, Griffith University, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/365316.

Full text

Abstract:

This thesis sets out to examine the capacity of new governments to influence partisan-based policy and legislation. It examines two newly elected Queensland governments - the Nicklin Country-Liberal government in 1957- 1961 and the Goss Labor government in 1989- 1990 and analyses the introduction by those governments of major industrial relations legislative reform. The Nicklin Coalition government was elected to the Queensland parliament in 1957 after the collapse of the Gair Labor government. The Coalition was committed to extensive industrial relations legislative reform but had not prepared for, or anticipated the constitutional, administrative and legal problems associated with such reform. Nor had it taken into account the concessions that would need to be made to the state's trade unions in order to effect its reforms. Consequently it was not until 1961 that it found the time was propitious for the introduction of its major legislative reforms and the restructuring of the state's principal industrial relations legislation. By contrast, in 1989 the Goss government elected as a consequence of the National Party's collapse in the face of the Fitzgerald Inquiry of 1987 had prepared itself for government. As a result it was able to take advantage of its newly elected status and the existence of the Hanger Report (1988) to introduce its legislative intentions quickly, in such a way that it did not alienate the business community. Preparation and circumstances therefore allowed Labor to repeal earlier legislation supported by business and introduce its own changes with little or no opposition. The thesis concludes that their political and economic inheritance and the existing policy environment will in varying degrees limit new governments. But their ability to introduce partisan-based legislative change quickly is also determined by the degree of preparation for the process of government, undertaken prior to their election. This thesis demonstrates that new governments can make a difference and effect changes to the industrial relations environment. However if this potential is to be realised and new governments are to take advantage of their newly elected status it will require a significant degree of administrative preparation or a considerable period of acclimatisation to the rigours of office.
Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
School of Humanities
Arts, Education and Law
Full Text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

5

Hoyle, Maxwell Bruce, and mikewood@deakin edu au. "Australia and East Timor: elitism, pragmatism and the national interest." Deakin University, 2000. http://tux.lib.deakin.edu.au./adt-VDU/public/adt-VDU20050915.110809.

Full text

Abstract:

