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Journal articles on the topic 'Kyrgyzstan – Politics and government – 1991-'

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Published: 10 March 2023

Last updated: 31 July 2025

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1

Faranda, Regina, and David B. Nolle. "Ethnic Social Distance in Kyrgyzstan: Evidence from a Nationwide Opinion Survey1." Nationalities Papers 31, no. 2 (2003): 177–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990307129.

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Unlike in some other former Soviet republics, when Kyrgyzstan achieved independence in 1991 its government granted citizenship to all residents, regardless of ethnicity or language. The government hoped this would help to quell incipient ethnic tensions in the country before they got out of hand. It was argued that, in a constantly changing ethnic landscape, citizens' identification with the country above all other considerations, including ethnicity and religion, would introduce a degree of stability—a common denominator for all residents of Kyrgyzstan, where there is a relatively high level

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2

Elebayeva, Ainura, Nurbek Omuraliev, and Rafis Abazov. "The Shifting Identities and Loyalties in Kyrgyzstan: The Evidence from the Field." Nationalities Papers 28, no. 2 (2000): 343–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/713687466.

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The main objective of the ethnic policy of the government of Kyrgyzstan in the post-Soviet era was a consolidation of all people and ethnic groups on the territory of the Republic into the Kyrgyzstani nation. Such a goal is important for any nation that has just gained independence, but for the Kyrgyz Republic it was an especially important task for several reasons. First, the multiethnic composition of the country: in 1991 the Kyrgyzs, or the titular nation of the Republic, constituted roughly 52% of the population, there were around 22% Russians, and the Uzbeks represented 13% of the populat

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3

Omurova, J., T. Sharshembieva, and kyzy A. Sharshenbek. "Investment Activity of the PRC in the Kyrgyz Republic." World Economy and International Relations 68, no. 4 (2024): 77–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2024-68-4-77-86.

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The article discusses the investment infusion of China into the economy of Kyrgyzstan in 1992–2022. The independence of the countries of Central Asia in 1991 meant a fundamental change in the geopolitical environment for the PRC: small sovereign countries appeared in the Western part of China, internal and external courses and development prospects were connected with each other. The Chinese government was sure that this region would play an important role for them, especially they could act as a source of resources for the Chinese economy. In addition to the common border with the west of Chi

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4

Garbuzarova, Elena. "ROLE OF CONSTITUTIONAL REFORMS IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF CENTRAL ASIAN COUNTRIES." CENTRAL ASIA AND THE CAUCASUS 22, no. 3 (2021): 024–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.37178/ca-c.21.3.03.

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Since gaining independence in 1991, the Central Asian countries have embarked on state building with regard for the experience of developed countries. During the political modernization process, the countries of Central Asia heeded great attention to the constitution. The political elites in power have enshrined the separation of powers between the government branches in the basic law. At the same time, the institution of the president retained a special status in the state power system. This fact reflected the specifics of the development of new states, where the legislative body was absent o

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5

Kaser, Michael. "V. The Economic and Social Impact of Systemic Transition in Central Asia and Azerbaijan." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 2, no. 3 (2003): 459–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156915003322986352.

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AbstractThe economies of Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan differ from the other states that quit the Soviet Union in 1991 by their inheritance of poor productivity growth and high demographic pressure for job creation. Moreover, since their incorporation into the Russian Empire during the nineteenth century, their production has been geared to primary goods - cotton and hydrocarbons - that in the 1930s Stalin's policy towards autarky was directed to Soviet domestic consumption. The six countries hence gained independence, but with high export depende

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6

Zhamilova, Kaniet. "KYRGYZ - US RELATIONS AFTER 1991." Alatoo Academic Studies 19, no. 4 (2019): 222–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.17015/aas.2019.194.25.

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This work is dedicated to learn about the Kyrgyz - US relationships after the collapse of the Soviet Union. The paper analyzed the political and economic relationships between two independent countries after 1991. This work is identified the three steps of the development of bilateral relationships, analyzed how the cooperation changes during the different president administrations and how do external and internal problems affected on it. It has also identified that the relationship between the United States and Kyrgyzstan in political and economic sphere was different as far as presidents wer

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Veretilnyk, Oleksandr. "Reforma konstytucyjna w Kirgistanie. Wyzwania i zagrożenia dla demokracji i państwa prawa." Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego 1, no. 65 (2022): 185–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2022.01.14.

