Journal articles on the topic 'Kurds – Ethnic identity'
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1
Cetin, Umit, Celia Jenkins, and Suavi AYDIN. "Editorial: Alevi Kurds: History, Politics and Identity." Kurdish Studies 8, no. 1 (May 24, 2020): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ks.v8i1.558.
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This special issue brings together scholarship on Alevi Kurds by focusing on their ethnic, linguistic, religious, political, cultural and social specificity including a range of articles from the disciplines of anthropology, history, politics, linguistics and sociology. The first part focuses on Turkey, exploring the roots of Kurdish Alevism and how Alevi religious identities intersect with ethnic and national identity and political representations, and the second focuses on Alevi Kurds and their creation of a transnational religious identity and their mixed experience of settlement in the UK diaspora.
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Shaffer, Brenda. "The Formation of Azerbaijani Collective Identity in Iran." Nationalities Papers 28, no. 3 (September 2000): 449–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/713687484.
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Iran is a multi-ethnic society in which approximately 50% of its citizens are of non-Persian origin, yet researchers commonly use the terms Persians and Iranians interchangeably, neglecting the supra-ethnic meaning of the term Iranian for many of the non-Persians in Iran. The largest minority ethnic group in Iran is the Azerbaijanis (comprising approximately a third of the population) and other major groups include the Kurds, Arabs, Baluchis and Turkmen. Iran's ethnic groups are particularly susceptible to external manipulation and considerably subject to influence from events taking place outside its borders, since most of the non-Persians are concentrated in the frontier areas and have ties to co-ethnics in adjoining states, such as Azerbaijan, Turkmenistan, Pakistan and Iraq.
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Misiągiewicz, Justyna. "The Kurd Issue in the Middle East." Facta Simonidis 6, no. 1 (December 31, 2013): 127–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.56583/fs.233.
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This article surveys the developing situation of Kurdish minority in the Middle East and tries to predict the future of this ethnic group. The emergence of Kurd nationalism is gaining importance nowadays as a challenge for the stability and unity of the states in the region. The Kurdish question is not only connected with the political identity of the Kurds and their willingness to create their own state, but also with their economic weakness and poverty which has caused a violent ethnic conflict between government forces and the Kurdistan Workers Party in Turkey. This paper is aimed at better understanding and analysis of the Kurdish issue in Turkey, Iraq, Syria and Iran, which are Kurds’ homelands in the Middle East.
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Kızılkaya, Berna. "Kurds Stuck in Pain: A View of Kurdish Identity in the Way of Performativity." ISSUE EIGHT 5, no. 1 (June 30, 2021): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.25079/ukhjss.v5n1y2021.pp1-7.
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Why can Kurds not be happy, peaceful, joyous, and live a lifestyle on the top that they deserve just as many other ethnic identities have already done? Why do Kurds not have an independent state with a healthy and wealthy society just as many other populations, even the smallest, have achieved? Is it the destiny of Kurds? Or is it about behviours? The answer emerges from the pain that Kurds are stuck in. In this paper, Judith Butler’s concept of performativity is used to argue the aggrieved discourse that accompanies Kurdish identity with a tricky position called victim mentality. Analyzing limited and repeated discourses about Kurdish identity is used to attempt to suggest a new way of doing so, discursively. The idea that using a style of linguistic acts with embodied practices enables one to go beyond the current binary political framework for Kurds is explored.
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Albert, Craig Douglas. "A History of Violence: Ethnic Group Identity and the Iraqi Kurds." IRAN and the CAUCASUS 17, no. 2 (2013): 215–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573384x-20130206.
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One of the more interesting aspects of world concern during “Operation Iraqi Freedom” was how to incorporate Iraq’s Kurdish population into an American military strategy. Furthermore, as the war was winding down, and the United States and Iraq began to construct a new Iraqi state, government, and Constitutional regime, the focus shifted on what role would the Kurds play in the new government, or even if they should be included in a government. But for most policy-makers, it was unclear who were the Kurds. How were they different than the other ethnic and religious populations of Iraq and the region generally? What was their history with the Iraqi regime under Saddam Hussein? The purpose of this paper is to provide answers to these most important questions through the lens of Political Science. As Iraq continues to form its new identity, it is important to understand what constitutes the identity of one of its most prominent ethnic groups, the Kurds. In tracing and describing Kurdish ethnic attributes, it is also important to delineate the history between the Iraqi government under Saddam Hussein, how Iraqi identity was constructed in opposition to Kurdish identity (often oppressing it), and to understand the tense relationship between the two, a relationship that is most aptly described as having a history of violence.
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Serdar, Ayşe. "Strategies of making and unmaking ethnic boundaries: Evidence on the Laz of Turkey." Ethnicities 19, no. 2 (November 8, 2017): 335–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468796817739933.
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The main aim of this article is to explore different strategies of boundary making and unmaking by a minority ethnic group. I apply the theories of “boundary work” and constructivist understanding of ethnicity and nationhood to the case of the Laz, one of the autochthons of the Eastern Black Sea region of Turkey. I analyze two main strategies—boundary crossing and contraction—in the context of three sets of encounters and interactions, with Turks/Turkishness, people of Black Sea—Karadenizli—and Kurds/Kurdishness. First, I argue that assimilating into the official Turkish identity is one of the strategies adopted by the ethnic Laz. The Laz are incorporated into Turkishness both by their search for economic mobility, status, and by assimilationist policies of the state especially aimed at the spread of Turkish. To become a full-fledged true member of the nation and access to potential benefits, Turkishness through language shift has been realized that allowed boundary crossing of the Laz. Second, I state that despite the efforts of the top-down assimilationist policies, noncontentious ethnic identities can be reproduced by means of symbolic boundaries. The Laz contextually activate symbolic boundaries in informal settings by contracting from other people of Black Sea—Karadenizli—or ethnic Turkishness. The ethnic language is substituted by nonthreatening ethnic performances and rhetoric, less marked and more subjective traits of self-asserted differences. Such symbolic boundaries correspond to unofficial forms of hierarchies and competition over local belongings. Third, the analysis of the Laz–Kurd relationship unveils that ethnic boundaries can be redefined according to changing conditions. The impact of the Kurds on the Laz identity, either by means of personal acquaintances or the relationship between the state and the Kurdish national movement, is imperative. It triggers contradictions in the Laz identity by revealing new potential redefinitions and recasting of boundaries.
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Et. al., Kawa AbdulKareem Sherwani,. "Applicability of two Models of National Identity on Kurds." Turkish Journal of Computer and Mathematics Education (TURCOMAT) 12, no. 2 (April 10, 2021): 211–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.17762/turcomat.v12i2.705.
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National identity is a broad concept. Anthony Smith (1991) and Shulman (2002) proposed two models and identified some components and elements as the building blocks of national identity. However, they both acknowledge the fact that their lists are not exhaustive and elements can be added or removed to or from the lists. Kurds, as the largest ethnic group without a state in the world, work very hard to establish a unified national identity as it is the first step of nation building. The study aims at the applicability of the two models on Kurds. Apparently, territory, language and culture are huge problems due to the limited access of different parts to others in different times
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Et. al., Kawa AbdulKareem Sherwani,. "Applicability of two models of national identity on Kurds." Turkish Journal of Computer and Mathematics Education (TURCOMAT) 12, no. 2 (April 11, 2021): 319–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.17762/turcomat.v12i2.717.
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National identity is a broad concept. Anthony Smith (1991) and Shulman (2002) proposed two models and identified some components and elements as the building blocks of national identity. However, they both acknowledge the fact that their lists are not exhaustive and elements can be added or removed to or from the lists. Kurds, as the largest ethnic group without a state in the world, work very hard to establish a unified national identity as it is the first step of nation building. The study aims at the applicability of the two models on Kurds. Apparently, territory, language and culture are huge problems due to the limited access of different parts to others in different times
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Husain, Saddam. "Ethnicity and the Kurdish Questions in the Middle East." RESEARCH REVIEW International Journal of Multidisciplinary 8, no. 9 (September 14, 2023): 18–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.31305/rrijm.2023.v08.n09.003.