For over two decades the issue of East Timor's right to self-determination has been a prickly issue in Australian foreign policy. The invasion by Indonesian forces in 1975 was expected, as Australian policy-makers had been well informed of the events leading up to the punitive action being taken. Indeed, prior discussions involving the future of the territory were held between the Australian Prime Minister and the Indonesian President in 1974. In response to the events unfolding in the territory the Australian Labor Government at the time was presented with two policy options for dealing with the issue. The Department of Defence recommended the recognition of an independent East Timor; whereas the Department of Foreign Affairs proposed that Australia disengage itself as far as possible from the issue. The decision had ramifications for future policy considerations especially with changes in government. With the Department of Foreign Affairs option being the prevailing policy what were the essential ingredients that give explanation for the government's choice? It is important to note the existence of the continuity and cyclical nature of attitudes by Labor governments toward Indonesia before and after the invasion. To do so requires an analysis of the influence Doc Evatt had in shaping any possible Labor tradition in foreign policy articulation. The support given by Evatt for the decolonisation of the Netherlands East Indies (Indonesia) gave rise to the development of a special relationship-so defined. Evidence of the effect Evatt had on future Labor governments may be found in the opinions of Gough Whitlam. In 1975 when he was Prime Minister, Whitlam felt the East Timor issue was merely the finalisation of Indonesia's decolonisation honouring Evatt's long held anti-colonialist tradition existing in the Australian Labor Party. The early predisposition toward Indonesia's cohesiveness surfaced again in the Hawke and Keating Labor governments of later years. It did not vary a great deal with changes in government The on-going commitment to preserving and strengthening the bilateral relationship meant Indonesia's territorial integrity became the focus of the Australian political elites regional foreign policy determinations. The actions taken by policy-makers served to promote the desire for a stable region ahead of independence claims of the East Timorese. From a realist perspective, the security dilemma for Australian policy-makers was how to best promote regional order and stability in the South East Asian region. The desire for regional cohesiveness and stability continues to drive Australian political elites to promote policies that gives a priority to the territorial integrity of regional states. Indonesia, in spite of its diversity, was only ever thought of as a cohesive unitary state and changes to its construct have rarely been countenanced. Australia's political elite justifications for this stance vacillate between strategic and economic considerations, ideological (anti-colonialism) to one of being a pragmatic response to international politics. The political elite argues the projection of power into the region is in Australias national interest. The policies from one government to the next necessarily see the national interest as being an apparent fixed feature of foreign policy. The persistent fear of invasion from the north traditionally motivated Australia's political elite to adopt a strategic realist policy that sought to shore up the stability, strength and unity of Indonesia. The national interest was deemed to be at risk if support for East Timorese independence was given. The national interest though can involve more than just the security issue, and the political elite when dealing with East Timor assumed that they were acting in the common good. Questions that need to be addressed include determining what is the national interest in this context? What is the effect of a government invoking the national interest in debates over issues in foreign policy? And, who should participate in the debate? In an effort to answer these questions an analysis of how the ex-foreign affairs mandarin Richard Woolcott defines the national interest becomes crucial. Clearly, conflict in East Timor did have implications for the national interest. The invasion of East Timor by Indonesia had the potential to damage the relationship, but equally communist successes in 1975 in Indo-China raised Australia's regional security concerns. During the Cold War, the linking of communism to nationalism was driving the decision-making processes of the Australian policy-makers striving to come to grips with the strategic realities of a changing region. Because of this, did the constraints of world politics dominated by Cold War realities combined with domestic political disruption have anything to do with Australia's response? Certainly, Australia itself was experiencing a constitutional crisis in late 1975. The Senate had blocked supply and the Labor Government did not have the funds to govern. The Governor-General by dismissing the Labor Government finally resolved the impasse. What were the reactions of the two men charged with the responsibility of forming the caretaker government toward Indonesia's military action? And, could the crisis have prevented the Australian government from making a different response to the invasion? Importantly, and in terms of economic security, did the knowledge of oil and gas deposits thought to exist in the Timor Sea influence Australia's foreign policy? The search for oil and gas requires a stable political environment in which to operate. Therefore for exploration to continue in the Timor Sea Australia must have had a preferred political option and thoughts of with whom they preferred to negotiate. What was the extent of each government's cooperation and intervention in the oil and gas industry and could any involvement have influenced the Australian political elites attitude toward the prospect of an independent East Timor? Australia's subsequent de jure recognition that East Timor was part of Indonesia paved the way for the Timor Gap (Zone of Cooperation) Treaty signing in 1989. The signing underpinned Australia's acceptance of Indonesian sovereignty over East Timor. The outcome of the analysis of the issues that shaped Australia's foreign policy toward East Timor showed that the political elite became locked into an integration model, which was defended by successive governments. Moreover, they formed an almost reflexive defence of Indonesia both at the domestic and international level.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

6

Liby, Alonso Swen. "Political learning and economic policymaking : governments of the left and of traditional labor-based parties during Latin America's golden decade (2003-2013)." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/118221.

Full text

Abstract:

Thesis: Ph. D., Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Political Science, 2018.
Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (pages 226-249).
This dissertation seeks to explain variation in macroeconomic management among Latin American governments of the left and of traditional labor-based parties during the commodity boom that lasted from 2003 to 2013. In particular, it aims to explain why a set of governments during this period of loosened external constraints - in a break with the past, some of their peers, and theoretical expectations - exercised consistent macroeconomic restraint. The dissertation argues that political learning on the basis of inflationary crises in the 1970s and 1980s constitutes an important factor for explaining discipline during the commodity boom. Lessons from such crises instilled a respect for - what during the commodity boom were largely latent - economic constraints. Leaders of left and of traditional labor-based parties who embraced the lessons such processes had yielded therefore opted for disciplined fiscal and monetary policies. The dissertation argues further that political learning was the most likely to take place and be lasting when past crises had occurred in the context of resurgent left or labor-based parties and where individuals with direct experience of past crises had been incorporated into contemporary governments. Empirically the dissertation focuses on the governments of Evo Morales in Bolivia and Alan Garcia and Ollanta Humala in Peru, which pursued disciplined macroeconomic policies, and the government of Néstor and Cristina Kirchner in Argentina, which relinquished restraint. It is based on 104 elite interviews - including with several Ministers of Finances and close advisors of the relevant presidents - carried out over the course of nearly 8 months of fieldwork in 2015 and 2016 as well as a review of newspaper reporting and a variety of government and party documents. The dissertation also provides a toolkit for studying the effect of political learning by elites on outcomes. This set of tools centers on three criteria for systematically assessing the descriptive accuracy, relevance as a proximate cause, and independence of political learning. These criteria provide the basis for a transparent and structured empirical strategy for studying political learning and facilitate cross-case comparisons.
by Swen Martin Manuel Liby Troein.
Ph. D.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

