Journal articles on the topic 'Kyrgyzstan – Politics and government – 1991-'
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1
Faranda, Regina, and David B. Nolle. "Ethnic Social Distance in Kyrgyzstan: Evidence from a Nationwide Opinion Survey1." Nationalities Papers 31, no. 2 (June 2003): 177–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990307129.
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Unlike in some other former Soviet republics, when Kyrgyzstan achieved independence in 1991 its government granted citizenship to all residents, regardless of ethnicity or language. The government hoped this would help to quell incipient ethnic tensions in the country before they got out of hand. It was argued that, in a constantly changing ethnic landscape, citizens' identification with the country above all other considerations, including ethnicity and religion, would introduce a degree of stability—a common denominator for all residents of Kyrgyzstan, where there is a relatively high level of ethnic diversity (see Table 1).
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Elebayeva, Ainura, Nurbek Omuraliev, and Rafis Abazov. "The Shifting Identities and Loyalties in Kyrgyzstan: The Evidence from the Field." Nationalities Papers 28, no. 2 (June 2000): 343–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/713687466.
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The main objective of the ethnic policy of the government of Kyrgyzstan in the post-Soviet era was a consolidation of all people and ethnic groups on the territory of the Republic into the Kyrgyzstani nation. Such a goal is important for any nation that has just gained independence, but for the Kyrgyz Republic it was an especially important task for several reasons. First, the multiethnic composition of the country: in 1991 the Kyrgyzs, or the titular nation of the Republic, constituted roughly 52% of the population, there were around 22% Russians, and the Uzbeks represented 13% of the population. Second, interethnic relations in the Republic were especially tense at the beginning of the 1990s because of the interethnic conflicts in the southern regions of the Republic in 1989 and 1990.1 Third, the Kyrgyzs themselves lacked national cohesiveness and they often defined themselves as members of different tribes or tribal groups with distinct dialects, dress, and political affiliations.
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Orçan, M., and S. Karaeva. "SLUMS IN BİSHKEK AND THEIR PROBLEMS." Vestnik Bishkek state university af. K. Karasaev 2, no. 60 (April 1, 2022): 37–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.35254/bhu/2022.60.37.
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In this study, the lack of access to schools, hospitals, licenses, and passports of slums who became common due to random urbanization, and a lack of proper planning, infrastructure and management in Bishkek, the capital city of Kyrgyzstan will be examined and evaluated from a sociological perspective. It becomes a huge social problem, since it wasn’t concerned by the Government. Recently, Government has started initiatives for solving it. In summary, this study examines the reflection of the political and social upheavals that took place in 1991 and later in 2005 and 2010 and the current situation and problems of the slums.
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Pritchin, S. "Features of the Transit of Power in Kyrgyzstan and Georgia in the Context of Emerging Political Institutions." Journal of Political Research 4, no. 3 (October 6, 2020): 14–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/2587-6295-2020-14-23.
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Kyrgyzstan and Georgia are two states of the post-Soviet space where political processes take place in atypical scenarios for the region. In both countries, since independence in 1991, the change and transit of power has occurred more often than in their neighbors, and under different scenarios. Both republics are recognized as leaders in the post-Soviet region for liberalization and democratization, both are de-jure parliamentary republics, while Kyrgyzstan is the only parliamentary republic in Central Asia. At the same time, the peculiarity of the transit of power in the republics is the fact that after the change of power each time passed into the hands of either the opposition, or covertly or clearly conflicting with the government counter-elite. The article provides a comparative analysis of the historical, ideological, and geographical features of the formation of socio-political models of societies in countries that could be the causes of the phenomenon of cardinal change of power in any transit scenario.
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Khalapsis, Oleksiy, Oleh Poplavskyi, and Oleh Levin. "Political and constitutional-legal transformations in Central Asia countries (1991–2021)." Naukovyy Visnyk Dnipropetrovs'kogo Derzhavnogo Universytetu Vnutrishnikh Sprav 3, no. 3 (September 30, 2021): 52–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.31733/2078-3566-2021-3-52-59.
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The aim of the article is to determine the specifics of political processes related to decommunization in Central Asia (Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan), to study the variability of the main vectors of post-Soviet transformations of the respective societies. Reforms in Kazakhstan could theoretically pave the way for civil society, but so far they are more of an imitation. Uzbekistan is distinguished by the state's struggle against Islamic fundamentalism, which gave rise to Islam Karimov to pursue a tough internal policy. Democratization shifts after his death, but the prospects and irreversibility of these reforms are now highly questionable. Kyrgyzstan is the only society in which civil protest has real force, but the presence of clan-patriarchal system, ethnic conflicts, the tendency to use force and the weakness of the central government do not allow building a civil society in this country. Turkmenistan is characterized by boundless authoritarianism, and Tajikistan is the only country that has survived a fierce civil war in which the Islamic religion is most powerful. Each of the five Central Asian states has its own unique characteristics, but none of them has built a civil and democratic society, and the transformation cause of political regimes into democracies remains at the level of rhetoric. In these countries, political alterations have affected mainly the area of institutions, without changing the semi-feudal procedures and practices, and the process of democratization itself has been limited to pseudo-reforms. Civilizational and local-cultural features make the values of civil society unattractive not only for political elites, but also for the majority of the population, thus in the near future we can hardly expect significant progress in this direction. Moreover, Central Asian countries are under the influence of three powerful regional leaders –Russia, China and Iran – whose cultural and historical values are far from Western liberal-democratic ones. The situation is further complicated by the factor of Islamic fundamentalism, which will almost certainly intensify after the Taliban's victory in Afghanistan.
6
Altymyshova, Zuhra. "October Revolution and Soviet Class Struggle Policy in Kyrgyzstan." Central Asia 81, Winter (June 30, 2018): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.54418/ca-81.100.
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In the middle of the XIX century, the territory of contemporary Kyrgyzstan was conquered by the Tsarist Russia. Later, in 1917, as a result of the October Revolution, the Tsarist regime was replaced by the Soviet rule. In the territory of Kyrgyzstan, it was established firstly in the southern and western regions of the country, such as Suluktu and Kyzyl-Kiya, Osh and Talas, where the largest industrial enterprises, mines, railway junctions and most of the workers and soldiers were concentrated. However, already by the mid 1918, the Soviet government managed to spread its power to the entire region of Kyrgyzstan.
In 1924, the Turkestan Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, established on April 30, 1918, was reorganized into a new administrative division. As the part of the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic (RSFSR), on October 24, 1924 the Kara Kyrgyz Autonomous Region was formed. On May 25, 1925 the Kara Kyrgyz Autonomous Region was renamed into the Kyrgyz Autonomous Region. Then on February 01, 1926 it was restructured into the Kyrgyz Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic. On December 05, 1936 it became a separate constituent republic of the Union of the Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) known as the Kyrgyz Soviet Socialist Republic. Along with other 15 Soviet Socialist states, Kyrgyzstan had been the member of the USSR for about 70 years, from 1919 till 1991.