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The Kurdish question could be considered as an ethnic question in Middle East politics, which remains unsolved. As the largest stateless ethnic groups, most of its population exists in the four Middle East countries: Iraq, Iran, Syria, and Turkey. In contemporary times, the polarisation along ethnic lines has become central to the Kurdish question in Middle East politics. Presently, most existing expertise on Kurdish politics gave the numbers aspect of the Kurdish national struggle in the Middle East. The historical exclusion and assimilation of Kurd ethnic identity by dominant ethnic identity and challenges faced by the Kurds, such as statelessness, marginalisation, and conflict, always look like the Ethnic matter of the Kurdish question in the Middle East. This research paper delves into the complex interplay between ethnicity and the Kurdish question in the Middle East. The paper begins by tracing the historical origins of the Kurdish people. It examines the evolution of the Kurdish question, analysing the socio-political and cultural factors that have shaped their struggle for self-determination.
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Akboga, Sema, and Osman Sahin. "Identity and Perceptions of Procedural Justice in the Courts in Turkey: Ethnic and Political Factors." Journal of Humanity and Society (insan & toplum) 12, no. 1 (2022): 37–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.12658/m0644.
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Procedural justice, which is about the fairness of procedures that the legal authorities use in their interactions with the public, is an important determinant of people’s general evaluations of these authorities. Based on a nationally representative survey with 1,804 people, this article investigates how socio-political identities such as ethnicity and one’s status as a political winner or loser affect people’s perceptions of procedural justice in the courts in Turkey. Multivariate regression analysis revealed that Kurds and political losers are more likely than Turks and political winners, respectively, to think that the courts in Turkey are not procedurally just. Furthermore, we found that voting for the incumbent party or being an Alevi does not have an effect on Kurds’ perceptions of procedural justice in the courts. We, therefore, argue that ethnicity and being a political winner are two important identity factors that determine people’s perceptions of procedural justice in the courts in Turkey. We concluded that because Kurds and political losers are less likely to identify with the state, they have more negative perceptions of procedural justice in the courts in Turkey.
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Arslan, Sevda. "Language, Religion, and Emplacement of Zazaki Speakers." Journal of Ethnic and Cultural Studies 6, no. 2 (August 16, 2019): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.29333/ejecs/244.
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Speakers of the Zazaki language present an ongoing and contested dilemma regarding their relationship and place within mainstream Kurdish identity. Academic scholarship on Zazaki speakers, and more specifically, their identity is not only scarce but often fails to provide a solid discussion on (ethnic) identification processes. The article gives an overview of scholarly research on identity in the context of ethnic membership affiliation and focuses on the case of the Zaza identity, language, religion to problematize the place and sense of belonging of its speakers. As language is the starting point, it is viewed as a key salient factor for the Zazaki identity. This article discusses the relationship between language and identity to examine the claims about whether Zazaki speakers belong to the ethnic category of “Kurd” or just “Zaza”. Faith (Alevism and Sunni Islam) is also identified as a potentially competing factor shaping and defining the Zazaki identity discussion. The article concludes by proposing that we move beyond the simplistic and opposing views of Zazaki speakers as Kurds or as a distinct ethnic group. Instead, the Zazaki case provides a unique opportunity to move beyond strict categorizations of identity influenced by rigid concepts of nationalism and nationhood to a more nuanced understanding on the fluidity of identity among ethno-cultural and/or linguistic minorities and migrant groups in general.
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Irak, Dağhan. "KURDISH IDENTITY AND SPORTS IN TURKEY: THE CASE OF AMEDSPOR." Society Register 2, no. 1 (August 10, 2018): 59–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/sr.2018.2.1.04.
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The Kurds, the largest minority in Turkey, have almost no visibility in Turkish sports. While Kurdish sportspeople are not discouraged from joining in sports activities, their participation is heavily monitored by the government agencies against any manifestation of ethnic identity. Football in the Kurdish regions, seen by the Turkish state as a tool to distract Kurdish youth from political activities, has always been subject to the direct intervention of the civil and military bureaucracy, their presence in club boards is not uncommon. However, a third-division club named Amedspor, challenged all the unwritten rules related to Kurds in sports, at the expense of receiving a recurring suspension from the Turkish Football Federation. This article examines the Kurdish sports and the Amedspor case through Manuel Castells’ conception of legitimizing, resistance and project identities
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Kumar, Y., and B. Baktybayev. "ANALYSIS OF INTER-ETHNIC CONFLICTS AND APPLICATION OF NATIONAL IDENTITY THEORIES IN KAZAKHSTANI CONTEXT." BULLETIN Series of Sociological and Political sciences 73, no. 1 (December 30, 2020): 95–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.51889/2021-1.1728-8940.13.
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Two large conflicts arose between representatives of Uighurs and Kazakhs in 2006 and between Kurds and Kazakhs in 2007 within the Republic of Kazakhstan. Official authorities did not want to consider these conflicts as inter-ethnic conflicts in order not to propagate further ethnic escalations and clashes. One of the few reasons were due to the fact that the state did not want to worsen its international image as a peaceful and multi-national state as it has proclaimed to be so, where representatives of around 130 nationalities live in peace and harmony together.
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Al-Absi, Marwan, and Eva Al-Absiová. "Kurds in the Middle East in the context of plurality of identities." Review of Nationalities 8, no. 1 (December 1, 2018): 149–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pn-2018-0009.
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Abstract The paper analyzes the ethnic, linguistic and religious aspects of the Kurdish region19. It explains the issue of the tribal identity of Kurdish communities in the Middle East and points to the phenomenon of tribalism as a key factor affecting the degree of ethnic and political consistency of Kurdistan20.
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Smets, Kevin. "Ethnic identity without ethnic media? Diasporic cosmopolitanism, (social) media and distant conflict among young Kurds in London." International Communication Gazette 80, no. 7 (October 26, 2018): 603–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1748048518802204.
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Media are fundamental to the way communities make sense of conflicts. This also holds true for diaspora communities, who are involved in and affected by distant/homeland conflicts. Shifting away from the dominant focus on ‘radicalization’ through media in this context, this study looks at the role media play in making sense of such conflict among young Kurds in London. Data consist of focus groups with Kurdish youth, participant observations in community centres and ethnographic conversations. While media are generally perceived as the central forces through which diaspora youth experience and engage with the Kurdish conflict in Turkey, ethnic media, in particular Kurdish broadcasting, play a very limited role. The distance vis-à-vis ethnic media is analysed and explained through respondents’ discourses on diasporic cosmopolitanism. The results show that their shift away from ethnic media facilitates more solid ethnic identities and more enhanced engagements with the Kurdish conflict.
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Akbarzadeh, Shahram, Zahid Shahab Ahmed, Costas Laoutides, and William Gourlay. "The Kurds in Iran: balancing national and ethnic identity in a securitised environment." Third World Quarterly 40, no. 6 (April 11, 2019): 1145–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01436597.2019.1592671.
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Pobedonostseva-Kaya, Angelika. "“The Soviet Government Approves of Our Religion”: Yezidism in Soviet Cinema." Oriental Courier, no. 3 (2022): 159. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s268684310023761-5.
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Yezidi studies in Russia and the USSR were connected, first of all, with the general development of Kurdish studies. Due to long-term social isolation and religious persecution, the Yezidis were a closed society, which, due to its low social “proletarian” status, was considered by the Bolsheviks as a society capable of assimilating a new revolutionary ideology. One of the most important elements of nation-building was the formation of a national identity among the ethnic groups of the eastern and southern regions of the USSR through the promotion of the ancient heritage of these peoples, as well as the interpretation of their religious traditions as part of their national identity. Unlike the European part of the country, here it was about pre-modern societies and was complicated by tribal and religious aspects. National minorities in the USSR were often assigned to one or another republic, within the framework of which they received the institutions of modern culture and elements of their own administration. In Armenia, home to the largest Yezidi community in the region, Kurdish identity has long been linked to Islam, which could potentially also mean opposition to modern Armenian identity, which emphasizes Christianity. The Armenian side made references to the common past during the First World War and looked for additional ethnic groups as potential allies. Armenia's monopoly on the Kurds and Yezidis is reflected in the cinema. There were few films dedicated to the Kurds during the entire existence of the SSR of Armenia. The main emphasis in the report is made on the films of the interwar period: “Zare” (1926) and “Yezidi Kurds” (1932). These paintings are interesting not only as one of the earliest depictions of Kurdish society, but also as an attempt to represent and interpret Yezidi rites and customs on film.
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Zeidel, Ronen. "The Iraqi Novel and the Kurds." Review of Middle East Studies 45, no. 1 (2011): 19–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2151348100001865.