7

McSwiney, John 1967. "A platform worth fighting for : a study of federal Labor governments and their success in pursuing and implementing the federal platform from 1901-1949." Monash University, Dept. of Politics, 2004. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/5173.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

8

Sasuga, Katsuhiro. "The dynamics of cross-border micro-regionalisation among Guangdong, Taiwan and Japan : sub-national governments, multinational corporations and the emergence of multi-level governance." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2002. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/106456/.

Full text

Abstract:

This thesis applies an international political economy perspective to explore the main factors and processes involved in the development of micro-regionalisation among the Guangdong province of China, Taiwan and Japan with specific reference to the electronics industry. The emphasis is on the inter-related dynamics of multi-level governance (involving in particular the increasingly important role of Chinese sub-national governments and their network relations with multinational corporations) and the spread of cross-border production networks and international commodity chains. This is the first study to integrate an analysis of economic and political-governmental factors in the development of this particular case of micro-regionalisation. The analysis focuses on three related research questions: (1) How should we define and characterise the key components of micro-regionalisation among Guangdong, Taiwan and Japan? (2) What kinds of policy environment and what actors in the host and home countries are needed to support cross-border economic relations? (3) How do networks of multi-level governance (MLG) operate to facilitate micro-regionalisation? First, the phenomenon of micro-regionalisation among Guangdong, Taiwan and Japan is analysed in terms of three major components: the opening up of new political and economic spaces in Guangdong as a result of China’s domestic reform movement and the emergence of a fluid and flexible system of multi-level governance; the strategic decisions by Japanese firms, especially in electronics, to invest in southern China; and the expansion of cross-strait production networks between southern China and Taiwan. Secondly, the development of cross-border relations is examined from the viewpoint of the inter-relationships between key strategic actors (the state, sub-national governments and multinational firms) and the impact of a number of organisational variables, including commodity chains, network linkages, production networks, guanxi networks and organisational learning and conventional social factors). The analysis highlights the impact on firms’ behaviour of both the home and host governance contexts. Thirdly, the analysis shows that, with the dispersion of authoritative decision making in China, the multiple levels of local (sub-national) government have assumed more responsibility in responding directly to foreign investors. The case study of Dongguan and the electronics industry reveals the important roles of the provincial, city and sub-municipal governments in developing cross-border micro-regional network relations with multinational firms. It also highlights some of the major problems arising from an emergent, unplanned system of multi-level governance that lacks overall control and co-ordination.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

9

Cerbulis, Erik C. "Job attitudes of 911 professionals: a case study of turnover intentions and concerns among local governments throughout Central Florida." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2001. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/215.

Full text

Abstract:

This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf.edu/Systems/DigitalInitiatives/DigitalCollections/InternetDistributionConsentAgreementForm.pdf You may also contact the project coordinator, Kerri Bottorff, at kerri.bottorff@ucf.edu for more information.
Bachelors
Health and Public Affairs
Public Administration

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

10

Yang, Xuehui. "Labor NGOs : labor movement agencies in China." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2016. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/600.

Full text

Abstract:

Prevailing literature on Chinese labor non-governmental organizations (NGOs), which focuses largely on their relations with the authoritarian state and strategies for survival, mainly views that these labor groups, in order to survive, tend to confine their work to social service provisions and legal consultations that are permitted, or, at least, not prohibited, by the state. Hence, they hardly become the agencies of social change to build a labor movement in China. However, based my observations between 2013-2015 in the Guangdong Province, I argue that a small group of labor NGOs have stepped beyond their supposed roles and become labor movement agencies in China; they actively assist and organize striking workers to negotiate with employers, and have hatched several informal labor groups in industrial zones. To explain this new development of labor NGOs in China, first, I argue that the state exerts its control on labor NGOs through a differentiated process, which creates a certain space for movement-oriented labor NGOs to survive. On the one hand, the state's need for NGOs in relieving its social welfare obligations gives them a chance to "disguise" as an ostensible social service provider by employing strategies. One the other hand, the different functions, power bases and vested interests of labor NGO-related state organstrade unions, public and national security agencies, and civil affairs bureaususually lead to less coordinated efforts in containing these groups. Second, the movement-oriented labor NGOs are able to develop strong ties to workers and facilitate labor organizing. During workers' collective struggles, they organize training to enhance workers' right consciousness and transmit the idea of collective bargaining to them; they also help elect and train worker representatives, offer tactics to them, and are even present on bargaining tables on workers' behalf. By hatching informal labor groups, these labor groups network and educate workers in communities to build solidarity, and encourage them to run group activities and learn self-organization skills. Particularly, worker-turned NGO activists, who previously experienced labor disputes and with leadership skills, notably facilitate these activities due to their deep understanding of workers' circumstance and demands, and profound knowledge of their language and labor dispute settlement. This research demonstrates that, although movement-oriented labor NGOs are probably transitional forms in China and not able to replace genuine trade unions, they have taken up some roles that trade unions were supposed to play, significantly contributing to improving the organizational capacity of Chinese workers.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