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The collapse of the USSR in 1991 led to the emergence of five independent states in Central Asia: Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Kyrgyzstan. Four of them established an authoritarian form of government, while Kyrgyzstan became the only democratic state in the region. This may change after the referendum on constitutional reform, which is scheduled for 2021. The amendments to the Constitution provide for the extension of the president’s powers, which, according to many Kyrgyz researchers, may lead to the transformation of Kyrgyzstan into an authoritarian state. This articl

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8

Kadyralieva, N. Sh. "Model Development of State Policy in the Field of Higher Education in Kyrgyzstan (1991–2021)." Russia & World: Sc. Dialogue, no. 1 (March 5, 2025): 224–45. https://doi.org/10.53658/rw2025-4-1(15)-224-245.

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The article contains a study of the formation of a model of state policy in the field of higher education in Kyrgyzstan in the period from 1991 to 2021. The author attempts to analyze the educational policy of Kyrgyzstan based on models identified by B.Clark: statepaternalistic, liberal, corporate models. The comparison of models is based on the following criteria: educational policy goals, level of government intervention, financing of education, accessibility of education. Some aspects of the influence of foreign actors of educational policy on the formation of a national approach to higher

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Aidaraliev, Amantur, and Kamilya Kelgenbaeva. "MOSLEM WOMEN IN POLITICS." Alatoo Academic Studies 22, no. 3 (2022): 234–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.17015/aas.2022.223.28.

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Nowadays in the Kyrgyz Republic, while there has been notable progress in gender equality in public institutions, inequality between women and men persists in politics. According to international surveys, the majority of the population of Kyrgyzstan believes that only third of Kyrgyzstani people want to see more women in politics, while the rest prefer to see more in education and social fields. To explore the problem from the root, the authors discuss what is the equality of men and women in front of Creator (GOD); give examples of self-realized influential Muslim women in world politics, as

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Pomfret, Richard. "Central Asia since the Dissolution of the Soviet Union: Economic Reforms and eir Impact on State-Society Relations." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 6, no. 1-3 (2007): 313–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156914907x207775.

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AbstractIn late 1991, with the sudden collapse of the Soviet Union, the five Central Asian republics became independent countries. The completely unexpected challenges of nation-building were superimposed on the transition from a centrally planned economy. Within the common bounds of resource-based economies and autocratic regimes, the five countries gradually became more differentiated as their governments introduced diverse national strategies for transition to a market-based economy. This article describes the different economic polices adopted by Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmen

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Orçan, M., and S. Karaeva. "SLUMS IN BİSHKEK AND THEIR PROBLEMS." Vestnik Bishkek state university af. K. Karasaev 2, no. 60 (2022): 37–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.35254/bhu/2022.60.37.

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In this study, the lack of access to schools, hospitals, licenses, and passports of slums who became common due to random urbanization, and a lack of proper planning, infrastructure and management in Bishkek, the capital city of Kyrgyzstan will be examined and evaluated from a sociological perspective. It becomes a huge social problem, since it wasn’t concerned by the Government. Recently, Government has started initiatives for solving it. In summary, this study examines the reflection of the political and social upheavals that took place in 1991 and later in 2005 and 2010 and the current situ

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Khamidov, Alisher. "What It Takes to Avert a Regional Crisis: Understanding the Uzbek Government’s Responses to the June 2010 Violence in South Kyrgyzstan." Central Asian Affairs 2, no. 2 (2015): 168–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22142290-00202003.

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Uzbekistan played an important role during the June 2010 interethnic violence in South Kyrgyzstan by tightly controlling borders, allowing thousands of Kyrgyzstani refugees to cross into Uzbek territory, assisting in the shipment of international humanitarian assistance to Kyrgyzstan, and collaborating with the osce in the investigation of the causes of the violence. What explains Uzbekistan’s approach to the unrest in South Kyrgyzstan? Some scholars suggest that Uzbekistan’s response was shaped largely by external actors such as Russia. Others posit that domestic pressures account for the res

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Sherov, Sh, K. Tairov, and G. Zhumashova. "Islamic Education of Kyrgyzstan on the Way of Development." Bulletin of Science and Practice 7, no. 11 (2021): 372–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.33619/2414-2948/72/48.