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This article is a part of an attempt to show how the Iraqi novel depicts the main sectarian and ethnic groups in Iraq. Concentrating on Iraqi novels in Arabic, written mainly by Arab writers, I will examine the attitude of intellectuals to the Kurds as well as the role accorded to Kurds in the narratives of contemporary Iraqi novels.Benedict Anderson was one of the first scholars to speak about the role of the novel in creating and spreading a national identity. This is done through a creation of an “imagined community” with shared notions of time and space. The Iraqi novel was and still is committed to this idea and most Iraqi (Arab) novelists were partisans of an Iraqi nationalism that strongly supports the integrity of the country within its current borders and envisions a nationalism that contains all of Iraq’s communities.
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Khdir, Rebaz R., and Hiwa Mahmood Abdalla. "The Kurdish Armed Struggle in Turkey and the Scope of International Law." Journal of University of Raparin 10, no. 3 (September 29, 2023): 680–712. http://dx.doi.org/10.26750/vol(10).no(3).paper30.
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The Kurdish issue is one of the complex issues in the Middle East region that has along bloody history. Although the issue is originally related to the sovereignty of the Kurds over their historical land, the geopolitical changes has transformed it into the question of identity and group rights in the states into which they are divided. Turkey is one of the region’s new states where the majority of Kurds reside in today but the state denies their distinct ethnic identity in its constitution and laws and they have consequently been deprived of all collective civil and political rights in the form of democratic autonomy. Meanwhile, the Kurds have a distinct historical tradition, cultural homogeneity, linguistic unity and territorial connection which ultimately make them qualify as a people and according to modern international law, all peoples have the right to self-determination at least in an internal context. In contrast to the state denial and tyrannical policy, the Kurds have not kept their silence but resisted the state. In their resistance, they have tried to resort to peaceful means in the form of demands and agreements and in contemporary times through political and civil parties and organizations but the state has not and does not allow such a movement. This article attempts to illustrate the origins of the issues which are rights and freedoms of the Kurds on the bases of a discriptive analytical method, alongside the recognition of the Kurdish struggle in Turkey as terrorism by the international community under the influence of Turkish media and diplomacy.
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Asatrian, Garnik. "Prolegomena to the Study of the Kurds." Iran and the Caucasus 13, no. 1 (2009): 1–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/160984909x12476379007846.
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AbstractThe article presents a thorough review of nearly all relevant aspects of Kurdish Studies concerning the ethnic history, identity, religion, language, and literature of the Kurds. Elaborating upon the respective issues, the author makes extensive use of all available data and materials, including ancient and mediaeval, particularly those never previously examined with regard to related topics. The objective examination of most crucial problems of the field contributes to a better understanding of Kurdish prehistory, expanding, at the same time, the basic methodological concepts upon which further research should be grounded. Due to the politicised nature of Kurdological disciplines, many ideological elements of non-academic provenance, that have found their way into the scholarly milieu in recent decades and have become a constant set of stereotypes and clichés, have been highlighted in the paper.
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Gunter, Michael M., and Seevan Saeed. "Turkey's Kurdish Insurgency Reappraised (Part I)." Commentaries 4, no. 1 (February 6, 2024): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/tc.v4i1.3224.
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As the modern Republic of Turkey—officially established on 29 October 1923—enters its second century and crucial national elections for president and parliament were held on 14 and 28 May 2023 in which the Kurds played a crucial role, this is a particularly important time to reappraise the county’s long-continuing Kurdish insurgency and related events. Over the years, two over-arching, seemingly contradictory themes involving change and continuity have characterised Turkey’s policy toward the Kurds. During Ottoman times (1261-1923) and even into the early Republican days (1923- ), the Kurds were granted a type of separate status befitting their unique ethnic identity. However, probably largely because of the Sheikh Said Rebellion in 1925, Kemalist Turkey abruptly cancelled this policy and instead initiated one of denial, assimilation, and force. The fear was that the Kurds would potentially challenge Turkey’s territorial integrity and divide the state. Only gradually beginning in the 1970s and 1980s, when this position of, denial, assimilation, and the fist had clearly failed, did Turkey cautiously and incrementally begin again reversing its policy and granting the Kurds some type of recognition. Thus this article also will cover the PKK insurgency, as well as Abdullah (Apo) Ocalan’s capture and its consequences. Subsequently, Part II of this reappraisal will bring events up to the present in 2024.
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Mossaki, Nodar. "The Armenian Factor in the Formation of a Yezidi Identity, or: Who Is “Inventing” the Yezidis?" Antropologicheskij forum 17, no. 51 (December 2021): 72–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.31250/1815-8870-2021-17-51-72-112.
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The article deals with the problems of ethnic and religious identity of the Yezidis who have been traditionally classified as Kurds but have increasingly disassociated themselves from them in recent years. This development was reflected in post-Soviet censuses in Russia, Georgia, and Armenia, where the vast majority of Yezidis defined their ethnic identity as Yezidi rather than Kurdish. In Kurdish studies, the process of separating Yezidis from Kurds has also traditionally been associated exclusively with the policies of the Armenian authorities, particularly in the context of the national and ideological role of Armenian scholars in the Armenian-Kurdish discourse. However, the article shows that the ethnicization of the Yezidis is a general trend in the Yezidi community, regardless of the factor of Armenia. The author claims that it is the attitude of the Kurdish-Muslim community towards the Yezidis in their historical homeland—in Iraq and Iraqi Kurdistan—that is a predictor of the Yezidi identity. This was most clearly seen after the ISIS attack on the Yezidi populated area in Sinjar (Northern Iraq) in August 2014, as a result of which thousands of Yezidi men were executed, and the captured Yezidi women enslaved. These events are understood by the Yezidis within the framework of the Yezidi-Kurdish relations, since the Kurdish armed forces—which had guaranteed the security of the Yezidis and protection from ISIS—unexpectedly withdrew their troops from Sinjar shortly before the terrorist attacks. This led to an increase in anti-Kurdish sentiments in the Yezidi community.
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Javadi, Alimohammad, and Maryam Javadi. "Nacionalinis tapatumas ir globalizacija. Irano Islamabado ir Gilanegarbo miestų pagrindinių studijų studentų apklausa." Informacijos mokslai 45 (January 1, 2008): 112–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/im.2008.0.3379.
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Pastaraisiais metais plėtojantis modernizmui ir modernizacijai pastebima pasaulinių nacionalinio tapatumo pokyčių, kurie skatina nacionalizmo ir tapatybės tyrimus. Komunikacinės technologijos ir globalizacijos procesas gali turėti įtakos nacionaliniam tapatumui. Pagrindinis šio pranešimo tikslas – aprašyti ir ištirti tautinį tapatumą ir esminius su juo susijusius veiksnius. Šiam tikslui atskleisti taikomas tiriamasis apžvalgos metodas, pasirinkta apklausti Islamabado ir Gilanegharbo 165 studentus bakalaurus. Tyrimo rezultatai parodė, kad nacionalinis tapatumas yra labai svarbus (jis vertinamas 3,92 skalėje nuo 0 iki 5), taip pat kaip svarbūs įvardijami ir kiti kintamieji, tokie kaip interneto aplinka, palydovinių ir palydoviniu būdu perduodamų programų žiūrėjimas, vaizdo filmų ir televizijos programų žiūrėjimas. Nustatyta, kad šie veiksniai turi neigiamą įtaką nacionaliniam tapatumui.Analizuojant kurdų pasisakymus matyti, kad nedidelė populiacija, etninės ypatybės, tradicijos kartais nulemia nacionalinio tapatumo silpnėjimą.National identity and globalization. A survey among undergraduate students in Islamabad and Gilanegharb cities (Iran)Alimohammad Javadi, Maryam Javadi SummaryIn the recent years, due to the expansion of modernism and modernization on a global scale, there have been developments at cultural and structural levels, resulting in a change in national identity and making the study of nationalism and identity become an important topic in social science. Communication technologies and globalization can affect national identity. The main goal of this article is to describe and analyse national identity and related major factors. For this purpose, a survey of a sample of 165 undergraduate students in the cities of Islamabad and Gilanegharb (Iran) in the education year 2007 was considered, (the population are Kurds in Islamabad and Gilanegharb, Kurds being an ethnicity in Iran). The results have indicated that the rate of national identity is high (mean = 3.92 of 0 to 5), and the variables at the use of sexual environment of the Internet, the rate of using satellite programs and their kinds, VCD and related programs have a negative effect on national identity, and the variables like satisfaction with work and facilities of welfare, intimacy with family, satisfaction with having facilities of welfare in the nation of Kurds have a positive effect on national identity. Ethnicity and the low size of population affect the decrease of national identity. In the multi-variable regression analysis, the effect of independent variables reached about 64%, and the variables that could be included as independent variables into the regression model are as follows: satisfaction with job in Iran, relationships with friends, ethnic intimacy with the family, the rate of the use of satellite, tradition and satisfaction with the facility of education.Key words: national identity, globalization, mass media, new media, ethnicitybsp;
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Uluğ, Özden Melis, Özen Odağ, J. Christopher Cohrs, and Peter Holtz. "Understanding the Kurdish conflict through the eyes of Kurds and Turks." International Journal of Conflict Management 28, no. 4 (August 14, 2017): 483–508. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijcma-05-2016-0035.