The current paper focuses on the processes of social transformation under the Soviet regime, especially the implementation of class struggle policy and its impact on Kyrgyzstan. In comparison with the interventions from the Tsarist Russia, the social transformation process undertaken under the Soviet system was quite different. In the territory of the Kyrgyz traditional society, the Tsarist Russia made only some social reorganization, but the Soviets brought radical changes in to the socio-political organizations of the Kyrgyz people. The paper seeks to understand how the Soviet Union tried to reconstruct the Kyrgyz society during the 1920s and 1930s. In addition, the paper will analyze the methods and mechanisms of the social transformation processes and the measures used by the Soviet government in their socio-political ‘battles’ against the local elites, and the influence of the new system on the existing socio-economic stratification in the context of the Kyrgyz society. During the Soviet period the prevalent scientific vision about the major historical events of the time was based on the Communist ideology. Therefore, the main aim of the paper is to analyze and describe an objective overview of the history of Soviet class struggle policy. The paper is based on the research of local archival documents, published sources and oral materials.
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Garbuzarova, Elena. "ROLE OF CONSTITUTIONAL REFORMS IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF CENTRAL ASIAN COUNTRIES." CENTRAL ASIA AND THE CAUCASUS 22, no. 3 (September 27, 2021): 024–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.37178/ca-c.21.3.03.
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Since gaining independence in 1991, the Central Asian countries have embarked on state building with regard for the experience of developed countries. During the political modernization process, the countries of Central Asia heeded great attention to the constitution. The political elites in power have enshrined the separation of powers between the government branches in the basic law. At the same time, the institution of the president retained a special status in the state power system. This fact reflected the specifics of the development of new states, where the legislative body was absent or played an insignificant role for a prolonged time period. The president plays a major role in the political systems of the regional states (with the exception of Kyrgyzstan), which was manifested in his special status. As a result, a patron-client model has developed in the regional states, where the president acquires and maintains the loyalty of political elites through material incentives. Meanwhile, the regional countries were undergoing continuous constitutional reforms. The amendments to the fundamental law have been and are being used by the presidents of the Central Asian countries to maintain and reinforce their legitimacy. The need to solve this problem has increased in the context of a decline in economic growth and accumulated internal socio-economic problems. In 2020-2021, the coronavirus pandemic produced a negative impact. These challenges posed the task of implementing a new democratic transformation strategy for the executive authorities of the regional states, in particular, the expansion of powers in the legislative branch of government. At the present stage, a new balance of forces has emerged in Turkmenistan, Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan, which involves a higher responsibility of the parliament and government for the implementation of socio-economic reforms. This afforded greater stability to the political regimes in these countries. In Tajikistan, a power centralization tendency has developed, and the position of the incumbent is being solidified. Hopes for carrying out structural economic reforms are pinned on the president. Kyrgyzstan has demonstrated a desire to develop parliamentarianism in order to prevent the development of authoritarian tendencies. However, the introduction of a parliamentary form of government did not lead to the solution of the country’s internal problems, primarily due to the continued enormous influence of informal institutions on the authorities. Major socio-economic problems faced by the Kyrgyz authorities in the midst of the COVID-19 pandemic triggered another round of political tension in the country and ultimately led to a change of power and a transition to a presidential form of government. The changes introduced to the constitutions of the regional states create the appearance of the implementation of democratic principles and the use of procedures to improve the efficiency of the government. At the same time, institutional changes undermine socio-political stability, creating problems for further national development.
8
Kaser, Michael. "V. The Economic and Social Impact of Systemic Transition in Central Asia and Azerbaijan." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 2, no. 3 (2003): 459–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156915003322986352.
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AbstractThe economies of Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan differ from the other states that quit the Soviet Union in 1991 by their inheritance of poor productivity growth and high demographic pressure for job creation. Moreover, since their incorporation into the Russian Empire during the nineteenth century, their production has been geared to primary goods - cotton and hydrocarbons - that in the 1930s Stalin's policy towards autarky was directed to Soviet domestic consumption. The six countries hence gained independence, but with high export dependency on markets that all suffered severe demand recessions. The corresponding production decline in the six states was modified during the 1990s by diversifying the direction of trade and was not as deep as indicated by the official GDP data by reason of the substantial growth of unmeasured production. That 'shadow economy' goes untaxed and all six states show government revenue inadequate for the social expenditure required to maintain the stock of human capital inherited from Soviet planning priorities and to reverse the widening of income differentials, as well as for capital formation to employ the expanding labor force. Some improvement has resulted from emigration and foreign investment by Kazakhstan, and from foreign investment by Azerbaijan. But that inflow has enhanced those states' dependence on hydrocarbons and the danger of a "Dutch disease." In all six states, authoritarian and corruption-prone governance inhibit foreign investment, though in two, Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan, state funds have been established so that eventual income from fixed assets replace that from depleting hydrocarbon deposits.
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Zhamilova, Kaniet. "KYRGYZ - US RELATIONS AFTER 1991." Alatoo Academic Studies 19, no. 4 (December 30, 2019): 222–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.17015/aas.2019.194.25.
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This work is dedicated to learn about the Kyrgyz - US relationships after the collapse of the Soviet Union. The paper analyzed the political and economic relationships between two independent countries after 1991. This work is identified the three steps of the development of bilateral relationships, analyzed how the cooperation changes during the different president administrations and how do external and internal problems affected on it. It has also identified that the relationship between the United States and Kyrgyzstan in political and economic sphere was different as far as presidents were different. So, every president had their own ideas, provisions, strategies and priorities based on their awareness and knowledge of politics and international relations.
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Veretilnyk, Oleksandr. "Reforma konstytucyjna w Kirgistanie. Wyzwania i zagrożenia dla demokracji i państwa prawa." Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego 1, no. 65 (February 28, 2022): 185–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2022.01.14.
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The collapse of the USSR in 1991 led to the emergence of five independent states in Central Asia: Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Kyrgyzstan. Four of them established an authoritarian form of government, while Kyrgyzstan became the only democratic state in the region. This may change after the referendum on constitutional reform, which is scheduled for 2021. The amendments to the Constitution provide for the extension of the president’s powers, which, according to many Kyrgyz researchers, may lead to the transformation of Kyrgyzstan into an authoritarian state. This article presents the results of the analysis of the draft amendment to the Constitution of the Kyrgyz Republic initiated by the new president of the country, Sadyr Japarov.
11
Pomfret, Richard. "Central Asia since the Dissolution of the Soviet Union: Economic Reforms and eir Impact on State-Society Relations." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 6, no. 1-3 (2007): 313–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156914907x207775.