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The article examines the development of Islamic religious education in the history of the Kyrgyz Republic over the past 30 years. According to the study, religious Islamic education is divided into 3 stages: the first stage — 1991–2000, the second stage — 2000–2006, the third stage — 2006–2010, and the fourth — 2011–2020. The features of the development of Islamic education at each stage are analyzed. In addition, the process of implementation of the concept of “Reform of religious education and religious studies” adopted by the Government of Kyrgyzstan was analyzed. The attempts of the Commis

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14

Tymowski, Andrzej W. "Interview with Karol Modzelewski, 1991." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 33, no. 4 (2019): 806–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325419874384.

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This is an edited version of an interview conducted in 1991 and first published in New Politics 4, no. 2 (1993): 155–72. The editors of EEPS publish this version after the recent death of Karol Modzelewski, 1937–2019. In the 1991 interview, Modzelewski reflected on the difference between Solidarność 1980–1981 as a mass social movement and the very much changed Solidarność that in 1989 formed the first non-Communist government in the Soviet bloc. His comments have a premonitory relevance for Polish politics today.

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15

Kazak, Nurgul, Saikal Zhunushova, Kulnara Abdymomunova, Kunduz Niiazalieva, and Gulzana Asanbaeva. "Transformation of the political elite of Kyrgyzstan (1991-2024): Dynamics and analysis." Scientific Herald of Uzhhorod University Series Physics, no. 56 (May 19, 2024): 1991–2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.54919/physics/56.2024.196rg6.

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Relevance. This study is relevant as it analyzes the complex transformation of Kyrgyzstan's political elite since independence, examining critical issues like the impact of revolutions, persistence of clan systems, and challenges to democratization. Purpose. The purpose of the study was to analyse the dynamics and transformation of the political elite of Kyrgyzstan since independence to identify the main trends and factors determining its evolution. Methodology. The research uses mixed methods, including legislative analysis, statistical data review, and content analysis of political speeches.

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16

Pritchin, S. "Features of the Transit of Power in Kyrgyzstan and Georgia in the Context of Emerging Political Institutions." Journal of Political Research 4, no. 3 (2020): 14–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/2587-6295-2020-14-23.

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Kyrgyzstan and Georgia are two states of the post-Soviet space where political processes take place in atypical scenarios for the region. In both countries, since independence in 1991, the change and transit of power has occurred more often than in their neighbors, and under different scenarios. Both republics are recognized as leaders in the post-Soviet region for liberalization and democratization, both are de-jure parliamentary republics, while Kyrgyzstan is the only parliamentary republic in Central Asia. At the same time, the peculiarity of the transit of power in the republics is the fac

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17

Khairutdinova, Rezeda R., Barno N. Abdulakhamidova, Taalajbek K. Toroshov, and Abduvakhap Sh Kaparov. "The Russian Language in Kyrgyzstan through the Lens of Students." Integration of Education 27, no. 3 (2023): 373–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.15507/1991-9468.112.027.202303.373-389.

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Introduction. The Kyrgyz and Russian languages reflect the language situation in the Kyrgyz Republic. Recently, the public discourse on the relationship between the two languages has attracted scientific attention. National surveys on the prospects of Russian as a functional language in education, public life, and government agencies are being conducted. While there are several studies on this issue, research on the opinions of the younger generation, constituting the majority of the countryʼs population, is almost non-existent. This article analyzes the current status of the Russian language

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18

Beishenaly, Nazik, and Frédéric Dufays. "Development of agricultural cooperatives in Kyrgyzstan: who are the lead actors?" Central Asian Journal of Water Research 7, no. 2 (2021): 138–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.29258/cajwr/2021-r1.v7-2/138-157.eng.

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Agricultural cooperatives play an important role in promoting local communities and sustainable farming practices in many parts of the world. In Kyrgyzstan their development remains a challenge despite the existence of laws and policies, support from donor-funded projects and the existence of an apex organisation. What is missing for their development and who should lead their development? Adopting an entrepreneurial ecosystem (EE) approach to the analysis of the agricultural cooperatives, we aim to identify the lead actors of the agricultural cooperatives’ development in Kyrgyzstan and unders

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19

Aidaraliev, Amantur. "The Religion Faith of the Kyrgyzs." Technium Social Sciences Journal 16 (February 10, 2021): 631–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.47577/tssj.v16i1.2530.