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Purpose Conflict understandings of lay people mirror society in miniature. Although lay people and their conflict understandings in society may shape the course of an ongoing conflict, little scholarly attention is so far given to the understandings of everyday discourse in Turkey’s ongoing Kurdish conflict. The present research aims to examine the views of lay Kurds and Turks in two politically polarized cities in Turkey, Mersin and Diyarbakır. Design/methodology/approach To examine these views, the authors used focus group discussions and open-ended questionnaires with a total of 64 lay people from Mersin and Diyarbakır. Findings Qualitative content analysis revealed more conflict understandings than presented in the existing academic literature. Furthermore, multiple correspondence analysis suggested that both ethnic identity and the city in which people live are important factors influencing how people perceive the conflict. Originality/value The meaning of novel themes, differences and similarities within and between ethnic groups and two cities, and the usefulness of qualitative methods to examine lay people’s viewpoints are discussed.
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Sharaby, Rachel. "The Renewal of an Ethnic Tradition and Its Role in Shaping the Kurds Immigrants’ Identity." Immigrants & Minorities 35, no. 2 (May 4, 2017): 129–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02619288.2017.1335202.
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Sahin, Osman, and Sema Akboga. "Ethnic identity and perceptions of the police in Turkey: the case of Kurds and Turks." Policing and Society 29, no. 8 (May 23, 2018): 985–1000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10439463.2018.1477777.
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عبدالرحمن, پشکۆ, and ماجید فەتاح. "The National and Geographical Identity of the Cut-Off Areas from Kurdistan Region of Iraq." Journal for Political and Security Studies 4, no. 8 (December 1, 2021): 49–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.31271/jopss.10052.
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The geographical review of those areas needs academic and scientific research. The national and geographical identity of the cutoff areas Kurdistan regions was an obscure issue in the relations between the Kurds and the Iraqi government in the stages of history. In fact, the region in terms of national and geographical identity faced many crises, and the efforts and attempts to distort the national, ethnic and geographical identity of that region were many and varied, including: ethnic cleansing, displacement and Arabization, and with all that they also tried from a cultural, linguistic and ideological perspective to obliterate the historical reality of that region and its Kurdistan. Therefore, in this research, I refer to the history of these areas in terms of the national identity of those areas, with a precise indication of the geographical borders of Southern Kurdistan, and a definition of the national, ethnic and religious minorities in it. The research consists of six axes: In it, the Kurdish regions located in the areas of Mosul, Kirkuk, Diyala and Wasit were precisely identified and defined. We also referred to scientific sources and academic research, and mentioned writers and travelers interested in Kurdish studies, official documents related to the region, and documents that confirm the truth and entitlement of nationalism, geography and national identity. and geography of that region. All of this is analyzed in this research.
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Fuccaro, Nelida. "Ethnicity, State Formation, and Conscription in Postcolonial Iraq: The Case of the Yazidi Kurds Of Jabal Sinjar." International Journal of Middle East Studies 29, no. 4 (November 1997): 559–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002074380006520x.
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In modern Iraq, processes of state formation and national integration have been consistently affected by a number of ethnic issues and concerns. This became particularly evident in the decade after the country became independent from British Mandatory control in 1932. First, in the immediate postcolonial period ethnicity became central to the development of Iraqi national and international politics. Second, ethnic specificity emerged as a major factor in the shaping of postcolonial Iraqi society, despite the continuous attempts at enforcing a new national identity on the part of a still fragile state. This article discusses the important role played by ethnicity during the first stages of Iraqi national development by focusing on the impact of conscription on the Yazidi Kurds of Jabal Sinjar.
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Sardarnia, Khalil, and Marzieh Abedi. "Analyzing the Wide Pankurdism from the Copenhagen School and Constructivism Perspective." Journal of Politics and Law 9, no. 9 (October 30, 2016): 31. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v9n9p31.
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<p>In the (post–Cold War era), one can see violence, ethnic and religious changes in the Middle East more than any other regions in the world. In the recent years, changes and rises have made this region the central place for ethnic and religious crisis around the world. The present study aims to answer this basic question framed through two theoretical approaches of constructivism and Copenhagen school. That is, what are the most influential reasons for spreading pankurdism in the Kurdish-resident regions in the Middle East? In order to answer this question, the research hypothesis is based on some influential elements including self-governance experience in Iraqi Kurdistan as the heart and the locus for forming the dream of great Kurdistan, appearance and activation of new generation of leaders, Kurdish party and civil actors. It also includes intensification of awareness and ethnic identity-orientation among young Kurdish people, the fragility of the government in Iraq, collapse of authority in Syria and appearance and proceeding of Islamic state of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) forces. In this paper, the research method is analytical-causal explanation. The most important findings of the study is that the combination of reasons cause to make spread of pankurdism in the Kurdish-resident region and their convergence effective. These reasons are the identification among the Kurds as the result of dissatisfactions, humiliation, and suppression during several decades, the successful experience of autonomy in the Kurdish-resident regions, and collapse and fragility of authority in Syria and Iraq. In the near future, such increasing opportunities and convergences of the historical and main identity can prepare the Kurds to put pressure on the governments for autonomy or even their independency.</p>
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Abdulrahman, Bnar Abdulsalam, and Nama Ezzaalddin Mustafa. "Iraqi Kurd or Arab Male Authenticity Detection Based on Facial Feature." UHD Journal of Science and Technology 8, no. 1 (March 3, 2024): 64–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdjst.v8n1y2024.pp64-77.
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As an inherent human characteristic, ethnicity plays a fundamental and critical role in biometric identification. On the other hand, the human face is the core of man’s identity, and facts such as age and race are often extrapolated automatically from the face. The objective is to utilize computer technologies to identify and categorize ethnic groups based on facial features. Convolutional neural networks (CNN), which can automatically identify underlying patterns from data, excel at learning image features and have shown state-of-the-art performance in several visual recognition challenges, such as ethnicity detection. Although the automated classification of traits such as age, gender, and ethnicity is a well-researched topic, Iraqi ethnic groupings have not yet been addressed. This study seeks to tackle the challenge of predicting the ethnicity of Iraqi male individuals based on their facial traits for the two largest ethnic groups, the Arabs, and the Kurds. Male Iraqi Kurds and Arabs were each represented by 260 image samples. The dataset underwent a diverse array of preprocessing and data enhancement techniques, including image resizing, isolation, gamma correction, and contrast stretching. Moreover, to augment the dataset and expand its diversity, various techniques such as brightness adjustment, rotation, horizontal flip, and grayscale augmentations were systematically applied, effectively increasing the overall number of images, and enriching the dataset for improved model performance. Face images of Kurds and Arabs were classified using the Faster region-based CNN (RCNN) approach of deep learning. Due to insufficient data in the dataset, we propose employing transfer learning to extract features using several pre-trained models. Specifically, we examined EfficientNetB4, ResNet-50, SqueezeNet, VGG16, and MobileNetV2, resulting in accuracies of 96.73%, 94.91%, 93.39%, 92.48%, and 90.32%, accompanied by corresponding precision values of 0.86, 0.81, 0.80, 0.70, and 0.69, respectively. It is essential to emphasize that the following inference speeds – VGG16 (4.5 ms), ResNet-50 (4.6 ms), SqueezeNet (3.8 ms), MobileNetV2 (3.7 ms), and EfficientNet-B4 (16 ms) – represent the computing times needed for each backbone. Moreover, to achieve a harmonious trade-off between precision and the time required for inference, we chose ResNet-50 as the foundational framework for our model aimed at classifying ethnicity. The study also acknowledges limitations such as the availability and diversity of the dataset. Nevertheless, despite these limitations, it provides valuable perspectives on the automated prediction of Iraqi male ethnicity through facial features, presenting potential applications in various domains. The findings contribute to the broader conversation surrounding biometric identification and ethnic categorization, underscoring the importance of ongoing research and heightened awareness of the inherent limitations associated with such studies.