More sources

Books on the topic "Labor governments"

1

Davis, Patricia. Local governments and the Fair Labor Standards Act. Nashville, TN (226 Capitol Blvd., Nashville 37219-1890): County Technical Assistance Service, 1985.

Find full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

2

Privatization and labor: What happens to workers when governments divest? Washington, D.C: World Bank, 1997.

Find full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

3

B, Abrahams Daniel, ed. Fair labor standards handbook for states, local governments, and schools. Washington, D.C: Thompson Pub. Group, 1985.

Find full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

4

White, Anthony G. Garcia and Fair Labor Standards Act impacts: A selected bibliography. Monticello, Ill., USA: Vance Bibliographies, 1987.

Find full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

5

Dilts, David A. Labor relations law in state and local government. Westport, Conn: Quorum Books, 1992.

Find full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

6

Curthoys, M. C. Governments, labour, and the law in mid-Victorian Britain: The trade union legislation of the 1870s. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2004.

Find full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

7

Wrigley, Chris J. Lloyd George and the challenge of Labour: The post-war coalition, 1918-1922. New York: Harvester Wheatsheaf, 1990.

Find full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

8

Wrigley, Chris J. Lloyd George and the challenge of Labour: The post-war coalition, 1918-1922. Hemel Hempstead: Harvester Wheatsheaf, 1990.

Find full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

9

Wrigley, Chris J. Lloyd George and the challenge of Labour: The post-war coalition, 1918-1922. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1991.

Find full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

10

Poterba, James M. Fiscal institutions and public sector labor markets. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, 1998.

Find full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

More sources

Book chapters on the topic "Labor governments"

1

Schulman, Jason. "The Australian Labor Party." In Neoliberal Labour Governments and the Union Response, 65–88. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137303172_4.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

2

Saner, Raymond, and Li-Chia Yiu. "Forced Labor of Migrant Workers on Fishing Ships: Holding Management and Governments Accountable." In Global Encyclopedia of Public Administration, Public Policy, and Governance, 1–13. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-31816-5_4347-1.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

3

Emy, Hugh V., and Owen E. Hughes. "Labor in Government." In Australian Politics: Realities in Conflict, 127–89. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-15146-2_5.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

4

Burchill, Frank. "The Government of Unions." In Labour Relations, 47–65. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-30700-2_5.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

5

Burchill, Frank. "The Government of Unions." In Labour Relations, 61–74. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-14497-6_4.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

6

Shepherd, John, and Keith Laybourn. "Minority Government." In Britain’s First Labour Government, 106–29. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230287365_5.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

7

Luque, Jaime. "Government Programs and Labor Markets." In Urban Land Economics, 151–54. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-15320-9_26.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

8

Shepherd, John, and Keith Laybourn. "Labour Takes Office." In Britain’s First Labour Government, 41–67. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230287365_3.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

9

Heppell, Timothy, and Kevin Theakston. "Introduction." In How Labour Governments Fall, 1–13. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137314215_1.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

10

Laybourn, Keith. "The Fall of the First MacDonald Government, 1924." In How Labour Governments Fall, 14–37. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137314215_2.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

Conference papers on the topic "Labor governments"

1

Erdem, Ekrem, and Can Tansel Tuğcu. "Economic Freedom and Employment in Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Turkey: A Panel Data Analysis." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c03.00442.