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Kyrgyzstan is a multi-ethnic and multi-faith society. This study highlights the role of religion in the development of Kyrgyz society in the XXth Century and the revival of it in the XXIst Century. In former USSR (Soviet Union) countries, these periods called “pre-Soviet era”, “Soviet-era” and “post-Soviet era”. The whole period during which the Kyrgyzs was exposed to Islam and adopted the faith divided into the following stages: i) from 9th to 14th centuries, ii) from 15th century to the second half of the 18th century, iii) from the end of the 18th century to the beginning of the 20th centur

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20

Rumman, E. Cissy Abu. "Theodore H. McNelly." PS: Political Science & Politics 41, no. 04 (2008): 888. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096508231288.

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Theodore H. McNelly, professor emeritus, department of government and politics at the University of Maryland, College Park, passed away in February 2008 at the age of 88. Professor Emeritus McNelly was born on December 27, 1919, and received his Ph.D. in 1952 at Columbia University. McNelly joined the faculty in the department of government and politics at Maryland in the fall of 1953 as a lecturer, was promoted to professor in 1967, and retired in 1991.

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21

DeCoursey, C. A., Boris Naimushin, Hidayet Tuncay, and Maria Stepanova. "Attitudes towards refugees in Russia, Kyrgyzstan, Lebanon and Saudi Arabia." Asian Social Science 13, no. 5 (2017): 116. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ass.v13n5p116.

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As refugee flows have increased, western attitudes towards them have become conflicted. Attitudes towards refugees in non-western and in Muslim nations are rarely studied, though these nations accept most refugees. This study of attitudes towards refugees among tertiary students in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA), Lebanon, Russia and Kyrgyzstan used Appraisal and content analysis frequencies and co-frequencies. Results showed that the Lebanese realised greater affect, possibly due to their experience of refugees. More generally, nationality shaped attitudes more than religion, tertiary stude

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22

Tamm, Marek. "In search of lost time: Memory politics in Estonia, 1991-2011." Nationalities Papers 41, no. 4 (2013): 651–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2012.747504.

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This article analyzes memory politics during the first 20 years (1991-2011) of the newly independent Estonia. Memory politics is understood as a politics endeavoring to shape the society's collective memory and establish notions of what is and is not to be remembered of the past, employing to this end both legislative means and practical measures. The paper presents one possible scheme for analyzing Estonian memory politics and limits its treatment in two important ways. Firstly, the focus is on national memory politics, that is the decisions of the parliament, government, and president orient

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Aguirre Unceta, Rafael. "Rural livelihoods, poverty and social protection in a former Soviet country, Kyrgyzstan." E-REVISTA INTERNACIONAL DE LA PROTECCION SOCIAL 1, no. 9 (2024): 132–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/e-rips.2024.i01.06.

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In Kyrgyzstan, many rural families have tried to escape poverty by migrating to urban centres within the country or abroad. Although the poverty rate has tended to decline over the course of this century, it has recently increased significantly, mainly due to the COVID pandemic and its aftermath. A few years after independence from the USSR (1991), the national government reintroduced a model of social protection, albeit less generous than that of the Soviet era. With some partial reforms, this model has been maintained until today. Its effectiveness seems insufficient, especially the noncontr

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Khalapsis, Oleksiy, Oleh Poplavskyi, and Oleh Levin. "Political and constitutional-legal transformations in Central Asia countries (1991–2021)." Naukovyy Visnyk Dnipropetrovs'kogo Derzhavnogo Universytetu Vnutrishnikh Sprav 3, no. 3 (2021): 52–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.31733/2078-3566-2021-3-52-59.

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The aim of the article is to determine the specifics of political processes related to decommunization in Central Asia (Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan), to study the variability of the main vectors of post-Soviet transformations of the respective societies. Reforms in Kazakhstan could theoretically pave the way for civil society, but so far they are more of an imitation. Uzbekistan is distinguished by the state's struggle against Islamic fundamentalism, which gave rise to Islam Karimov to pursue a tough internal policy. Democratization shifts after his death, but

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Byerdimurat, Dauirjan. "The Visibility of Religion and Religious Symbols in the Public Sphere in Central Asian Countries." Bulletin of the L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University. Historical Sciences. Philosophy. Religion Series 147, no. 2 (2024): 288–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.32523/2616-7255-2024-147-2-288-307.