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Karim, Lanja Najmalddin. "Kurdish National Identity in the films of Yilmaz Guney and Bahmani Ghobadi." Journal of University of Human Development 7, no. 3 (August 18, 2021): 69–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/juhd.v7n3y2021.pp69-73.
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this essay explores the conceptualization of Kurdish identity in the works of Kurdish film makers, namely Bahmani Ghobadi and Yikmaz Guney, whose films established a unified Kurdish National Cinema beyond the borders and statelessness in a transnational space. This essay delineates the ways Kurdishness is expressed in the cinematic techniques of the two Kurdish film makers who used similar subtle techniques to incorporate their Kurdish identity into the films they made. The Kurds, as one of the largest stateless ethnic group in the Middle East have suffered violent oppression, state perpetuated discrimination, and exclusion. This essay draws on Hannah Arendt’s The Origins of Totalitarianism, and Philip Rosen’s essay in Theorizing National Cinema to explore how Yalmiz Guney and Bahmani Ghobadi presented the national identity of the characters to mark the films with a sense of Kurdishness. This essay further explores the construction of national identity and personhood specifically in Guney’s Yol and Ghobadi’s Turtles Can Fly to show how stateless people can easily become a subject of dehumanization by different nation states.
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Arpacık, Demet. "Redefining Kurdishness in the U.S. Diaspora: The experiences of Kurdish Students and Their Parents in Nashville Schools." Journal of Ethnic and Cultural Studies 6, no. 2 (August 16, 2019): 44. http://dx.doi.org/10.29333/ejecs/252.
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As a result of a cumulative history of genocide, discrimination, and assimilation, Kurds have found refuge in many countries around the world, including the U.S., with the hope of practicing their culture and speaking their language without the fear of imprisonment or death. Unlike their fellow Kurds in the homeland, Kurdish people in the U.S. largely have the freedom to talk in Kurdish, dance, and sing in Kurdish, and dress Kurdish clothing. Kurdish people enjoy certain political and cultural freedoms in the U.S., which is largely absent in their homeland (Hassanpour, Skutnab-Kangas, & Cyhet, 1996) but the on-going war on terror brings about new constraints and limits to these freedoms (Thangaraj, 2015b). This research aims to understand the dynamics of the Kurdish identity transformation and negotiations in the context of the U.S. diaspora and the role of educational institutions, as one of the primary spaces of encounter with the mainstream U.S. society, in this transformation. It seeks answers to how Kurdish students and their parents, as an inherently heterogeneous group, go through the complex process of negotiation of their identities in and through Nashville, Tennessee school system. It aims to understand the new struggles and possibilities that the Kurdish diaspora experience as they look for a place in the new society that has its own politics of identity. What does the information about Kurdish students and their parents’ experiences tell us about the sociopolitical context of the new country and its racial, ethnic and gender relations and more specifically about the educational system as one of its institutions in reproducing these relations and placing Kurds somewhere in the spectrum of these relations? How does the case of Kurdish students and parents speak to the larger Middle Eastern diaspora studies?
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Savasta, L. "To be for fighting & To fight for being (How identity and the sense of belonging can influence the performance of the Syrian Kurds’ military groups)." Asia and Africa Today, no. 3 (2022): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750019237-2.
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The purpose of this article is to examine how the concept of identity and the sense of belonging can shape the performance and increase the capacity of a military group. At first the text outlines the theoretical framework of what is the sense of belonging and how this is strictly connected with the notion of identity by looking at previous literature. Afterward the paper defines how these factors can cause and bring to a different military capacity, when it is formed by representatives of a single ethnic group. The relevance of this work is the possibility of having a clearer understanding of military efficiency by combining theories of two sciences: political science and anthropology. Previous works didn’t give a complete vision and understanding of it because they were not combining the theories of these two disciplines, leaving a not clear result in their research. Furthermore, for proving the theoretical framework developed in the text, a case study is chosen: the Syrian Kurds, specifically two groups, Partiya Yekîtiya Demokrat (YPD) and Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF). Using a qualitative research method, the groups are exposed, and it is outlined how the theoretical idea of the paper functions when looking at physical examples. The combination of primary sources and interviews with UN staff operating in Syria during 2012-2016, allowed a more complete and objective vision of the groups’ capacity and the reality that the Syrian Kurds were living. The choice fell on these exponents because they manifest each of the theoretical points touched in the research (culture, sense of belonging and identity).
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Ayan Musil, Pelin. "The AKP’s Appeal to the Kurdish Vote in Turkey: Exploring the Role of an Outsider Party Identity." Archiv orientální 91, no. 2 (October 31, 2023): 205–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.47979/aror.j.91.2.205-228.
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In the early 2000s, the Justice and Development Party (AKP) rose to power by contesting the electoral dominance of pro-Kurdish parties in the Kurdish-majority provinces of Turkey. The existing literature has accounted for the AKP's popularity among the Kurdish population by providing three distinct perspectives: economic performance, the use of ‘Islam as cement,’ and pledges to safeguard the ethnic rights of the Kurds as a ruling party. This article introduces a more encompassing perspective in understanding the AKP’s popularity among the Kurdish population. It argues that these three issues were encapsulated in the AKP’s outsider identity based on its stance against the injustices committed by the Turkish state. In doing so, the article offers a two-dimensional definition of outsider parties, one dimension based on exclusion from state ideology, the other based on the party’s own discourse. The broader implication of this study is that outsider parties, as part of their power-seeking strategy, can mobilize groups with different political goals by creating a bonding effect among them against a repressive state ideology.
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Furu, Adél. "Representations of suppressed indigenous cultural memories: the communities of Sami of Finland and Kurdish of Turkey." Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 7, no. 2 (December 15, 2015): 167–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v7i2_12.
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In my paper I intend to examine how the historical marginalization of Sami and Kurdish history and culture affects the cultural identity of these ethnic groups. I discuss how recent political discourses and state interventions have influenced the images of the past and identity politics in the Sami communities living in Finland and in the Kurdish society living in Turkey. Furthermore, I describe how these assimilated minorities have alienated from their own identity due to a damage of their collective memory caused by devastating historical events. The paper also focuses on the ways these two minorities give meaning to the past and strengthen their cultural identities through different forms of art. Both Samis and Kurds express their identities in several creative ways. Their historical realities, individual histories, memories of assimilation and common values are reflected in joiks, folk music and cinema. These are strong ways of remembering and expressions of identity in both cultures. Traditional songs, films, documentaries reveal histories, reproduce cultures and shape the memories of both Sami and Kurdish people. Therefore, I will discuss how the patterns of their cultural memory have an impact on the representation of their identities in the above art forms.
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Kaplan, Ellen Wendy. "Refuge and Resistance: Theater with Kurds and Yezidi Survivors of ISIS." Humanities 11, no. 5 (September 2, 2022): 111. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/h11050111.
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This essay looks at ongoing efforts to revitalize arts and culture among the Yezidi and broader Iraqi Kurdish communities. The Yezidi are survivors of the 2014 genocide perpetrated by the Islamic State (ISIS, also known by its Arabic acronym Da’esh) which resulted in mass killing, captivity and expulsion from their ancestral homeland of Mt. Sinjar in northern Iraq. They are part of the Kurdish people, who have engaged in centuries of struggle to protect their cultural and political identity, establish autonomy and ensure their security in the broader Middle East. After a brief overview of the Yezidi genocide and its aftermath, we trace some theatrical efforts in the 20–21st century and look at two embryonic theater initiatives in Iraqi Kurdistan. The description of cultural projects at Springs of Hope Foundation (Shariya Camp) is followed by personal reflection and analysis of the aims, uses and challenges of Applied Theater. This ‘umbrella term’ refers to a process that uses a theatrical tool-kit in non-theater contexts. The aesthetic, ethical and political challenges inherent in this work are considered: the essay explores questions of ethical care and the implications and pitfalls of working with vulnerable and displaced populations, issues of representation, and creating spaces for healing and expression through participatory theater. Finally, we discuss a new initiative in Iraqi Kurdistan that seeks to address ethnic and political fissures through theater. The essay culminates with a consideration of belonging and re-imagining home.