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AbstractIn late 1991, with the sudden collapse of the Soviet Union, the five Central Asian republics became independent countries. The completely unexpected challenges of nation-building were superimposed on the transition from a centrally planned economy. Within the common bounds of resource-based economies and autocratic regimes, the five countries gradually became more differentiated as their governments introduced diverse national strategies for transition to a market-based economy. This article describes the different economic polices adopted by Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan and analyzes the outcomes.
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Khamidov, Alisher. "What It Takes to Avert a Regional Crisis: Understanding the Uzbek Government’s Responses to the June 2010 Violence in South Kyrgyzstan." Central Asian Affairs 2, no. 2 (March 13, 2015): 168–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22142290-00202003.
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Uzbekistan played an important role during the June 2010 interethnic violence in South Kyrgyzstan by tightly controlling borders, allowing thousands of Kyrgyzstani refugees to cross into Uzbek territory, assisting in the shipment of international humanitarian assistance to Kyrgyzstan, and collaborating with the osce in the investigation of the causes of the violence. What explains Uzbekistan’s approach to the unrest in South Kyrgyzstan? Some scholars suggest that Uzbekistan’s response was shaped largely by external actors such as Russia. Others posit that domestic pressures account for the response. This article advances an alternative explanation: Tashkent’s response was largely a result of a consensus achieved at two levels: international and domestic. In explaining the impact of domestic level, the article emphasizes the role of bureaucratic politics—competition among various government agencies.
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Sherov, Sh, K. Tairov, and G. Zhumashova. "Islamic Education of Kyrgyzstan on the Way of Development." Bulletin of Science and Practice 7, no. 11 (November 15, 2021): 372–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.33619/2414-2948/72/48.
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The article examines the development of Islamic religious education in the history of the Kyrgyz Republic over the past 30 years. According to the study, religious Islamic education is divided into 3 stages: the first stage — 1991–2000, the second stage — 2000–2006, the third stage — 2006–2010, and the fourth — 2011–2020. The features of the development of Islamic education at each stage are analyzed. In addition, the process of implementation of the concept of “Reform of religious education and religious studies” adopted by the Government of Kyrgyzstan was analyzed. The attempts of the Commission on Religious Affairs of the Kyrgyz Republic and the Spiritual Directorate of Muslims of Kyrgyzstan to include secular subjects in the curricula of madrasahs and institutes were highlighted. For 30 years, the subject “History of Religious Culture” has been introduced in secondary schools on a pilot basis.
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Tymowski, Andrzej W. "Interview with Karol Modzelewski, 1991." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 33, no. 4 (October 15, 2019): 806–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325419874384.
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This is an edited version of an interview conducted in 1991 and first published in New Politics 4, no. 2 (1993): 155–72. The editors of EEPS publish this version after the recent death of Karol Modzelewski, 1937–2019. In the 1991 interview, Modzelewski reflected on the difference between Solidarność 1980–1981 as a mass social movement and the very much changed Solidarność that in 1989 formed the first non-Communist government in the Soviet bloc. His comments have a premonitory relevance for Polish politics today.
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Beishenaly, Nazik, and Frédéric Dufays. "Development of agricultural cooperatives in Kyrgyzstan: who are the lead actors?" Central Asian Journal of Water Research 7, no. 2 (2021): 138–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.29258/cajwr/2021-r1.v7-2/138-157.eng.
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Agricultural cooperatives play an important role in promoting local communities and sustainable farming practices in many parts of the world. In Kyrgyzstan their development remains a challenge despite the existence of laws and policies, support from donor-funded projects and the existence of an apex organisation. What is missing for their development and who should lead their development? Adopting an entrepreneurial ecosystem (EE) approach to the analysis of the agricultural cooperatives, we aim to identify the lead actors of the agricultural cooperatives’ development in Kyrgyzstan and understand what roles such a lead actor plays in the emergence and strengthening of an EE for agricultural cooperatives. Adopting a case study approach, we retrieved archival data published between 1991 and 2020 on agricultural cooperatives in Kyrgyzstan, that included documents from government, cooperatives and their apex organisations, and studies commissioned by international organisations. We reviewed data using a grounded theory approach and organised our codes and text excerpts around the EE elements and actors. Thereby, we identify what roles the three principal actors of cooperative development, namely government, cooperatives and their apex organisation, and international organisations, play in different EE dimensions – i.e., policy, skills and education, market environment, culture, networks and partnerships. Among others, we uncover that the lead actor varies across EE dimensions and the paradox, where expectations of the government and cooperatives’ are inadequate to their funding abilities; while international organisations, that could fund cooperatives’ development, do not consider them as a priority in their projects. Although the study has limitations due to its exploratory nature, we offer both theoretical contribution extending entrepreneurial ecosystem approach to the study of agricultural cooperatives in transition economies and practical implications for better understanding and integrating agricultural cooperatives in the international development programming.
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DeCoursey, C. A., Boris Naimushin, Hidayet Tuncay, and Maria Stepanova. "Attitudes towards refugees in Russia, Kyrgyzstan, Lebanon and Saudi Arabia." Asian Social Science 13, no. 5 (April 19, 2017): 116. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ass.v13n5p116.
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As refugee flows have increased, western attitudes towards them have become conflicted. Attitudes towards refugees in non-western and in Muslim nations are rarely studied, though these nations accept most refugees. This study of attitudes towards refugees among tertiary students in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA), Lebanon, Russia and Kyrgyzstan used Appraisal and content analysis frequencies and co-frequencies. Results showed that the Lebanese realised greater affect, possibly due to their experience of refugees. More generally, nationality shaped attitudes more than religion, tertiary students favour technocratic solutions by government actors despite realistically estimating the challenge, and while students critically analyse the problems created by refugee inflows, they retain a nativist stance and seem unaware of the optics and politics of this stance.
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Aidaraliev, Amantur. "The Religion Faith of the Kyrgyzs." Technium Social Sciences Journal 16 (February 10, 2021): 631–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.47577/tssj.v16i1.2530.
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Kyrgyzstan is a multi-ethnic and multi-faith society. This study highlights the role of religion in the development of Kyrgyz society in the XXth Century and the revival of it in the XXIst Century. In former USSR (Soviet Union) countries, these periods called “pre-Soviet era”, “Soviet-era” and “post-Soviet era”. The whole period during which the Kyrgyzs was exposed to Islam and adopted the faith divided into the following stages: i) from 9th to 14th centuries, ii) from 15th century to the second half of the 18th century, iii) from the end of the 18th century to the beginning of the 20th century, iv) from 1918 to 1991 (Soviet-era, atheism period), v) from 31 August 1991 (the date of the Independence Day and the collapse of the Soviet Era) to 2000, vi) from 2000 to present (Revival of Islam and other sects). The study discusses the development of islam in Kyrgyzstan at the above periods. Also, the development of post-Soviet democratic reforms in the Kyrgyz Republic has enabled the provision of many Islamic literatures, basic human rights, including the right to religious freedom. A democratic and open atmosphere in post-Soviet time had increased faith of true believers, however, is also attracted all kinds of non-traditional religious sects and groups. Thus, religion policy is used for various strategic and ideological dimensions and the role of religion in politics and in the life of society must be considered as one of the most important topic.