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The Central Asian countries endured nearly seven decades of Soviet rule under the USSR, during which all manifestations of religious expression were suppressed, and religion was systematically marginalized from the public domain. However, following their independence in 1991, there has been a discernible surge in the prominence of religion within the Central Asian states. Despite the contentious nature of its resurgence, there has been a rapid revitalization of religious practices, evidenced by the establishment of mosques and madrasas, and a noticeable integration of religion into public life

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26

Altymyshova, Zuhra. "October Revolution and Soviet Class Struggle Policy in Kyrgyzstan." Central Asia 81, Winter (2018): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.54418/ca-81.100.

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In the middle of the XIX century, the territory of contemporary Kyrgyzstan was conquered by the Tsarist Russia. Later, in 1917, as a result of the October Revolution, the Tsarist regime was replaced by the Soviet rule. In the territory of Kyrgyzstan, it was established firstly in the southern and western regions of the country, such as Suluktu and Kyzyl-Kiya, Osh and Talas, where the largest industrial enterprises, mines, railway junctions and most of the workers and soldiers were concentrated. However, already by the mid 1918, the Soviet government managed to spread its power to the entire re

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Flyagin, Artem. "POSTCAREER OF RUSSIAN GOVERNORS 1991‒2020: MAIN DIRECTIONS." Вестник Пермского университета. Политология 15, no. 2 (2021): 120–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2218-1067-2021-2-120-128.

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The author collected and analyzed the biographies of all heads of the Russian regions who held their posts from 1991 to 2020. The main focus of this work was the careers of former heads of regions after their end of term. Information about the post-career of regional heads was found in 268 cases. The most popular directions of the post-governor career were federal government and business. Regional administration is much less popular, and local administration are almost not represented. In most cases, the governorship was a springboard in one's career. An analysis of changes in the main directi

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WAY, CHRISTOPHER. "Central Banks, Partisan Politics, and Macroeconomic Outcomes." Comparative Political Studies 33, no. 2 (2000): 196–224. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414000033002002.

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What are the implications of the trend toward granting central bank independence for partisan theories of the macroeconomy? The conventional view is that parties of the Left and Right strive to achieve distinctive macroeconomic outcomes when in government. However, when faced with an independent central bank, parties of the Left may prove unable to produce their preferred partisan outcomes, whereas Right parties may be privileged in their ability to pursue their goals. Moreover, granting the central bank independence can be expected to have differing effects depending on whether Left or Right

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Janenova, Saltanat. "Public Administration Academies in Central Asia: ‘Government puppets’ or independent seats of learning?" Teaching Public Administration 38, no. 2 (2019): 126–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0144739419886624.

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This article provides a critical analysis of the development of public administration education in the context of five post-Soviet, transitional, and authoritarian Central Asian countries: Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, and Turkmenistan from early independence to the present time (1991–2019). The study is based on a review of Master of Public Administration (MPA) programmes offered by Public Administration Academies in each of these five Central Asian countries, a focus group with local academics, extensive secondary data analysis, and critical reflections of a local scholar w

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Atienza, Maria Ela L. "The Politics of Health Devolution in the Philippines: Experiences of Municipalities in a Devolved Set-up." Philippine Political Science Journal 25, no. 1 (2004): 25–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2165025x-02501002.

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This paper analyzes the dynamics of health devolution in the Philippines within the context of the 1991 Local Government Code. The paper looks into how the present level of health devolution came about, the reform's impact on the public health system, and the factors involved in improving health service delivery in municipalities under a devolved set up. There are several variables that are tested as possible intervening variables. These are prioritization of health services in resource allocation and management, adequacy of formal health personnel and facilities, and citizens' participation i

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Sonessa, Wondimu Legesse. "Rethinking Public Theology in Ethiopia: Politics, Religion, and Ethnicity in a Declining National Harmony." International Journal of Public Theology 14, no. 2 (2020): 149–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15697320-12341609.