Full text

Abstract:

Although there exists a few contrary empirical results, the link between economic freedom and growth is usually accepted as positive. Since, employment is a variable which moves together with GDP and it is accepted as one of the preconditions of economic growth; one can simply assume that the anticipated relation between economic freedom and employment is positive, too. This study aims at investigating the preassumed relationship between economic freedom and employment in the Turkic Republics by covering panel data of the period 1998-2010. To this end, economic freedom index of considered countries regressed over employment indicators (i.e. total employment level and labor participation rate) and found positive relationship between economic freedom and employment. A percent increase in the degree of economic freedom raises total emploment level and labor participation rate by 0.23% and 0.15%, respectively. These findings imply that if the governments of considered countries wish higher employment levels, they should give more importance on economic freedom.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

2

Wirasastri, Iin, Idris, and Efrizal Sofyan. "Analysis of the Impact of Labor, Governments Expenditure Per Capita, Be Literate (Education) and Life Expectancy (Health) on Human Development In Jambi Province." In The Fifth Padang International Conference On Economics Education, Economics, Business and Management, Accounting and Entrepreneurship (PICEEBA-5 2020). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/aebmr.k.201126.010.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

3

Belonogov, Yury. "PREVENTION OF LABOUR CRIMES AT MOTOVILIKHINSKY PLANT DURING THE GREAT PATRIOTIC WAR." In MODERN CITY: POWER, GOVERNMENT, ECONOMY. Digital Transformation State and Municipal Administration. Perm National Research Polytechnic University, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.15593/65.049-66/2021.33.

Full text

Abstract:

The multidimensional problem of violations of labor discipline at the district-forming enterprise of Perm during the Great Patriotic War is considered. The main methods of prevention of labour crimes are analyzed in the context of the solution at plant No. 172 of those socioeconomic problems that influenced the growth of negative labour deviations. The author concludes that the set of measures taken corresponded to changes in the legislation on the consolidation of the labor force, and their practical implementation depended on the limited resources of the enterprise. Despite some effectiveness of measures, the problem of labor crimes continued to be urgent for objective reasons, independent of the plant.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

4

De Bell, Leendert, and Linda Drupsteen. "How to scale the societal impact of work integration social enterprises? Evidence from The Netherlands." In CARPE Conference 2019: Horizon Europe and beyond. Valencia: Universitat Politècnica València, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/carpe2019.2019.10191.

Full text

Abstract:

The number of social enterprises is increasing rapidly. Social enterprises are looking for new, innovative and economically sustainable ways to tackle structural societal challenges that generally fall outside the direct focus and objectives of the public and private sector. Social enterprises are primarily mission-driven, where profit is not a goal in itself but a means of creating social impact with regard to a specific social problem. The intended impact areas of social enterprises broadly range from poverty reduction, sustainability, healthcare, or labor participation of vulnerable groups. With respect to the latter impact area, many initiatives have been taken across Europe to prevent and combat marginalization of vulnerable groups as a result of long unemployment spells, which may cause financial and social pressure, as well as decay of physical and psychological health conditions. Nevertheless, the nature and extent of these initiatives vary considerably across countries (CEDEFOP, 2018). Social enterprises, in collaboration with other relevant stakeholders such as ‘conventional’ companies or local governments, can play a key role in addressing these challenges. This proposal builds on research that was completed earlier this year at HU concerning the scaling of social enterprises with a particular focus on work integration of people with a distance to the labor market (so-called WISEs) (e.g. people with low qualifications, young people disengaged from education, people with mental or physical disabilities, refugees, former prisoners, former addicts, or people who have difficulties finding a job due to their age etc.). One of the outcomes of this research showed that it is difficult for WISEs to transcend its societal impact beyond the local level. In practice, the effective realization of both social and economic value is not easy for many WISEs, but the interaction with and between different actors in the external environment or ecosystem also plays a crucial role in its success. More research is needed on what works in successfully addressing the work integration of vulnerable groups in different parts of Europe, and under what conditions. The aim is to come to a joint EU research proposal, in which WISEs play a central role, to contribute to innovative and more structural solutions for labor participation of vulnerable groups.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

5

Kumar Debnath, Ashim, Tamara Banks, and Ross Blackman. "Beyond the Barriers: Road Construction Safety Issues From the Office and the Roadside." In Applied Human Factors and Ergonomics Conference. AHFE International, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.54941/ahfe100162.