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Tamm, Marek. "In search of lost time: Memory politics in Estonia, 1991-2011." Nationalities Papers 41, no. 4 (July 2013): 651–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2012.747504.
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This article analyzes memory politics during the first 20 years (1991-2011) of the newly independent Estonia. Memory politics is understood as a politics endeavoring to shape the society's collective memory and establish notions of what is and is not to be remembered of the past, employing to this end both legislative means and practical measures. The paper presents one possible scheme for analyzing Estonian memory politics and limits its treatment in two important ways. Firstly, the focus is on national memory politics, that is the decisions of the parliament, government, and president oriented toward shaping collective memory. And second, only internal memory politics is discussed; that is, bi- or multilateral memory-political relations with other states or political unions are not examined separately. The analysis is built on four interrelated dimensions of memory politics, which have played the most important roles in Estonia: the legal, institutional, commemorative, and monumental dimensions. Also, a general characterization and temporal articulation of memory politics in newly independent Estonia is proposed.
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Rumman, E. Cissy Abu. "Theodore H. McNelly." PS: Political Science & Politics 41, no. 04 (October 2008): 888. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096508231288.
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Theodore H. McNelly, professor emeritus, department of government and politics at the University of Maryland, College Park, passed away in February 2008 at the age of 88. Professor Emeritus McNelly was born on December 27, 1919, and received his Ph.D. in 1952 at Columbia University. McNelly joined the faculty in the department of government and politics at Maryland in the fall of 1953 as a lecturer, was promoted to professor in 1967, and retired in 1991.
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WAY, CHRISTOPHER. "Central Banks, Partisan Politics, and Macroeconomic Outcomes." Comparative Political Studies 33, no. 2 (March 2000): 196–224. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414000033002002.
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What are the implications of the trend toward granting central bank independence for partisan theories of the macroeconomy? The conventional view is that parties of the Left and Right strive to achieve distinctive macroeconomic outcomes when in government. However, when faced with an independent central bank, parties of the Left may prove unable to produce their preferred partisan outcomes, whereas Right parties may be privileged in their ability to pursue their goals. Moreover, granting the central bank independence can be expected to have differing effects depending on whether Left or Right parties prevail in government. These issues are explored with a pooled time-series model of inflation and unemployment in 16 Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development countries from 1961 through 1991. The results support the claim that the effects of partisan government and central bank organization are mutually contingent. The pattern of results anticipated by partisan theory only arises where central banks are under political control, whereas when central banks are independent, Left governments are disadvantaged and Right governments privileged in their ability to achieve their partisan goals. On the other hand, the effects of central bank independence also depend on the partisanship of government, casting doubt on the claim that an independent central bank always provides a “free lunch” of lower inflation with no attendant costs in terms of increased unemployment.
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Flyagin, Artem. "POSTCAREER OF RUSSIAN GOVERNORS 1991‒2020: MAIN DIRECTIONS." Вестник Пермского университета. Политология 15, no. 2 (2021): 120–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2218-1067-2021-2-120-128.
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The author collected and analyzed the biographies of all heads of the Russian regions who held their posts from 1991 to 2020. The main focus of this work was the careers of former heads of regions after their end of term. Information about the post-career of regional heads was found in 268 cases. The most popular directions of the post-governor career were federal government and business. Regional administration is much less popular, and local administration are almost not represented. In most cases, the governorship was a springboard in one's career. An analysis of changes in the main directions of post-career development over time showed a clear reflection of the consequences of the policy of “recentralization”: the marginalization of regional and local politics and the focus of former governors on the transition to central government are traced. In addition, the high popularity of business structures prompts the conclusion about plutocratization of the regional level of power.
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Janenova, Saltanat. "Public Administration Academies in Central Asia: ‘Government puppets’ or independent seats of learning?" Teaching Public Administration 38, no. 2 (November 15, 2019): 126–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0144739419886624.
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This article provides a critical analysis of the development of public administration education in the context of five post-Soviet, transitional, and authoritarian Central Asian countries: Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, and Turkmenistan from early independence to the present time (1991–2019). The study is based on a review of Master of Public Administration (MPA) programmes offered by Public Administration Academies in each of these five Central Asian countries, a focus group with local academics, extensive secondary data analysis, and critical reflections of a local scholar with six years of MPA teaching experience in a Kazakhstani university. This article highlights context-specific challenges in design and implementation of the MPA programmes in Central Asia. These challenges include the: ambiguous role of Public Administration Academies; programme design; pedagogical issues; and weak research capacity. It is argued that the MPA programmes in Central Asia often provide an example of ‘mimicry’ of European/North American programmes with peculiar features of their local context. Public Administration Academies in Central Asia are highly politicised and strongly controlled by authoritarian governments. This study will be of particular interest not only to public administration scholars from all post-Soviet countries which share the Soviet legacy and socio-economic challenges, but also for scholars teaching in other authoritarian contexts.
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Atienza, Maria Ela L. "The Politics of Health Devolution in the Philippines: Experiences of Municipalities in a Devolved Set-up." Philippine Political Science Journal 25, no. 1 (December 16, 2004): 25–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2165025x-02501002.
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This paper analyzes the dynamics of health devolution in the Philippines within the context of the 1991 Local Government Code. The paper looks into how the present level of health devolution came about, the reform's impact on the public health system, and the factors involved in improving health service delivery in municipalities under a devolved set up. There are several variables that are tested as possible intervening variables. These are prioritization of health services in resource allocation and management, adequacy of formal health personnel and facilities, and citizens' participation in health service delivery. The sociopolitical context of the local government is also explored. Two case studies are presented to support the arguments of the paper.
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Sonessa, Wondimu Legesse. "Rethinking Public Theology in Ethiopia: Politics, Religion, and Ethnicity in a Declining National Harmony." International Journal of Public Theology 14, no. 2 (July 7, 2020): 149–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15697320-12341609.
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Abstract Ethiopia is a country of multi-ethnic and multi-religious society. Almost all of its citizens claim affiliation with either Christianity, Islam, or African traditional religions. Adherents of these religions have been coexisting in respect and peace. However, there is a growing tension between the citizens since the downfall of the dictatorial military government of Ethiopia, which was displaced by the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), in 1991. Politics, religion, and ethnicity are the major causes of the declining national harmony under the current government. My claim is that addressing the declining national harmony caused by the religious, political, and ethnic tensions in Ethiopia requires of the EECMY to rethink its public theology in a way that promotes a national harmony that values peace, equality, justice, democracy, and human flourishing.