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Titalessy, Andre, Johanis Steny Franco Peilouw, and Veriana Josepha Batseba Rehatta. "Perspektif Hukum Internasional Terhadap Suku Bangsa Kurdi yang Stateless." TATOHI: Jurnal Ilmu Hukum 4, no. 1 (March 31, 2024): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.47268/tatohi.v4i1.2116.
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Introduction: The background of this research is that citizenship is a form of identity that allows individuals to feel the meaning of ownership, rights and social obligations in the political community (state). The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) confirms that everyone has the right to a citizenship.Purposes of the Research: Writing aims to determine the arrangement of International Law against a person who has no citizenship and to know the implementation of International Law against ethnic Kurds.Methods of the Research: This type of research is normative law, namely research that uses secondary data sources with data sources consisting of primary, secondary and tertiary legal materials. The data collection technique used was library research, namely research carried out by collecting various kinds of literary literature either through print media or online media with data collection tools in the form of document studies.Results of the Research: The results of this study indicate that international law has provided rules for a person who has no nationality, including the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the 1954 Geneva Convention Concerning the Status of Stateless Persons and the 1961 Geneva Convention Concerning the Reduction of Statelessness, the Declaration on the Rights of Persons -Persons of National or Ethnic, Religious and Linguistic Minorities and the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination. International law has provided clear arrangements for resolving statelessness. But ethnic Kurds in Syria still do not enjoy citizenship rights. The participation of the state government is needed in tackling this.
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Westrheim, Kariane, Michael Gunter, Yener Koc, Yavuz Aykan, Diane E. King, Jordi Tejel, Joost Jongerden, and Martin Van Bruinessen. "Book Reviews." Kurdish Studies 1, no. 1 (October 4, 2014): 225–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ks.v2i2.402.
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Adem Uzun, “Living Freedom”: The Evolution of the Kurdish Conflict in Turkey and the Efforts to Resolve it. Berghof Transitions Series No. 11. Berlin: Berghof Foundation, 2014. 48 pp., (ISBN: 978-3-941514-16-4).Ebru Sönmez, Idris-i Bidlisi: Ottoman Kurdistan and Islamic Legitimacy, Libra Kitap, Istanbul, 2012, 190 pp., (ISBN: 978-605-4326-56-3). Sabri Ateş, The Ottoman–Iranian Borderlands: Making a Boundary, 1843-1914, New York; Cambridge University Press, 2013. 366., (ISBN: 978-1107033658). Choman Hardi, Gendered Experiences of Genocide: Anfal Survivors in Kurdistan-Iraq. Farnham, Surrey and Burlington Vermont: Ashgate, 2011, xii + 217 pp., (ISBN: 978-0-7546-7715-4).Harriet Allsopp, The Kurds of Syria: Political Parties and Identity in the Middle East, London and New York, I.B. Tauris, 2014, 299 pp., (ISBN: 978-1780765631).Khanna Omarkhali (ed.), Religious Minorities in Kurdistan: Beyond the Mainstream [Studies in Oriental Religions, Volume 68], Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2014, xxxviii + 423 pp., (ISBN: 978-3-447-10125-7).Anna Grabole-Çeliker, Kurdish Life in Contemporary Turkey: Migration, Gender and Ethnic Identity, London: I.B. Taurus, 2013, 299 pp., (ISBN: 978-1780760926).
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Pełczyński, Grzegorz, and Adam Pomieciński. "Armeńscy Jezydzi. Proces akulturacji a specyfika diaspory." Przegląd Wschodnioeuropejski 12, no. 2 (December 31, 2021): 263–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/pw.6880.
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Yezidis is a religious group of Yezidi faith, sometimes identifying with Kurds or considering themselves a separate ethnic group. Parts of the Yezidi diaspora are scattered mainly in the countries of the Middle East. In Armenia, they are the largest minority in this country, with a population of around 30,000. The article presents the process of Yezidi acculturation in Armenia. The concept of acculturation of D. Sam and J. Berry, which takes into account the degree to which people want to preserve their identity and culture, and the degree to which they want to be in contact with people outside their own group and participate in everyday life within the framework of wider society, turned out to be helpful here. In the case of the Armenian Yezidis, the acculturation process is quite diverse, as it extends between integrating with the Armenian society and remaining on the margins of it.
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Studies, Kurdish. "Book Reviews." Kurdish Studies 6, no. 1 (May 28, 2018): 155–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ks.v6i1.438.
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Khanna Omarkhali, The Yezidi Religious Textual Tradition: From Oral to Written. Categories, Transmission, Scripturalisation and Canonisation of the Yezidi Oral Religious Texts, Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2017, 625 pp. (ISBN 9783447108560).Parvin Mahmoudveysi, Denise Bailey, Ludwig Paul, and Geoffrey Haig, The Gorani Language of Gawraǰū, a Village of West Iran: Texts, Grammar, and Lexicon, 2012, Wiesbaden: Reichert Verlag, 276 pp., (ISBN: 9783895008559).Mahmoudveysi, Parvin, and Denise Bailey. The Gorani Language of Zarda, a Village of West Iran: Texts, Grammar, and Lexicon, 2013, Wiesbaden: Reichert Verlag, 240 pp., (ISBN: 9783895009525).David Gaunt, Naures Atto, and Soner O. Barthoma, Let Them Not Return: Sayfo – The Genocide against the Assyrian, Syriac and Chaldean Christians in the Ottoman Empire, New York, Oxford: Berghahn Books, 2017, 274 pp., (ISBN: 97817853349869).Ahmed Fawaz, Opportunity, Identity, and Resources in Ethnic Mobilization: The Iraqi Kurds and the Abkhaz of Georgia, Lanham, Maryland: Lexington Books, 2017, 229 pp., (ISBN: 9781498534000).Michael M. Gunter (ed.), Kurdish Issues: Essays in Honor of Robert Olson, 2016, Costa Mesa, CA: Mazda Publishing, (ISBN: 9781568593104).
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Pobedonostseva-Kaya, Angelika O. "“Lenin and the Bolsheviks Were All Kurds”: Folklore and Politics in the Soviet Kurdish Culture of the 1920–1930s." Oriental Courier, no. 2 (2023): 183. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s268684310026755-8.
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To overcome imperial legacy, the Soviet policy after 1917 set itself new guidelines in the field of foreign and domestic policy. Among the policies of the Soviet government in the first decades of its existence was the systematic intensive development of the modern national identity of the non-Russian peoples of the USSR. This included, inter alia, training national specialists and developing a modern educational and cultural infrastructure, but also providing each of the ethnic groups of the USSR with a certain set of modern cultural institutions and products. This canon also included literary works related to Soviet politics which glorified the leaders of the party and the government. All these measures urgently required experts which can provide expertise for efficient implementation of these policies, and therefore contributed to greater flexibility in treating the scholars. Focusing on the cases of N. Ya. Marr and his students O. L. Vilchevsky and A. Sh. Shamilov, this article examines the implementation of the Soviet policy towards the Kurds, including various linguistic and ethnographic projects. Special emphasis is placed on the history of the appearance of Kurdish-language works about Soviet leaders. The work is based on previously unused archival material.
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Hall, Elif, Bilecik Şeyh, Gulhan Najmaldın, and Caglar Karamasa. "Investigating the effect of consumer xenocentrism on purchase intention for foreign products." Strategic Management, no. 00 (2024): 74. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/straman2400005h.
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Background: Broadly defined as preference for another country rather than your own, xenocentrism in the context of consumer and consumption refers to willingness to purchase foreign products even if there are equivalent domestic products that are similar or even better in quality. Purpose: The aim of this study is to determine the effect of consumer xenocentrism on Iraq-Kirkukian consumers' purchase intention for Turkish products. In addition, the study also examines the differences between the demographic variables and xenocentrism. Study design/methodology/approach: To achieve these purposes, a survey was administered to a sampling consisting of 450 individuals selected by using convenient sampling method, and 418 of these surveys were included in the analyses. This sampling consisted of Turkmens, Arabs and Kurds. T-test and ANOVA test were performed to identify the differences between demographic information about the participants and xenocentrism. Factor analysis was done for the scales used in the study, and multiple regression analysis was done later to obtain the effect of consumer xenocentrism on purchase intention for Turkish products. Findings/conclusions: The results of the study reported a positive and significant effect of consumer xenocentrism on purchase intention for Turkish products. In addition, consumer xenocentrism in Kirkukian consumers did not differ according to gender and ethnic identity. Limitations/future research: The research was conducted in the city of Kirkuk, Iraq, which was under adverse political and security conditions and face-to-face survey was limited. The results cannot be generalized since Kirkuk has the most diverse ethnic identity in Iraq and is a place where Turkmens live more densely than other cities. Therefore, conducting this research in other countries would yield different results. In particular, examining the structure of consumer xenocentrism in developed economies would provide additional information about the prevalence and impact of xenocentric tendencies in these countries. It is also important to investigate the impact of consumer xenocentrism on other variables such as product decisions, risk perceptions and willingness to pay.