Full text

Abstract:

Conceptually, the management of safety at roadworks can be seen in a three level framework. At the regulatory level, roadworks operate at the interface between the work environment, governed by workplace health and safety regulations, and the road environment, which is subject to road traffic regulations and practices. At the organizational level, national, state and local governments plan and purchase road construction and maintenance which are then delivered in-house or tendered out to large construction companies who often subcontract multiple smaller companies to supply services and labor. At the operational level, roadworks are difficult to isolate from the general public, hindering effective occupational health and safety controls. This study, from the State of Queensland, Australia, examines how well this tripartite framework functions. It includes reviews of organizational policy and procedures documents; interviews with 24 subject matter experts from various road construction and maintenance organizations, and on-site interviews with 66 road construction personnel. The study identified several factors influencing the translation of safety policies into practice including the cost of safety measures in the context of competitive tendering, lack of firm evidence of the effectiveness of safety measures, and pressures to minimize disruption to the travelling public.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

6

Orman, Ferhat. "Analysis of Eurasian Countries in Terms of Economic Freedom with Cluster Analysis." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c13.02571.

Full text

Abstract:

Governments in economically free societies; aim to increase the level of sustainable growth and prosperity of the country while allowing labor, capital, and products to move freely. To determine the economic freedom of the countries, it publishes indices by various independent institutions, and thus, their position in comparison to other countries is determined. Especially ın order to determine the group structure among countries that are close to each other in terms of regions; In addition to revealing the status of the region in terms of economic freedom, it is beneficial in terms of acting with similar countries for plans and determining policies. In the index called the Economic Freedom Index published annually by the Heritage Foundation, a ranking including the countries that are members of the United Nations is made. This index value is measured through variables based on 12 quantitative and qualitative factors divided into four broad categories of economic freedom. In this study in which 2021 data was used, cluster analysis, one of the multivariate statistical analysis techniques, was preferred to group countries. Findings from the analysis showed that Eurasian countries were divided into 4 different clusters according to the economic freedom index. Among the countries, the most striking country was North Korea. In the formation of this situation. It can be thought that it is due to the state's adoption of an excessively interventionist policy in the economic policies of the country.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

7

Sakız, Burcu, and Ayşen Hiç Gencer. "Digital Currencies, Cryptocurrencies and Central Bank Digital Currencies." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c14.02621.

Full text

Abstract:

The history of money reveals a pattern: there has been a trend of money dematerialization over the centuries. The majority of money now circulates in electronic form. Banks, governments, and institutions are analyzing and researching the economic and technical viability of implementing digital money, as well as the implications for monetary and fiscal policy. Digital currencies are essentially e-cash that does not require any specific encryption technologies. The financial system has the potential to be transformed by digital money, and the digital money revolution will take place on a worldwide scale. Cryptocurrencies are digital currencies that encrypt and verify network transactions using cryptography. Cryptocurrencies like Bitcoin could be the future of payment systems or even how we exchange value over the Internet in the coming years. Bitcoin has the potential to be a revolution because it provides people with a new level of sovereignty and, as a result, a new form of freedom, and it represents an alternative to our current financial system. Most central banks, on the other hand, are experimenting with central bank digital currencies (CBDCs). A CBDC is a digital currency that is issued by a central bank and is widely used. Thanks to the enormous labor and attention that central banks are spending to digital currencies, they will soon become a reality. We present and discuss the characteristics of digital currencies and crypto currencies in this study, as well as the digital currencies used by central banks (CBDCs) and open issues.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

8

Bayrak Kök, Sabahat, and İbrahim Aksel. "Stance against Quantitative Success Descriptive in Professional Life: Virtue Ethics Approach." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c07.01516.