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Menkhaus, Ken. "Governance without Government in Somalia: Spoilers, State Building, and the Politics of Coping." International Security 31, no. 3 (January 2007): 74–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec.2007.31.3.74.
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Zones of state failure are assumed to be anarchic. In reality, communities facing the absence of an effective state authority forge systems of governance to provide modest levels of security and rule of law. Nowhere is this phenomenon more evident than in Somalia, where an array of local and regional governance arrangements have emerged since the 1991 collapse of the state. The Somalia case can be used both to document the rise of governance without government in a zone of state collapse and to assess the changing interests of local actors seeking to survive and prosper in a context of state failure. The interests of key actors can and do shift over time as they accrue resources and investments; the shift “from warlord to landlord” gives some actors greater interests in governance and security, but not necessarily in state revival; risk aversion infuses decisionmaking in areas of state failure; and state-building initiatives generally fail to account for the existence of local governance arrangements. The possibilities and problems of the “mediated state model,” in which weak states negotiate political access through existing local authorities, are considerable.
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Harvey, Jean. "Book Review : Barrie Houlihan: The Government and Politics of Sport. London: Routledge, 1991. Pp. 269. $ 62.50 U.S." International Review for the Sociology of Sport 29, no. 1 (March 1994): 118–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/101269029402900111.
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Ciekawy, Diane. "Constitutional and Legal Reform in the Postcolony of Kenya." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 25, no. 1 (1997): 16–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700502455.
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The central government of Kenya is well known for its use of the legal system, state structures, and the KANU (Kenya African National Union) party apparatus to threaten and thwart those who criticize its undemocratic practices and human rights violations. There are numerous and detailed accounts of attacks on the news media, the denial of permits for opposition public speaking events, the disruption of opposition party meetings, and the arrest and incarceration of reformist political and religious leaders. It is common for the central government to criminalize political activity by charging critics with sedition or holding an illegal meeting, and to use police violence to break up both licensed and unlicensed political events. Government officials and institutions played a major role in inciting and organizing violence in the Rift Valley from 1991 to 1993 that led to the deaths of over 1,500 people. The return to multiparty politics in 1991, after a lapse of 26 years when KANU reigned supreme, has done little to change these practices. Repression of the freedom of assembly, the freedom of association, and the freedom of expression is the modus operandi of the Kenyan nation-state.
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McAllister, Ian. "The End of a Labor Era in Australian Politics." Government and Opposition 31, no. 3 (July 1996): 288–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1996.tb01192.x.
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The March 1996 Australian Federal Election Was The most important Australian election for more than a decade. It resulted in the return of the Liberal-National coalition to office after thirteen years in opposition, ending a period of unprecedented Labor-initiated change, first under the leader-ship of Bob Hawke and since 1991, Paul Keating.The election was also important because the new government will in all probability lead Australia into the new millennium and guide the country through a period of intense change in the Asia Pacific region; how the Liberal-Nationals approach the whole question of Australia's changing relationship with the world will shape Australia's future and wellbeing for decades to come. And finally, the election was notable for making John Howard prime minister during his second period as Liberal leader, a prospect that Howard himself had once ridiculed as akin to ‘Lazarus with a triple bypass’.
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Cudina, Jean Nikola, Julio César Ossa, Juan David Millán, Wilson López-López, and Luca Tateo. "Historical Development of Political-Critical Thinking in Colombian Psychology." Revista Colombiana de Psicología 32, no. 1 (January 11, 2023): 29–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.15446/rcp.v32n1.98961.
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The study traces the historical elements that have influenced the development of political-critical thinking in Colombian Psychology. Four historical periods have been identified and discussed: The intellectual colonialism of Colombian Psychology (1947-1960); the social Psychiatry in the years of La comisión [The commission] (1961-1980); the community Psychology and the coexistence (1980-1991); and the psychosocial studies after recent peace processes between government and armed groups (1991-2018). Colombian political Psychology did not follow a homogeneous and linear development. The reality experienced by Colombians during more than five decades of armed conflict required Psychology to abandon the direct paths of politics and opt for psychosocial studies that promise to be the most radical heirs of a generation of Latin American critical thinking as represented by Ignacio Martín-Baró, Maritza Montero and Silvia Lane.
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Jackson, Andrew. "Politics, Diplomacy, and the Creation of Antarctic Consensus." Yearbook of Polar Law Online 9, no. 1 (December 8, 2018): 243–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116427_009010011.
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This paper examines the operation of consensus within the Antarctic Treaty System, examining its role as the primary mechanism for achieving important decisions affecting Antarctic governance. It points out that consensus does not equal unanimous agreement, but it does rely on the absence of formal objection. As an example, the paper focuses on the shift from the 1988 Antarctic minerals convention (which regulated possible mineral resource activities) to the 1991 environmental protocol (which prohibited such activities and put in place comprehensive environmental measures). The events and processes associated with this short but important period in Antarctic history are examined to present a picture of the complexity of factors that can influence the achievement of consensus. The paper draws on new research sources, made possible by the recent release of government archives relating to the events discussed. It thus complements existing analyses which relied on the limited publicly accessible records of the inner workings of Treaty meetings and the diplomatic interactions of Treaty Parties. It concludes by pointing to the ongoing importance of consensus as the Treaty System continues to grow.
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Irvine, Jill A., and Carol S. Lilly. "Boys Must be Boys: Gender and the Serbian Radical Party, 1991–2000." Nationalities Papers 35, no. 1 (March 2007): 93–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990601124553.
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On 27 June 2004, Serbian voters went to the polls for the third time in a year to choose a president. The winner of the first two rounds of voting, Tomislav Nikolić, Deputy to the President of the extreme right Serbian Radical Party (SRS), lost the third round of voting to the more liberal Borisav Tadić by just under 8 percentage points (53.2 to 45.4), and the Radicals failed to form a ruling coalition in government. Nevertheless, more than five years after the last war in the disintegration of the Yugoslav state, the largest political party in the largest of the successor states has been characterized as the most extreme right party in the Balkans today. Indeed, the Radicals have been an enduring force in Serbian politics for the past decade and a half, sometimes ruling in coalition with Slobodan Milošević's Socialist Party of Serbia (SPS). SRS founder Vojislav Šešelj, a flamboyant, obstreperous, highly influential figure, and his fellow Radicals have sought and in many ways succeeded in shaping the post-communist transformation of Yugoslav politics and society, calling for a return to the true spirit of Serbia, when the nation was strong because its men defended its honor as well as its borders.