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Abstract Ethiopia is a country of multi-ethnic and multi-religious society. Almost all of its citizens claim affiliation with either Christianity, Islam, or African traditional religions. Adherents of these religions have been coexisting in respect and peace. However, there is a growing tension between the citizens since the downfall of the dictatorial military government of Ethiopia, which was displaced by the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), in 1991. Politics, religion, and ethnicity are the major causes of the declining national harmony under the current government

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Abdullah, Kaiwan J., and Hoshmand A. Mahmood. "The Jalal Talabani's relationships with East Kurdistan's parties and groups (1991-1975)." KOYA UNIVERSITY JOURNAL OF HUMANITIES AND SOCIAL SCIENCES 7, no. 2 (2024): 103–11. https://doi.org/10.14500/kujhss.v7n2y2024.pp103-111.

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This study examines the relationship between Jalal Talabani and East Kurdistan's political parties and organizations. Talabani is one of the most prominent Kurdish figures who has actively participated in modern history. He demonstrated leadership and intellectual abilities from a young age due to his early involvement in politics and culture. After founding the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) in 1975, Talabani entered a new political phase in his life, fighting for the rights of the Kurdish people in South Kurdistan. From the beginning, the PUK maintained close relationships with East Kurd

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Ciekawy, Diane. "Constitutional and Legal Reform in the Postcolony of Kenya." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 25, no. 1 (1997): 16–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700502455.

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The central government of Kenya is well known for its use of the legal system, state structures, and the KANU (Kenya African National Union) party apparatus to threaten and thwart those who criticize its undemocratic practices and human rights violations. There are numerous and detailed accounts of attacks on the news media, the denial of permits for opposition public speaking events, the disruption of opposition party meetings, and the arrest and incarceration of reformist political and religious leaders. It is common for the central government to criminalize political activity by charging cr

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Cudina, Jean Nikola, Julio César Ossa, Juan David Millán, Wilson López-López, and Luca Tateo. "Historical Development of Political-Critical Thinking in Colombian Psychology." Revista Colombiana de Psicología 32, no. 1 (2023): 29–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.15446/rcp.v32n1.98961.

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The study traces the historical elements that have influenced the development of political-critical thinking in Colombian Psychology. Four historical periods have been identified and discussed: The intellectual colonialism of Colombian Psychology (1947-1960); the social Psychiatry in the years of La comisión [The commission] (1961-1980); the community Psychology and the coexistence (1980-1991); and the psychosocial studies after recent peace processes between government and armed groups (1991-2018). Colombian political Psychology did not follow a homogeneous and linear development. The reality

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Nainggolan, Dina Thalentaria, and Nurdin Nurdin. "Analysis of the National Democratic Party's Refusal Joining the Prabowo-Gibran Coalition Government." Journal La Sociale 6, no. 4 (2025): 1206–22. https://doi.org/10.37899/journal-la-sociale.v6i4.2247.

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This study aims to analyze the political dynamics related to the refusal of the National Democratic Party to join the Prabowo-Gibran Government Coalition after the victory of the 2024 Presidential/Vice Presidential Election. The focus of analysis in the research is directed at explaining the political dynamics both internal to the party and external to the Nasdem party after receiving the invitation of president elect Prabowo Subianto to join the Red-White Cabinet. This research method uses a qualitative approach with data collection techniques through in-depth interviews with Nasdem cadres an

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McAllister, Ian. "The End of a Labor Era in Australian Politics." Government and Opposition 31, no. 3 (1996): 288–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1996.tb01192.x.

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The March 1996 Australian Federal Election Was The most important Australian election for more than a decade. It resulted in the return of the Liberal-National coalition to office after thirteen years in opposition, ending a period of unprecedented Labor-initiated change, first under the leader-ship of Bob Hawke and since 1991, Paul Keating.The election was also important because the new government will in all probability lead Australia into the new millennium and guide the country through a period of intense change in the Asia Pacific region; how the Liberal-Nationals approach the whole quest

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Menkhaus, Ken. "Governance without Government in Somalia: Spoilers, State Building, and the Politics of Coping." International Security 31, no. 3 (2007): 74–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec.2007.31.3.74.

