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Lee, Winnie, Ali Akbar Moradi, Reza Askarzadeh, Pierre Bois, Ahmad Djavaheri, and Frank Kane. "Kurdistan Iranien: Les Maqam Rituels des Yarsan / Iranian Kurdistan: The Ritual Maqam of the Yarsan." Yearbook for Traditional Music 35 (2003): 231. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4149358.
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Mohammadi, Iran. "Regards sur le mouvement ethnique au Kurdistan iranien." CEMOTI 38, no. 1 (2004): 185–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/cemot.2004.1749.
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Karimi, Sara Zandi. "History of Ardalānids (1590-1810) by Sharaf al-Dīn bin Shams al-Dīn." Kurdish Studies 5, no. 1 (May 11, 2017): 56–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ks.v5i1.420.
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This article is a critical translation of the “History of the Ardalānids.” In doing so, it hopes to make available to a wider academic audience this invaluable source on the study of Iranian Kurdistan during the early modern period. While a number of important texts pertaining to the Kurds during this era, most notably the writings of the Ottoman traveler Evliya Chalabi, focus primarily on Ottoman Kurdistan, this piece in contrast puts Iranian Kurdistan in general and the Ardalān dynasty in particular at the center of its historical narrative. Thus it will be of interest not only to scholars of Kurdish history but also to those seeking more generally to research life on the frontiers of empires.Keywords: Ẕayl; Ardalān; Kurdistan; Iran.ABSTRACT IN KURMANJIDîroka Erdelaniyan (1590-1810)Ev gotar wergereke rexneyî ya “Dîroka Erdelaniyan” e. Bi vê yekê, merema xebatê ew e ku vê çavkaniya pir biqîmet a li ser Kurdistana Îranê ya di serdema pêş-modern de ji bo cemawerê akademîk berdest bike. Hejmareke metnên girîng li ser Kurdên wê serdemê, bi taybetî nivîsînên Evliya Çelebî yê seyyahê osmanî, zêdetir berê xwe didine Kurdistana di bin hukmê Osmaniyan de. Lê belê, di navenda vê xebatê de, bi giştî Kurdistana Îranê û bi taybetî jî xanedana Erdelaniyan heye. Wisa jî ew dê ne tenê ji bo lêkolerên dîroka kurdî belku ji bo ewên ku dixwazin bi rengekî berfirehtir derheq jiyana li ser tixûbên împeretoriyan lêkolînan bikin jî dê balkêş be.ABSTRACT IN SORANIMêjûy Erdellan (1590-1810)Em wutare wergêrranêkî rexneyî “Mêjûy Erdellan”e, bew mebestey em serçawe girînge le ser Kurdistanî Êran le seretakanî serdemî nwê bixate berdest cemawerî ekademî. Jimareyek serçawey girîng le ser kurdekan lew serdeme da hen, diyartirînyan nûsînekanî gerîdey ‘Usmanî Ewliya Çelebîye, ke zortir serincyan le ser ‘Kurdistanî ‘Usmanî bûwe. Em berheme be pêçewanewe Kurdistanî Êran be giştî, we emaretî Erdelan be taybetî dexate senterî xwêndinewekewe. Boye nek tenya bo twêjeranî biwarî mêjûy kurdî, belku bo ewaney le ser jiyan le sinûre împiratoriyekan twêjînewe deken, cêgay serinc debêt.
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Bajalan, Djene Rhys. "On the frontiers of empire: Culture and power in early modern “Iranian” Kurdistan." Kurdish Studies 5, no. 1 (May 17, 2017): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ks.v5i1.417.