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Ivelashvili, Tina. "On the Identification of So-Called “Meskhetian Turks”." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 5 (October 2019): 162–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2019.5.12.
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Introduction. The problem of repatriation of the Muslim population, so-called “Meskhetian Turks” exiled in 1944 from Samtskhe-Javakheti and acceptance of their national identity has long worried Georgian people. The opinions on this subject vary drastically. Depending on the political situation, this issue periodically emerges (possibly deliberately) as a controversy. Comparison and analysis of currently available written sources, special and general literature, documents, recently studied ethnographic materials finally provide an opportunity to define who the “Meskhetian Turks” are. In addition, they reveal who is benefiting from using this artificially created term and for what purpose. Methods and materials. The materials concerning these problems and their classification are based on the methods developed by Ac.G. Chitaia, the founder of Georgian Ethnographic School. They contain different methods of complex-intensive as well as generalization and historical characters. Analysis. Muslimized population (Tarakams, Kurds, Turks, and later Georgian Muslims) mostly lived in Akhalkalaki and Akhaltsikhe provinces before the exile. Prior to 1940, the religious and ethnic composition of the population was rather diverse. This area was inhabited by indigenous Christians and partly Islamized Georgians. They were later joined by sheltered Kurds, Turks, Armenians and Karapapakhs. Calling them “Meskhetian Turks” has a specific purpose and the term is artificially spread in Georgian society. This type of action does not happen in any other country. One may wonder if various governmental, non-governmental and international agencies that have appeared in Georgia like mushrooms after the rain, know about this fact. Or, maybe they know it but under the influence of the governing forces of “the new order” and wholesome funding they deliberately destroy the national identity and integrity of the centuries-old history of the Georgian nation. One should use the term “Muslimized Meskhetians” but never “Meskhetian Turks” (the diverse tribal muslim population exiled from Samtskhe-Javakheti) to refer to the population of several million indigenous muslimized Georgians who are living on their historic territory (Tao-Klarjeti, Kola- Artaani, Shavsheti, Lazistan, etc.), currently Turkey. Results. The research process highlights the following: according to the results of the study, it becomes possible to develop a number of recommendations which will help the multiethnic population of Samtskhe-Javakhethi live in a peaceful way and accelerate the adaptation and integration processes.
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FUKURAI, Hiroshi. "The Decoupling of the Nation and the State: Constitutionalizing Transnational Nationhood, Cross-Border Connectivity, Diaspora, and “National” Identity-Affiliation in Asia and Beyond." Asian Journal of Law and Society 7, no. 1 (February 2020): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/als.2019.26.
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AbstractSince the first Asian Law and Society Conference (ALSA) was held at the National University of Singapore (NUS) in 2016, a number of special sessions have been organized to focus on the deconstruction of the Westphalian transnational order based on the concept of the “nation-state.”1 This dominant hegemony was predicated on the congruence of the geo-territorial boundaries of both the state and the nation, as well as the “assumed integration” of state-defined “citizenship” and another distinctly layered “membership” based on culture, ethnic, religious, and indigenous affiliations. The “nation-state” ideology has thus masked a history of tensions and conflicts, often manifested in the form of oppression, persecution, and genocide directed at the nation and its peoples by the state and its predatory institutions. Our studies have shown that such conflicts between the nation and the state have been observed in multiple regions in Asia, including Kashmir in India; Moro and Islamic communities of Mindanao in the Philippines; Karen, Kachin, and other autonomous nations in Myanmar; West Papua, Aceh, Kalimantan, South Moluccas, Minahasa, and Riau in Indonesia; Kurds in multiple state systems of Iraq, Syria, Turkey, and Iran; and Palestine in Israel, among many other culturally autonomous nucleated communities in Asia and across the world.2 The phrase “the nation and the state” was specifically chosen to distinguish and highlight the unique conflictual histories of two geo-political entities and to provide a fundamentally differing interpretation of history, geography, the role of law, and global affairs from the perspectives of nation peoples, rather than from that of the state or international organizations, as traditional analyses do. The Westphalian “nation-state” hegemony led to the inviolability of the state’s sovereign control over the nation and peoples within a state-delimited territory. The state then began to engage in another predatory project: to strengthen and extend its international influence over other states and, thus, the nations within these states, by adopting new constitutional provisions to offer cross-border “citizenship” to diasporic “ethnic-nationals” and descendants of “ex-migrants” who now inhabit foreign states. The nations have similarly capitalized on constitutional activism by erecting their own Constitutions to explore collaboration with other nations, as well as diasporic populations of their own, in order to carve out a path toward the nations’ independence within, and even beyond, the respective state systems. The “constitutional” activism sought by the state and the nation has become an important political vehicle with which to engage in possible collaboration with diasporic “ethno-nationals” and ex-migrant communities, in order to further assert political influence and strengthen trans-border politics of the state and the nation. Three articles included in this issue investigate such constitutional activism of cross-border politics and transnational collaborations in Asia, the Americas, Europe, and other regions across the globe.
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O’Connor, Francis. "Radical political participation and the internal Kurdish diaspora in Turkey." Kurdish Studies 3, no. 2 (October 31, 2015): 151–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ks.v3i2.412.
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This article analyses the political mobilisation of the Kurdish internal diaspora outside of the Kurdish region in Turkey. The paper engages with the long held proposition that diasporas tend to support more radical political actors. It discusses the PKK’s mobilisation in western Turkey and the manner in which it has contributed to the revival of a broader Kurdish collective identity. The paper considers historic patterns of Kurdish migration before detailing the role of state repression, ethnic alienation and socio-economic marginalisation on recent Kurdish migrants. It concludes by proposing that it was the specific ideological and spatial strategies deployed by the PKK rather than broader contextual factors which permitted the PKK to win mass support among Kurds in western Turkey. Keywords: Kurdish migration; the PKK; political violence; diaspora; social movements.Beşdariya siyasî ya radîkal û diyasporaya kurdî ya navxweyî li TirkiyeyêEv nivîsar vekolînek e li ser çalakgeriya siyasî ya diyasporaya navxweyî ya Kurdên li derveyî herêma kurdnişîn a Tirkiyeyê. Ev gotar tevî wê fikr û pê$niyaza kevn dibe ya ku dibêje meyla diyasporayan bêtir li ser bizavên siyasî yên nisbeten tundrewtir e. Nivîsar berê xwe dide çalakgeriya PKKyê li rojavayê Tirkiyeyê û lê dikole ka wê çalakgeriyê bi çi rengî tesîr li vejandina nasnameyeka Kurdî ya cemawerî û berfirehtir kiriye. Di vê xebatê de, pê$iyê şikl û corên koçberiya Kurdan ji nezera tarîxî ve hatine pê$kê$kirin, pa$ê, rola fakterên wek zordestiya dewletê, nebankirina (vederkirina) qewmî û perawêzxistina civakî-aborî ya li ser koçberên heyamên dawî bi hûrgilî hatine nîqa$kirin. Wekî encam, ev xebat pêşniyar dike ku piştgiriya girseyî ku PKK ji Kurdên li rojavayê Tirkiyeyê wergirtiye, ne ew qas ji $ert û mercên gi$tî û çarçoveya berfireh, lê zêdetir bi saya wan stratejiyên taybet yên îdeolojîk û mekanî ne ku PKKyê dane ber xwe. بەشداری سیاسییانەی رادیكاڵ و تاراوگەی ناوخۆیی كورد لە توركیائەم گوتارە شیكردنەوەیەكە لە سەر مۆبایلیزە كردنی سیاسییانەی تاراوگەی ناوخۆیی كورد لە دەرەوەی دەڤەرە كوردییەكان لە توركیا. ئەم لێكۆڵینەوەیە لەو پێشنیازە دەكۆڵێتەوە كە دەلێت، تاراوگە پشتیوانی لەو ئەكتەرە سیاسییانە دەكات كە زیاتر رادیكاڵن. ئەم گوتارە باس دەکا لە مۆبایلیزە كردن لە لایەن پ.ك.ك وە لە رۆژاوای توركیا و ئەو شێوانەی کە ئەو ڕێکخراوەیە بە ڕەچاوکردنیان توانیویەتی ناسنامەیەکی بەرفراوانی كۆمەڵی كوردی ببووژێنێتەوە. ئەم لێكۆڵینەوەیە بەر لەوەی تاوتوێی رۆڵی چەوساندنەوە لە لایەن دەوڵەتەوە بکات و سەرنج بداتە هەڵاواردنی ئینتنیکی و پەراوێز خستنی ئابووری-كۆمەڵایەتی لە سەر كۆچبەرە كوردەكانی ئەو ساڵانەی دوایی، شێوازە مێژووییەكانی كۆچ كردنی كورد راڤە دەكا. لە كۆتاییدا، ئەم گوتارە پێشنیار دەكات كە ھۆكاری بە دەستھێنانی ئەو پشتگیریە جەماوەرییەی پ.ك.ك لە ناو كوردی رۆژئاوای توركیا دەگەڕێتەوە بۆئەو ستراتیژییە تایبەتە فەزایی و ئایدیۆلۆژییانەی كە ئەو ڕێکخراوەیە پەیڕەوی كردووە، نەك فاكتەرە بەربڵاوە ژینگەییەکان (contextual).