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Zones of state failure are assumed to be anarchic. In reality, communities facing the absence of an effective state authority forge systems of governance to provide modest levels of security and rule of law. Nowhere is this phenomenon more evident than in Somalia, where an array of local and regional governance arrangements have emerged since the 1991 collapse of the state. The Somalia case can be used both to document the rise of governance without government in a zone of state collapse and to assess the changing interests of local actors seeking to survive and prosper in a context of state f

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Irvine, Jill A., and Carol S. Lilly. "Boys Must be Boys: Gender and the Serbian Radical Party, 1991–2000." Nationalities Papers 35, no. 1 (2007): 93–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990601124553.

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On 27 June 2004, Serbian voters went to the polls for the third time in a year to choose a president. The winner of the first two rounds of voting, Tomislav Nikolić, Deputy to the President of the extreme right Serbian Radical Party (SRS), lost the third round of voting to the more liberal Borisav Tadić by just under 8 percentage points (53.2 to 45.4), and the Radicals failed to form a ruling coalition in government. Nevertheless, more than five years after the last war in the disintegration of the Yugoslav state, the largest political party in the largest of the successor states has been char

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Kelkitli, Fatma Aslı. "The Foreign Policy Behaviour of the Nationalist Action Party in Türkiye: Aspirations, Actions, and Limitations." Comparative Southeast European Studies 72, no. 3 (2024): 283–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2022-0068.

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Abstract This study examines the foreign policy behaviour of the Nationalist Action Party (Milliyetçi Hareket Partisi, MHP) in Türkiye, both in the coalition government of 1999–2002 and the electoral alliance since 2018 with regard to Cyprus, relations with the Turkic republics (Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, and Turkmenistan), and the Xinjiang/East Turkestan issue. It does this by drawing on the foreign policy analysis literature which focuses on the impact of party politics and coalition decision-making on foreign policy. The article contends that although the MHP has pan-Tu

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Njovu, John. "The role of Zambian civil society in evaluation." Evaluation Matters—He Take Tō Te Aromatawai 7 (December 20, 2021): 158–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.18296/em.0072.

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Without active civil society and their evaluations, Zambia would still be a colonised nation. It is the welfare societies and cultural groups of indigenous Africans that were the foundation for the political movements that fought for its independence from the British. After political independence, civil society grew because of the 1970s global oil and financial crises. This was to mitigate the adverse effects on ordinary citizens of the conditionality of borrowing from the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, and developed nations. The increase in foreign development assistance led to

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Barata, Data Dea. "Minority Rights, Culture, and Ethiopia's “Third Way” to Governance." African Studies Review 55, no. 3 (2012): 61–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0002020600007204.

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Abstract:Following a successful armed resistance against a dictatorial state regime, a new government of former rebels took control of the national state in Ethiopia in 1991. Prompted partly by unfolding sea changes in global politics in the early 1990s, the new Ethiopian government pledged to undertake radical governance reform. More than twenty years after the new government took office, contested assessments of its record vis-à-vis its human and minority rights pledge, among other issues, have generated waves of debate, criticism, controversy, and global protests. Based on observations from

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Nilsson, Ann-Sofie. "Swedish Social Democracy in Central America: The Politics of Small State Solidarity." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 33, no. 3 (1991): 169–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165937.

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Few events have captured the imagination of progressive countries and parties worldwide as did the July 1979 Sandinista revolution in Nicaragua. Many of these parties became strong supporters of the Ortega government and were thus quite taken by surprise — as were most of those involved and engaged in Central American politics — by the outcome of the Nicaraguan election in February 1991. One such party, one of the most determined in its support of the Sandinistas, was Sweden's Social Democratic Party (Socialdemokratiska Arbetare Partlet or SAP), even though Sweden may not immediately come to m

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Jackson, Andrew. "Politics, Diplomacy, and the Creation of Antarctic Consensus." Yearbook of Polar Law Online 9, no. 1 (2018): 243–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116427_009010011.

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This paper examines the operation of consensus within the Antarctic Treaty System, examining its role as the primary mechanism for achieving important decisions affecting Antarctic governance. It points out that consensus does not equal unanimous agreement, but it does rely on the absence of formal objection. As an example, the paper focuses on the shift from the 1988 Antarctic minerals convention (which regulated possible mineral resource activities) to the 1991 environmental protocol (which prohibited such activities and put in place comprehensive environmental measures). The events and proc

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Harvey, Jean. "Book Review : Barrie Houlihan: The Government and Politics of Sport. London: Routledge, 1991. Pp. 269. $ 62.50 U.S." International Review for the Sociology of Sport 29, no. 1 (1994): 118–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/101269029402900111.