Full text

Abstract:

We argue that capitalist model in society and its success criteria as benefit and profit maximizations have been under heavy attacks these days. The argument in the center of the discussion in this paper is about there being serious distress in moral and socio-cultural indicators, though relatively rise in economical growth indicators. Thus, we argue that global economy suffers deepest moral crisis in line with the proportional shares that governments, international companies, big or small enterprises and their owners bear upon. Among the signs of this moral collapse, we point for unhealthy products to general health, unfair competitive actions, illusive commercials, price-quality inequalities, labor exploitations, bribery scandals and also environmental ruins around. In this point the sole solution for increase in societal trust of social and economical actors is, in our side, clear to take moral principles and standards as a reference. We argue that benefit, or profit maximization based approaches focusing on material gaining in professional life do not provide effective motivations. Rather approaches that putting internal character development forward and aiming good internal mood based on virtue should be placed in professional life. We see virtue based moral approach as a novel formula for regaining humanity where there are increasing rates of uncertainty and distrust. This study aims to show that commercial and economical activities could not be designed as exempted from moral codes and motives, rather it insists on that some notions as character, and virtue should be in heart in place of responsibility, duty, or benefit.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

9

Sabrina, Amelia Ayang, and Kusnar Budi. "Government and Non Governmental Organization (NGO) Relation on Protection of Child Labor In East Java, Indonesia." In 1st International Conference on Administrative Science, Policy and Governance Studies (ICAS-PGS 2017) and the 2nd International Conference on Business Administration and Policy (ICBAP 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icaspgs-icbap-17.2017.24.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

10

Biao, Gu, and Wang Jianfeng. "Technology shocks and the dynamic response of labor employment." In 2011 International Conference on E-Business and E-Government (ICEE). IEEE, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/icebeg.2011.5882466.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

Reports on the topic "Labor governments"

1

Ginn, Thomas, ed. JDC Quarterly Digest on Labor Market Access and Outcomes for Refugees. World Bank - UNHCR Joint Data Center on Forced Displacement, January 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.47053/jdc.300123.

Full text

Abstract:

Refugees’ right to work is protected by international law but often violated in practice. This Digest discusses the barriers that host governments impose on refugees’ labor market access and reviews the academic research on the effects of these policies and practices have on refugees and host communities. As expected, barriers like employment bans significantly harm refugees’ living conditions in most contexts where research is available. However, the evidence also suggests that most segments of the host communities benefit little and may in fact be harmed by restrictions on refugees’ work.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

2

Parra-Cely, Sergio, and Wladimir Zanoni. The Labor Market Worsening Effects of a Resource Bust: Evidence from the Crude Oil Price Shock in Ecuador. Inter-American Development Bank, June 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0004291.

Full text

Abstract:

To assess the effects of an oil price bust on individual labor market outcomes, we leverage the 2015 exogenous decline in international oil prices with geographical variation in oil-dependency in Ecuador. To account for propagation mechanisms, we also test the causal effect of the oil price bust on public transfers to local autonomous governments. Reduced form results suggest a moderate oil price pass-through channel on wages and nonlabor earnings but not on labor supply and participation. Public transfers play an amplification role, as a one percentage point decrease in these funds implies workers in oil-dependent areas to experience a wage reduction of 1.5%. Spillover effects to nonextractive industries, with reduced economic activity at the firm level, seem to be the transmission channels explaining the drop in individual earnings during the oil price bust.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

3

Altamirano, Álvaro, and Nicole Amaral. A Skills Taxonomy for LAC: Lessons Learned and a Roadmap for Future Users. Inter-American Development Bank, November 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0002898.

Full text

Abstract:

This note brings together lessons from the IDBs and other institutions efforts to adapt a skills taxonomy for Latin America and the Caribbean countries. These efforts have focused primarily on the ability to gather and make use of labor market information on skills demand from non-traditional data sources like online job vacancies. Most of these efforts have used the European Skills, Competences, Qualifications and Occupations (ESCO) taxonomy to underpin the identification and classification of skills. This note is intended to be a starting point and set of considerations for policymakers who may be considering, or already embarking on, similar efforts to use ESCO or other taxonomical structures to help better analyze, understand and use skills-level information for decision making. It also seeks to motivate the need for additional classification systems that help governments take stock of its citizens skills in increasingly complex and rapidly changing labor markets.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

4

Busso, Matías, Juanita Camacho, Julián Messina, and Guadalupe Montenegro. Social Protection and Informality in Latin America during the COVID-19 Pandemic. Inter-American Development Bank, November 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0002865.