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This article will provide a broad (although by no means comprehensive) overview of the development of modern scholarly historical writing pertaining the Middle East’s Kurdish community prior to the end of the First World War. It seeks to highlight some of the important pioneering scholars who shaped the field during its twentieth century as well as more recent flurry of academic activity that has, since the turn of the twenty-first century, resulted in a publication of a number of important works that have greatly expanded our knowledge of Kurdish history. However, it will also endeavour to highlight some of the deficits in the existing historiography, most notably relating to Kurdistan in the early modern period (the early sixteenth to early nineteenth century) and, more specifically, the relatively underdeveloped nature of the literature on “Iranian” Kurdistan during this era. In doing so, it hopes to provide context for the three articles published in this issue of Kurdish Studies, all of which examine issues relating to culture and power in early modern “Iranian” Kurdistan.ABSTRACT IN KURMANJILi ser sînorên împeretoriyê: “Hêmana Îranî” di dîroka pêş-modêrn ya Kurdistanê deEv gotar dê nirxandineke berfireh (lê ne giştgir) a nivîsarên li ser dîroka gelê kurd ê li Rojhilata Navîn yên berî xelasiya Şerê Cîhanî yê Yekem. Ew dê dêneke taybet bide ser çendîn zanyarên serkêş ku di sedsala bîstan de meydana dîroknivîsiya kurdî ava kirine û herwiha berê xwe bide ser berbelavbûna vê dawiyê ya çalakiyên akademîk –ji çerxa sedsala bîst û yekê ve– ku çendîn berhemên girîng jê derçûne û bi vê yekê re zanyariya me ya li ser dîroka kurdan gelek berfirehtir kirine. Lê belê, gotar dê herwiha hewl bide ku hindek valahiyên dîroknivîsiya heyî berçav bike, bi taybetî valahiya xebatên li ser Kurdistana di serdema pêş-modêrn (ji serê sedsala şanzdehan heta serê sedsala hevdehan) de, û, bi rengekî hûrbijêrtir, paşmayîbûna nisbî ya lêkolîn û nivîsarên li ser Kurdistana “Îranî” ya di vê serdemê de. Bi vî awayî, gotar dil dike çarçoveyekê dabîn bike ji bo her sê gotarên di vê hejmara Kurdish Studies de, ku hemû jî berê xwe didine wê mijarê ku em dikarin wek “Hêmana Îranî” di Kurdistana pêş-modêrn de bi nav bikin.ABSTRACT IN SORANILe ser sînorekanî împiratorî: “Hokarî Êranî” le Kurdistanî pêş-modêrn daEm wutare raçawkirdineweke giştîye (bellam nek giştgire) le ser nûsrawekanî sebaret be mêjûy kurdî le Rojhellatî Nawerast ber le axîrî Şerrî Cîhanî Yêkem. Wutareke serincêkî taybet debexşête ser çend zanyarêkî pêşengî ke le sedey bîst da biwarî mêjûnûsî kurdîyan durist kirdûwe, bellam herwa çaw le berfirawanbûnewey em duwayîyey –serî sedey bîst û yekewe– çalakiye akadamîkekan dekat ke çendîn berhemî girîngî lê we derçûwe û bew pêyeş zanyarîyekanman sebaret be mêjûy kurd ziyadtiryan kirdûwe. Wutareke hewllî eweş dedat ke hêndek kêmasiyêkî mêjûnûsîy hawçerxîş destnîşan bikat, be taybetî ewaney le merr Kurdistanî seretakanî serdemî modêrn (le ewelî sedey şanzde ta ewelî sedey hewde), herwa be rengekî deqîqtir çaw le paşmanewey lêkollînewe w nûsrawekanî le babet Kurdistanî “Êranî” lew serdeme da dekat. Bem şêweye, wutareke çarçowêk dabîn dekat bo her sê le wutarî em jimarey Kurdish Studies, ke hemûyan serinc dedene ew babetey ke detwanîn wekû “Hokarî Êranî” le Kurdistanî pêş-modêrn da be naw bikeyn.
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Hassaniyan, Allan, and Mansour Sohrabi. "Colonial Management of Iranian Kurdistan; with Emphasis on Water Resources." Journal of World-Systems Research 28, no. 2 (August 25, 2022): 320–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/jwsr.2022.1081.
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Iranian Kurdistan (a region referred to by the Kurds as Rojhelat/East Kurdistan), which possesses a large variety of minerals, oil reserves, dense forests, and massive surface and underground water resources, has for decades supplied the economic, agricultural, and industrial sectors in Iran, mainly benefiting the development of the central parts of the country and bringing significant income to the state. This has occurred while the Kurdish region remains among the most economically underdeveloped and deprived areas of Iran. The Iranian state’s economic and developmental approach to Kurdistan’s natural resources, and the mechanisms of extractions and exploitation of these resources, have resulted in extensive environmental degradation, affecting the public health in the Kurdish region, and not least de-development and further underdevelopment in this region. Taking into account the extent of extraction and use of Kurdistan’s natural resources reveals the Kurdish-state relation as an internal core-peripheral relationship, resulting in the centre’s destruction of the natural environment and exploitation of the natural resources of the periphery. This paper sheds light on the Iranian state’s economic and developmental activities, with a focus on water resources in the Kurdish region and the consequences of their use on the natural environment.
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Khezri, Haidar. "Kurds, Jews, and Kurdistani Jews: Historic Homelands, Perceptions of Parallels in Persecution, and Allies by Analogy." Religions 13, no. 3 (March 17, 2022): 253. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel13030253.