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Rebrikova, Anastasiia G. "Women's Representation in Government Bodies of the Russian Federation in the Period from 1991 to 2023." Public Administration. E-journal (Russia), no. 105, 2024 (August 31, 2024): 65–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.55959/msu2070-1381-105-2024-65-79.

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The representation of women in public authorities reflects a number of more general issues related to gender equality, the peculiarities of women's political leadership, women's participation in politics, etc. The purpose of this article was to identify gender proportions in the federal executive authorities and the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation for the period from 1991 to 2023. The study was conducted by statistical analysis of data presented in open sources, on the websites of the Federation Council, the State Duma, the Government and other public authorities. This article refle

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Sondrol, Paul C. "The Emerging New Politics of Liberalizing Paraguay: Sustained Civil-Military Control without Democracy." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 34, no. 2 (1992): 127–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166031.

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The Process of the transition from authoritarianism to more representative forms of government has become a major subject of the scholarship on Latin American politics today (O'Donnell, et al, 1986; Malloy and Seligson, 1987; Stepan, 1989; Diamond et al, 1988-1990; Lowenthal, 1991). Given this interest, as expressed by the growing literature in this area, little attention has been paid to the transition process now going on in Paraguay, which is now emerging from one of Latin America's most long-standing authoritarian regimes.A number of studies testify to the authoritarian nature of Paraguay'

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Eresso, Muluneh Kassa. "Challenges in Ethiopia’s Post-1991 Ethnic Federalism Entwined with Ethnic-based Political Parties." Mizan Law Review 15, no. 2 (2021): 313–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/mlr.v15i2.1.

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For about two and a half decades (1991-2018) it was propagated that Ethiopia’s ethno-linguistic federalism was primarily meant to unify the state and build the nation. However, competing perspectives on whether ethnic-based federalism would preserve unity in diversity in the country as a whole and in regional states in particular have proliferated. This article examines the outcome of post-1995 Ethiopian federalism in ethnic conflict management. It focuses on why Ethiopia has remained deeply divided and prone to ethno-cultural conflicts despite the ethno-linguistic federal political system, wh

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Di Nunzio, Marco. "THUGS, SPIES AND VIGILANTES: COMMUNITY POLICING AND STREET POLITICS IN INNER CITY ADDIS ABABA." Africa 84, no. 3 (2014): 444–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972014000357.

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ABSTRACTThe implementation of community policing schemes and development programmes targeting street youth in inner city Addis Ababa, intended to prevent crime and unrest, has resulted in an expansion of structures of political mobilization and surveillance of the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), the party that has ruled the country since 1991. Yet the fact that the government managed to implement its programmes does not imply that the ruling party was entirely successful in tackling ordinary crime as well as political dissent. As neighbourhoods continued to be insecu

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Vuletic, Dean. "Out of the homeland: The Croatian Right and Gay Rights." Southeastern Europe 37, no. 1 (2013): 36–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763332-03701003.

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This article discusses how the Croatian right’s attitudes towards gay rights have been defined by nationalism and Europeanism. It focusses on the Croatian Democratic Union (Hrvatska demokratska zajednica, HDZ), which has dominated Croatian politics since it was first elected to government in 1990. It led Croatia to independence from Yugoslavia in 1991 and through the homeland War from 1991 to 1995, and it also started and finished Croatia’s negotiations for accession to the European Union from 2005 to 2011. The HDZ government did not actively address gay rights in Croatia in the 1990s, especia

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Brennan, Timothy J. "Markets, Information, and Benevolence." Economics and Philosophy 10, no. 2 (1994): 151–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266267100004715.

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In the January 6, 1991, issue of the Washington Post Magazine, reporter Walt Harrington wrote a profile of Bryan Stevenson. Mr. Stevenson is a 31-year-old working-class African-American from Delaware who graduated from Harvard Law School and the Kennedy School of Government. Like the typical graduate of Harvard Law School, Mr. Stevenson had the opportunity to join the worlds of six-figure corporate law or high-visibility politics. Rather than follow his colleagues, however, Mr. Stevenson works seven-day, eighty-hour weeks as director of the Alabama Capital Representation Center. He appeals dea

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