Full text

Abstract:

Latin American governments swiftly implemented income assistance programs to sustain families' livelihoods during COVID-19 stay-at-home orders. This paper analyzes the potential coverage and generosity of these measures and assesses the suitability of current safety nets to deal with unexpected negative income shocks in 10 Latin American countries. The expansion of pre-existing programs (most notably conditional cash transfers and non-contributory pensions) during the COVID-19 crisis was generally insufficient to compensate for the inability to work among the poorest segments of the population. When COVID-19 ad hoc programs are analyzed, the coverage and replacement rates of regular labor income among households in the first quintile of the country's labor income distribution increase substantially. Yet, these programs present substantial coverage challenges among families composed of fundamentally informal workers who are non-poor, but are at a high risk of poverty. These results highlight the limitations of the fragmented nature of social protection systems in the region.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

5

Santhya, K. G., Sigma Ainul, Snigdha Banerjee, Avishek Hazra, Eashita Haque, Basant Kumar Panda, A. J. Francis Zavier, and Shilpi Rampal. Addressing commercial sexual exploitation of women and children through prevention and reintegration approaches: Lessons from Bangladesh and India. Population Council, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31899/sbsr2022.1036.

Full text

Abstract:

The Global Estimates of Modern Slavery report of 2021 stated that 6.3 million people were in situations of forced commercial sexual exploitation (CSE) on any given day worldwide. Asia and the Pacific region (which includes South Asia) were host to more than half of the global total of forced labor, including those in CSE. Bangladesh is one of the three main countries of origin for trafficked persons in South Asia. India has been identified as a source, destination, and transit location for trafficking of forced labor, including CSE. Though governments in both countries have made commitments to prevent and combat trafficking and CSE of women and children, critical gaps in implementation remain, along with inadequate victim care. The Global Fund to End Modern Slavery in partnership with the Norwegian Agency for Development Cooperation supported pilot-testing of three prevention and reintegration projects to address CSE of women and children in Bangladesh and India. The Population Council undertook a study to assess and compare the acceptability of these projects. Using qualitative methods, the study focused on examining intervention coherence, affective attitude, self-efficacy, and perceived effectiveness of the interventions.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

6

Shephard, Andrew. Inequality under the Labour government. Institute for Fiscal Studies, March 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1920/bn.ifs.2003.0033.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

7

Coile, Courtney, and Phillip Levine. Labor Market Shocks and Retirement: Do Government Programs Matter? Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, October 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w12559.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

8

Cavallo, Eduardo A., Arturo Galindo, Victoria Nuguer, and Andrew Powell. Open configuration options 2022 Latin American and Caribbean Macroeconomic Report: From Recovery to Renaissance: Turning Crisis into Opportunity. Inter-American Development Bank, March 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0004180.

Full text

Abstract:

Economic growth in Latin America and the Caribbean was stronger than expected in 2021 but waned at the start of 2022. High commodity prices due to the war between Russia and Ukraine will provide a boost to exporters, while imposing significant costs on commodity importers and pushing up inflation across countries. The ongoing conflict, together with policy normalization in advanced economies, carries significant risks for the region. Volatility in financial markets could depress investment and bring down growth further. Policymakers need to take urgent measures to boost inclusive growth. As minor fixes are unlikely to result in notable benefits, governments should consider more fundamental resets of policy frameworks. This report analyzes growth prospects, monetary policy, and external and financial sectors. The recommendations stress the need for a new architecture for both fiscal and labor market policies. Policymakers should seize the window of opportunity provided by the COVID-19 crisis and global security concerns to improve the outlook for the region.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

9

Kaplow, Louis. Government Policy and Labor Supply with Myopic or Targeted Savings Decisions. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, April 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w21109.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

10

Valencia, Oscar, Matilde Angarita, Juan Santaella, and Marcela De Castro. Do Immigrants Bring Fiscal Dividends?: The Case of Venezuelan Immigration in Colombia. Inter-American Development Bank, December 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0002993.

Full text

Abstract:

This paper analyzes the effects of recent Venezuelan immigration to Colombia on the fiscal balance, the labor market, and economic growth. For this purpose, we built a dynamic general equilibrium model with a search and matching structure in the labor market. The higher fiscal spending to address immigration negatively impacts the government's budget in the short term, which is offset by higher output, consumption, and employment level, increasing the government's revenues mainly through indirect tax collection. The effect on the labor market is different for unskilled workers--whose higher supply generates a negative effect on wages and an increase in the unemployment rate--and skilled workers, who benefit from higher wages and lower unemployment. These changes in the labor market affect the government's revenue, resulting, in the long term, in positive fiscal dividends of migration.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

We offer discounts on all premium plans for authors whose works are included in thematic literature selections. Contact us to get a unique promo code!