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Giuliani, Marco. "[No title] - Neil Nugent, The Government and Politics of the European Community, Basingstoke, MacMillan, 1991 2, pp. 418." Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 22, no. 3 (December 1992): 583–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048840200019006.
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Njovu, John. "The role of Zambian civil society in evaluation." Evaluation Matters—He Take Tō Te Aromatawai 7 (December 20, 2021): 158–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.18296/em.0072.
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Without active civil society and their evaluations, Zambia would still be a colonised nation. It is the welfare societies and cultural groups of indigenous Africans that were the foundation for the political movements that fought for its independence from the British. After political independence, civil society grew because of the 1970s global oil and financial crises. This was to mitigate the adverse effects on ordinary citizens of the conditionality of borrowing from the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, and developed nations. The increase in foreign development assistance led to an increase in development projects and programmes along with their associated internal management requirements for monitoring and evaluation (M&E). Government, during this time, also started to formulate plans and programmes that required components of M&E (for example, poverty reduction strategies). After the 2005 Paris Declaration on Aid Effectiveness, M&E rose to prominence in Zambia’s national development processes. Civil society played a major role in the return to multi-party democracy politics of Zambia in 1991. Post 1991, it began to also play a major role in M&E governance and ensuring that the democratic gains of 1991 were protected. Part of the demand for external M&E capacity development was to enhance its watchdog role over the Zambian government. Though the government recognises civil society as a partner in national democratic processes, it is sometimes mistrustful and hostile to evaluation revelations that are critical of government. There remains a need to strengthen this partnership to ensure that national evaluation capacities are developed. Improved capacities will in turn lead to good governance and public service delivery in Zambia. In this way, sustainable development goals will be attained, and no one will be left behind.
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Sondrol, Paul C. "The Emerging New Politics of Liberalizing Paraguay: Sustained Civil-Military Control without Democracy." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 34, no. 2 (1992): 127–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166031.
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The Process of the transition from authoritarianism to more representative forms of government has become a major subject of the scholarship on Latin American politics today (O'Donnell, et al, 1986; Malloy and Seligson, 1987; Stepan, 1989; Diamond et al, 1988-1990; Lowenthal, 1991). Given this interest, as expressed by the growing literature in this area, little attention has been paid to the transition process now going on in Paraguay, which is now emerging from one of Latin America's most long-standing authoritarian regimes.A number of studies testify to the authoritarian nature of Paraguay's government and society. Johnson indicates that Paraguay ranked either 18th or 19th—out of 20 Latin American nations ... in 9 successive surveys of democratic development, carried out at 5-year intervals from 1945 to 1985 (Jonnson> 1988). A longitudinal study of press freedom found that Paraguay was invariably placed in the category of “poor,” or even “none,” between 1945-1975 (Hill and Hurley, 1980). When Palmer applied his 5 indicators of authoritarianism (nonelective rule, coups, primacy of the military, military rule, executive predominance) to the countries of Latin America, Paraguay consistently ranked first in its degree of authoritarianism (Palmer, 1977).
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Barata, Data Dea. "Minority Rights, Culture, and Ethiopia's “Third Way” to Governance." African Studies Review 55, no. 3 (December 2012): 61–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0002020600007204.
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Abstract:Following a successful armed resistance against a dictatorial state regime, a new government of former rebels took control of the national state in Ethiopia in 1991. Prompted partly by unfolding sea changes in global politics in the early 1990s, the new Ethiopian government pledged to undertake radical governance reform. More than twenty years after the new government took office, contested assessments of its record vis-à-vis its human and minority rights pledge, among other issues, have generated waves of debate, criticism, controversy, and global protests. Based on observations from southern Ethiopia, this article takes an ethnographic look at both the process and the outcome of Ethiopia's experiment with ethnic self-government, with a special focus on understanding the value of minority rights as an ideological construct. Conceptually, the paper attempts to explain a disjuncture between the globally prescribed ideal of human/minority group rights and the realities of governance on the ground.
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DeNardis, Lesley. "The Politics of Reorganizing Connecticut State Government: Altering Administrative Structures in the Land of Steady Habits." Journal of Public Administration and Governance 1, no. 1 (July 27, 2011): 321. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jpag.v1i1.816.
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Despite numerous attempts to reorganize state government aimed at streamlining, reducing, and creating greater efficiencies, the size and scope of Connecticut’s administrative apparatus has grown considerably over a fifty year period. This study will trace the political history of previous reorganization efforts with a particular emphasis on more recent attempts such as the Gengras (1970), Filer (1976), Thomas (1991), and Hull and Harper Commissions (1992). Observed trends follow national patterns: 1) reorganization commissions are cyclical in nature more likely to be undertaken in the wake of similar efforts at the federal level and 2) they are more likely to be undertaken during periods of state fiscal retrenchment. A movement away from comprehensive reform efforts to incremental approaches is another cross-national pattern that has been detected in recent reform efforts. A review of Connecticut’s experience with state reorganization demonstrates that despite the concerted effort by both the executive and legislative branches to alter administrative structures, reorganization recommendations are seldom implemented due to the opposition of the state legislature and interest groups.
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Di Nunzio, Marco. "THUGS, SPIES AND VIGILANTES: COMMUNITY POLICING AND STREET POLITICS IN INNER CITY ADDIS ABABA." Africa 84, no. 3 (July 23, 2014): 444–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972014000357.
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ABSTRACTThe implementation of community policing schemes and development programmes targeting street youth in inner city Addis Ababa, intended to prevent crime and unrest, has resulted in an expansion of structures of political mobilization and surveillance of the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), the party that has ruled the country since 1991. Yet the fact that the government managed to implement its programmes does not imply that the ruling party was entirely successful in tackling ordinary crime as well as political dissent. As neighbourhoods continued to be insecure, especially at night, the efficacy of the ruling party's politicized narratives on community policing and crime prevention was questioned. An appreciation of the shortcomings of government action on the streets of the inner city raises questions about the extent of the reach of the EPRDF's state into the grass roots of urban society as well as about the ways in which dissent is voiced in a context where forms of political surveillance and control are expanding. This paper investigates these issues in order to contribute to the study of the Ethiopian state and to the broader debate on community policing and crime prevention on the African continent.
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MUKANOV, Malik Rsbaevich, and Ernar Nurlanovich BEGALIEV. "The Current State of the Monetary Sphere of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan within the Framework of Changes in the Legislation." Journal of Advanced Research in Law and Economics 9, no. 5 (June 10, 2019): 1708. http://dx.doi.org/10.14505//jarle.v9.5(35).24.