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Bocheńska, Joanna. "In search of moral imagination that tells us “who the Kurds are”: Toward a new theoretical approach to modern Kurdish literature." Kurdish Studies 4, no. 1 (May 1, 2016): 78–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ks.v4i1.407.
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The main objective of this article is to propose a new theoretical perspective on modern Kurdish literature in order to enrich the existing field, which has mainly focused on identity and social issues. This article refers to Kwame Appiah’s reflections on the ethics of identity and the concept of moral imagination by Martha Nussbaum, Patricia Werhane and Lawrence M. Hinman, and argues that the proposed moral imagination can have an important contribution to analysing Kurdish literature, deepening existing approaches and better evaluating Kurdish prose. It can also provide a greater insight into the difficult colonial and postcolonial interrelations.ABSTRACT IN KURMANJILi pey xeyaleke exlaqî ku dibêje me “kurd kî ne”: Ber bi nêrîneke teorîk a nû li ser edebiyata kurdî ya modêrn Armanca serekî ya vê gotarê pêşkêşkirina nêrîneke nû ya mêtodolojîk e ji bo vekolîna edebiyata kurdî ya modêrn da ku xebatên heyî, ku bêtir bala xwe didin ser nasname û meseleyên civakî, dewlemendtir bike. Ev gotar xwe dispêre hizrên Kwame A. Appiah yên li ser etîka nasnameyê û têgeha texeyula exlaqî ya nivîskarên wek Martha Nussbaum, Patricia Werhane û Lawrence M. Hinman. Îdiaya gotarê ew e ku ev têgeha “texeyula exlaqî” dikare beşdariyeke girîng bike di tehlîlkirina edebiyata kurdî de, lewre ew dikare nêrînên heyî kûrtir bike û rêyê li tehlîlên çêtir ên li ser pexşana kurdî veke. Herwiha ev têgeh dibe têgihiştinên berfirehtir dabîn bike li ser têkiliyên aloz ên kolonyal û paş-kolonyal.ABSTRACT IN SORANI
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Rezazadeh, Arezoo, Nasrin Omidvar, Hassan Eini-Zinab, Mahmoud Ghazi-Tabatabaie, Reza Majdzadeh, Saeid Ghavamzadeh, and Sakineh Nouri-Saeidlou. "Major dietary patterns in relation to demographic and socio-economic status and food insecurity in two Iranian ethnic groups living in Urmia, Iran." Public Health Nutrition 19, no. 18 (June 30, 2016): 3337–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1368980016001634.
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AbstractObjectiveTo identify major dietary patterns and their association with socio-economic status (SES) and food insecurity in two major ethnic groups living in Urmia, north-west Iran.DesignA cross-sectional study.SettingAll four geographical zones of Urmia city.SubjectsParticipants (n 723; 427 women and 296 men), aged 20–64 years, from two ethnic groups (445 Azeri Turks and 278 Kurds).ResultsThree major dietary patterns were extracted: ‘Traditional High SES’ (THS), ‘Traditional Low SES’ (TLS) and ‘Transitional’. After adjusting for confounders, the THS pattern was positively associated with education level and negatively associated with moderate or severe food insecurity in Azeri Turks; whereas, among Kurds, it was more common in women and positively associated with age. The TLS pattern was more common among men and negatively associated with educational level and all levels of food insecurity in Azeris; while, among Kurds, it was more common among men, positively associated with being married and negatively associated with household income/capita. The ‘Transitional’ pattern was positively associated with being employed and negatively associated with age and all levels of food insecurity in Azeris; while, among Kurds, it was more common among men and negatively associated with age, being married and physical activity level.ConclusionsFindings suggest that household SES and food insecurity are associated with detrimental dietary patterns and that this effect may be stronger than cultural and ethnic background. These patterns differ by age and gender. Therefore, such characteristics should be considered in planning and formulating diet-related policies and programmes.
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Akh Syaiful Rijal and Lutfi Hakim. "Etika Tasawuf Guru: Studi Pemikiran Imam al-Ghazali dan Syekh Muhammad Amin al-Kurdi." TADRIS: Jurnal Pendidikan Islam 16, no. 1 (June 14, 2021): 127–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.19105/tjpi.v16i1.4351.
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This study aims: (1) to identify how the ethics of teacher Sufism according to Imam al-Ghazali and Sheikh Muhammad Amin al-Kurdi; and (2) To find out how the teacher's Sufism ethical thinking compared between the two. This research method includes the type of library research. The main data sources are the book Ihya 'Ulumiddin, Ayyuhal Walad by Imam al-Ghazali, and the book Tanwirul Qulub by Sheikh Muhammad Amin al-Kurdi. The analysis uses content analysis and comparison methods. As a result, the ethics of teachers from the Sufism perspective according to Imam al-Ghazali and Sheikh Muhammad Amin al-Kurdi are in the form of ethical-religious so that the ethics of teachers are more directed at the Sufism behavior of a mursyid to his students. Second, the similarity of the teacher’ ethic based on Sufism perspective according to Imam al-Ghazali and Sheikh Muhammad Amin al-Kurdi is that the teacher must be care to their students and know their students’ intellectual competence. The difference, Imam al-Ghazali recommends that the teachers guide their students to be real human through an exemplary approach. Meanwhile, Sheikh Muhammad Amin al-Kurdi also emphasized compassion in interacting with students, but in internalizing values it uses a verbal approach, namely giving advice.
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Romano, David. "Modern Communications Technology in Ethnic Nationalist Hands: The Case of the Kurds." Canadian Journal of Political Science 35, no. 1 (March 2002): 127–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423902778207.
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This article examines the effect of modern media and communications technology on ethnic nationalist resurgence, using the Kurds as a case example. Television, satellite communications, the Internet and easy access to publishing technology now facilitate ethnic nationalist challenges to state hegemony and monopoly of information. Additionally, modern media and communications technology can turn a humiliating defeat into a catalyst for a more unified, stronger, ethnic nationalist movement. Globally broadcast images of such a defeat arouse the passions and indignation of even those people who only nominally identify themselves with the ethnic group in question. At the same time, communications technology such as telephones, faxes and e-mail facilitate the channeling of such indignation into immediate group protest and action which, in turn, strengthens the ethnic identification of action participants.
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Ozfidan, Burhan, Lynn Burlbaw, and Hasan Aydin. "The Minority Languages Dilemmas in Turkey: A Critical Approach to an Emerging Literature." Journal of Educational Issues 4, no. 1 (January 5, 2018): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jei.v4i1.11498.
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Turkey comprises many ethnic groups other than Turks including, but not limited to, Armenians, Assyrians, Alevi, Arabs, Circassians, Greeks, Kurds, Laz, and Zaza. These groups are ethnically different from Turks and were incorporated into the Ottoman Empire’s eastern provinces with de facto autonomy. The main objective of this study is to illustrate the need for a language curriculum and identify the obstacles that minority groups encountered in Turkey. This study examines three large communities: Arabs, Kurds, and Laz. The results indicate that minority people in Turkey who had poor Turkish language education were unable to learn their mother tongue within the formal educational settings from the foundation of the republic until 2012. Some of the ethnic groups’ languages, such as Laz, Kurdish, and Arabic, were started at schools as elective courses, but few, if any, textbooks written in these languages exist.