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The article discusses the current state of the monetary – credit sphere in the former states of the Soviet Union. The authors note that, the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, which led to the defragmentation of the monetary system, is an important event in the formation of the financial sector in Central Asia. The single monetary and financial system, which was adapted to the conditions of the planned economy, had started rapidly falling apart. The result was a break of the traditionally existing economic ties.
It is important to note that the monetary policy has a direct impact on the major macro-economic indicators such as GDP, employment and the level of prices. It is thus important to have a solid legal base. The accelerated formation of national monetary systems in Central Asian states has required the creation of genuinely independent emission center as the Central Banks of Central Asia. Since 1994, Central Asian governments have begun to carry out macroeconomic regulation, mutual settlement in the economy and emission activity.
The next step was a reform of the banking system in Central Asia. At the beginning of the independence of the Central Asian states a legal framework was created and a transition was made to a two-tier banking system. According to the adopted laws in the countries of Central Asia, a two-tier banking system was formed, where the upper level was represented by the State Bank of the region (with emission rights), and the bottom were - commercial and government specialized. Creating second tier banks was a response to the needs of the Central Asian countries.
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Eresso, Muluneh Kassa. "Challenges in Ethiopia’s Post-1991 Ethnic Federalism Entwined with Ethnic-based Political Parties." Mizan Law Review 15, no. 2 (December 31, 2021): 313–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/mlr.v15i2.1.
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For about two and a half decades (1991-2018) it was propagated that Ethiopia’s ethno-linguistic federalism was primarily meant to unify the state and build the nation. However, competing perspectives on whether ethnic-based federalism would preserve unity in diversity in the country as a whole and in regional states in particular have proliferated. This article examines the outcome of post-1995 Ethiopian federalism in ethnic conflict management. It focuses on why Ethiopia has remained deeply divided and prone to ethno-cultural conflicts despite the ethno-linguistic federal political system, which was adopted as a mechanism for building unity in diversity in the context of peaceful coexistence among various ethno-linguistic groups. Although ethnic-federalism alone may not exacerbate ethnic conflicts, ethnic-federalism entwined with the existence of ethnic-based political parties and the rapid proliferation of narrow ethno-nationalist politics constitute major impediments to peaceful co-existence among the country's ethnic groups. Furthermore, the land ownership questions raised by various ethno-linguistic political elites are among the causes of violent ethnic conflicts in contemporary Ethiopia. Mistreatment of ethnic minorities in all regional states is also a source of ethnic conflict. I argue that the current government at the federal and regional levels should work hard to ensure that identity-based politics will incrementally dissolve like salt in water.
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Nilsson, Ann-Sofie. "Swedish Social Democracy in Central America: The Politics of Small State Solidarity." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 33, no. 3 (1991): 169–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165937.
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Few events have captured the imagination of progressive countries and parties worldwide as did the July 1979 Sandinista revolution in Nicaragua. Many of these parties became strong supporters of the Ortega government and were thus quite taken by surprise — as were most of those involved and engaged in Central American politics — by the outcome of the Nicaraguan election in February 1991. One such party, one of the most determined in its support of the Sandinistas, was Sweden's Social Democratic Party (Socialdemokratiska Arbetare Partlet or SAP), even though Sweden may not immediately come to mind as a natural participant in Central American politics. How can this intense Swedish Social Democratic involvement and partisanship be explained? How has Swedish support been translated into practical positions? Did the election victory of Violeta Chamorro, who was supported by the United States (a country whose Central American policy came under relendess fire by the SAP), signal the end of Swedish Social Democratic engagement in Nicaraguan politics?
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Vuletic, Dean. "Out of the homeland: The Croatian Right and Gay Rights." Southeastern Europe 37, no. 1 (2013): 36–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763332-03701003.
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This article discusses how the Croatian right’s attitudes towards gay rights have been defined by nationalism and Europeanism. It focusses on the Croatian Democratic Union (Hrvatska demokratska zajednica, HDZ), which has dominated Croatian politics since it was first elected to government in 1990. It led Croatia to independence from Yugoslavia in 1991 and through the homeland War from 1991 to 1995, and it also started and finished Croatia’s negotiations for accession to the European Union from 2005 to 2011. The HDZ government did not actively address gay rights in Croatia in the 1990s, especially since it espoused a heteronationalism influenced by Roman Catholic teachings. Homosexuality was usually mentioned by HDZ officials only in negative terms, such as when allegations of it were used to discredit critics or opponents. Although the HDZ government had sought to integrate Croatia with Western Europe, it was isolated by the West in the late 1990s because of its authoritarian and nationalist tendencies. However, after its electoral defeat in 2000, the HDZ transformed itself into a more moderate right-wing party, and it returned to government in 2003. Subsequently, it had to actively address gay rights, as these had become a prominent political issue under the previous government and with the rise of a local gay movement. As the HDZ government placed EU accession at the centre of its programme, it also came under pressure from the EU to adopt anti-discrimination laws to protect sexual minorities. However, the HDZ continues to oppose the expansion of gay rights in debates on same-sex marriage or adoption rights for same-sex couples, which are not required for admission into the EU, and it continues to do this with references to traditional Croatian and Catholic values.
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Aguilera, Carolina. "Memories and silences of a segregated city: Monuments and political violence in Santiago, Chile, 1970–1991." Memory Studies 8, no. 1 (December 22, 2014): 102–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750698014552413.
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How does Santiago, Chile, remember its dead, the victims of political violence of the 1970s and 1980s? The existence of dozens of memorials, monuments, and sites dedicated to the memory of victims of the dictatorship would seem to indicate a settled national cultural politics that recognizes the injustices and crimes committed by a terrorist State. The public, nongovernmental nature of the initiatives is, nonetheless, the first indication that we are dealing with an ambiguous political story. While the central government has supported these initiatives, they are mostly the result of efforts by social organizations and victims’ groups. The spatial-temporal reading of the scenario of commemorative markers proposed in this article offers evidence of a geography of memory that is configured, on one hand, by a memory project that has inherited political trajectories which have been passed down for a long time, articulated by small groups that at certain junctures manage to form into producers of local memory. On the other hand, the high socio-economic segregation in residential areas shapes politics of memory that are territorially discontinuous and that encourage forgetting in residential settings of the country’s elite.
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Van Haegendoren, Mieke. "Vrouwelijke en mannelijke kandidaten bij de verkiezingen van 24 november 1991 in Vlaanderen." Res Publica 35, no. 2 (June 30, 1993): 147–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v35i2.18797.
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This article deals with the differences that exist between the profile of Flemish male and female political candidates placed on election-lists. The survey, held amongst all female and male political candidates, shows that male candidates find themselves in a more favourable position due to the accumulation of small gender differences in education, professional and domestic life.Male candidates more often have university degrees and leading functions resulting in more important relations. They are better represented both in the party structure and in corporate life.Child care and domestic tasks seem to be (usually) their partner's responsability. Female political underrepresentation is a result of a generally weaker position of women in society. Notwithstanding the enormous progress made over the last five decades, the problem of female underrepresentation in politics remains a structural one. Hence, the question is wether a solution should ask for structural measures by the government.
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Brennan, Timothy J. "Markets, Information, and Benevolence." Economics and Philosophy 10, no. 2 (October 1994): 151–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266267100004715.
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In the January 6, 1991, issue of the Washington Post Magazine, reporter Walt Harrington wrote a profile of Bryan Stevenson. Mr. Stevenson is a 31-year-old working-class African-American from Delaware who graduated from Harvard Law School and the Kennedy School of Government. Like the typical graduate of Harvard Law School, Mr. Stevenson had the opportunity to join the worlds of six-figure corporate law or high-visibility politics. Rather than follow his colleagues, however, Mr. Stevenson works seven-day, eighty-hour weeks as director of the Alabama Capital Representation Center. He appeals death sentences, handling twenty-four death-row cases himself, supervises five other lawyers who cover about thirty cases, and raises federal government and foundation funding. He does this living a Spartan existence on a salary of $24,000, refusing even the $50,000 directorship salary offered to him.
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Pyta, Wolfram. "Berlin statt Bonn: Die Hauptstadtentscheidung des Bundestags vom 20 . Juni 1991 als Ergebnis überfraktioneller Willensbildung." Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen 53, no. 2 (2022): 409–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0340-1758-2022-2-409.
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Cross-Party decision-making is an exception in the parliamentary culture of the Federal Republic of Germany, since the governmental majority and the opposition face each other in parliament due to their functional difference . The article examines the question which procedures can be used to coordinate parliamentary decision-making, if the aforemen- tioned dualism of government factions and opposition factions does not work . The Bunde- stag’s decision of June 20, 1991 to relocate the government and parliament from Bonn to Berlin serves as an example here . On the one hand, the voting behavior of Baden-Württem- berg CDU MPs who voted for Berlin shows the decisive role of the state groups (Landes- gruppen), especially in such exceptional constellations . On the other hand, a close interde- pendence of politics on the state and federal level is recognizable, whereby in the case of Baden-Württemberg it was the CDU Landesgruppe that was interwoven with the CDU faction in the state parliament (Landtag) . At the same time, the example shows that cross- party group motions not only serve to pacify within parties but also represent a process to constitute the will of the people - not in form of a plebiscite, but through intra-parliamen- tary balance .
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Sprague, D. N. "The Government and Politics of the Alberta Metis SettlementsT. C. Pocklington Regina: Canadian Plains Research Center, 1991, pp. xv, 162." Canadian Journal of Political Science 26, no. 2 (June 1993): 399–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900003127.
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Knox, Colin. "Kazakhstan: modernizing government in the context of political inertia." International Review of Administrative Sciences 74, no. 3 (September 2008): 477–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020852308095314.
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Kazakhstan declared its independence from the Soviet Union in 1991 and joined the Commonwealth of Independent States. Since then it has witnessed a remarkable economic transformation under the leadership of President Nursultan Nazarbayev. Pursuing a policy of `economy first and then politics', Kazakhstan is under growing pressure to engage in political reforms which include a modernization agenda to improve public service provision. Recent constitutional reforms have received a lukewarm reaction from the international community that Kazakhstan is keen to become part of. At the same time a progressive agenda of public services reform is well under way rooted in new public management and a desire to become much more customer focussed in their orientation. This article examines the parallel themes of political reforms and public services modernization in Kazakhstan. Points for practitioners This article offers two key points for practitioners. First, it describes the detail of public sector reforms taking place in a developing country which secured its independence approximately 16 years ago, and the significant progress since then. Second, it poses questions about the political context in which administrative reform can take place. Has the existence of a highly centralized and autocratic form of presidential leadership resulted in a top-down imperative which has helped the pace of public services modernization in Kazakhstan?
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McFaul, Michael. "State Power, Institutional Change, and the Politics of Privatization in Russia." World Politics 47, no. 2 (January 1995): 210–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887100016087.
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This article reviews recent events in Russia and demonstrates that future progress in developing private property rights will require not only sound economic policies but also more robust state institutions capable of carrying out economic transformation. In January 1992 Russia's first postcommunist government launched a comprehensive economic program to transform the Soviet command system into a market economy. Privatization constituted one of the key components of this program. Two years later, however, privatization in Russia had failed to create real private property rights. By the summer of 1993 insiders had acquired majority shares in two-thirds of Russia's privatized and privatizing firms, state subsidies accounted for 22 percent of Russia's GNP, little if any restructuring had taken place within enterprises, and few market institutions had been created. Progress toward creating private property rights in Russia was impeded by the particular constellation of political institutions in place after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991. The set of political institutions comprising the first postcommunist Russian state was not capable of either dismantling Soviet institutions governing property rights or creating or supporting new market-based economic institutions regarding private property.
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Hagmann, Tobias. "Beyond clannishness and colonialism: understanding political disorder in Ethiopia's Somali Region, 1991–2004." Journal of Modern African Studies 43, no. 4 (October 24, 2005): 509–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x05001205.
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This article proposes an alternative interpretation of political disorder in Ethiopia's Somali Regional State since the rise to power of the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) in 1991. Some observers have perceived contemporary politics in the former Ogaden as an example of ‘internal colonisation’ by highland Ethiopians. Others attribute political instability to the ‘nomadic culture’ inherent in the Somali clan structure and the ineptness of its political leaders. This study argues that neither of these two politicised narratives grasps the contradictory interactions between the federal Ethiopian government and its Somali periphery, nor the recursive relations between state and society. With reference to the literature on neo-patrimonialism, I elucidate political disorder in the Somali Region by empirically describing hybrid political domination, institutional instability, and patronage relations, showing how neo-patrimonial rule translates into contested statehood in the region and political devices ranging from military coercion to subtle co-optation. Rather than unilateral domination, a complex web of power and manipulation between parts of the federal and regional authorities animates political disorder in Ethiopia's Somali Region.
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Gladney, Dru C. "Representing Nationality in China: Refiguring Majority/Minority Identities." Journal of Asian Studies 53, no. 1 (February 1994): 92–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2059528.
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The following statement was made by a private taxi driver as I was on my way into the city from the Beijing Capital Airport shortly before the 1991 Chinese New Year's Spring Festival. It raises many of the issues addressed in this article:I try to stay clear of politics. On New Year's Eve, I'm not going to light fireworks like everyone else, and that's how I'll show that I don't support the government. If I don't set off fireworks, all my neighbors will know that I don't give a damn about this country. I'm just going to sit at home and watch the special New Year's program on TV. They'll have a lot of acrobats, singers, comedians, and minority dances.