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This article highlights the positive relations between the Jewish and the Kurdish nations, maintained mainly by Kurdistani Jews until their displacement to Israel in the mid-20th century. These positive relations have been transmitted through their oral traditions, documented by both communities and travelers to Kurdistan, and validated by several scholars who studied the Jews of the region, Kurdistan, and Jewish-Kurdish relations. The dearth of historical documentation of both societies has resulted in a ‘negative myth’ used by the enemies of the Kurds and the Jews to dehumanize them before the 20th century, and therefore delegitimizing their right to statehood in modern times. From the 16th century onward, there is more solid evidence about the Kurdistani Jews and their relations with Kurdish neighbors. There are considerable and certain parallels between the two nations in terms of their oral traditions as well as linguistic and literary practices. The historical ties between the Jews and their neighbors in Kurdistan formed a fruitful ground for the relations between the Jewish people of Israel and the Kurds since 1948. Despite the exodus of almost the entire Kurdistani Jewish population to the State of Israel, Kurdistani Jews have largely retained their identity, culture, and traditions and have effectively influenced Israel’s policy towards the Kurds. The often-secret relations between the Kurdish movement in Iraq and Israel since 1960 played an important role in the global security policy of the Jewish nation in the Middle East, and in effect served to keep Baghdad from becoming involved in the Arab-Israeli conflict on one hand, and allowed the Kurdish liberation movement in Southern/Iraqi Kurdistan to survive on the other. These ties were reinforced by the sense of a common fate and struggle for statehood, persecution and genocides, feeling of solidarity, mutual strategic interests, humanitarian and economic dimensions, in post-1988 Halabja Massacre, the operation of the US led coalition against Iraq in 1991, and 2003 Invasion of Iraq. Since the Arab Spring, the military interventions against the self-proclaimed caliphate, Islamic State (IS), and the referendum for an independent Kurdish state in northern Iraq in 2017, this relationship allegedly has extended to include the relationships between Israel and the Kurds in Western/Syrian and Eastern/Iranian Kurdistan as well. Notably, Israel was the only state that publicly supported the creation of an independent Kurdish state. With all the development the Kurdish question has paved in the 21st century, the article concludes that the majority of the Kurds of the 21st century can be described as a ‘pariah people’ in Max Weber’s definition and meditation of the term and Hannah Arendt’s ‘rightless’, who ‘no longer belong to any community’, while describing the different aspects of the political, economic, and cultural calamity of Jews, refugees, and stateless people at the beginning of the 20th century.
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Mobasser, Nilou, and Omid Salehi. "Borderland: Iranian Kurdistan." Index on Censorship 32, no. 1 (January 2003): 64–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064220308537174.
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Star, Snawber Sardar. "The Political Islamic Movement in Eastern Kurdistan (1979-1988), the Qur'an Office and The Khabat Organization, For Example." Journal of University of Raparin 8, no. 3 (September 29, 2021): 410–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.26750/vol(8).no(3).paper20.
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With the success of the Iranian People's Revolution, the political Islamic movement in eastern Kurdistan has become more and more active. At first, the Qur'an office, which was established by Ahmad Mufti Zada, was only to educate young people on the basis of Islam, but with the success of the Iranian revolution, its direction changed to national work and demand Kurdish rights against the new regime. Later, due to the regime's negative stance on the demands of the Kurdish people, which included self-mayor for Kurdistan within iran, looking at Kurds as non-Muslims in the early 1980s led to the creation of another Islamic organization in Eastern Kurdistan called the Islamic National Struggle Organization of Iranian Kurdistan– Khabat, which, along with other parties in eastern Kurdistan, has begun armed struggles against the regime to achieve the national rights of the Kurdish people in eastern Kurdistan.
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Sahe, Ismael Abdalrahman. "The impact of leftist on political movement of Eastern Kurdistan: JK (1942-1945)." Journal of University of Raparin 7, no. 1 (December 19, 2019): 289–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.26750/vol(7).no(1).paper17.
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Leftism ideology came to Kurdistan through different ways like; social democracy movement, Iranian Communist Party, Iranian Tuddeh Party and invasion of Kurdistan by the red army and the support of the Soviet Union for the Kurdistan Republic.
Since the leftism idea promoted justice and equality and removal of all kinds of oppression, it was attractive to the Kurdish intellectuals and so they welcomed it: the Kurdistan Revival association as the first nationalist party of Kurdistan (1942). In spite of this, it was a national-religious party, but the effect of left thoughts was clear. In that order they were against to the feudalism system as an socioeconomic regime of Kurdistan, and they tried to destroy tribal system in Kurdistan and at the same time they supported grubber class and specially farmer class.
Kurdistan Revival Association to reach its main goal meaning creating a Kurdish Independent Government, was looking for foreign support, hence, its relations with the Soviet Union were very friendly and; even in its declarations, there are sympathize for socioeconomic system of Soviet Union.
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SOFI, DASKO HASAN, and AZAD OTHMAN SALIH. "The Iranian Foreign Policy towards Kurdistan Region–Iraq 2003-2018." Twejer 3, no. 3 (December 2020): 913–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.31918/twejer.2033.25.
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After the US invasion of Iraq and the fall of Ba’ath-regime in 2003, the Kurdistan Region-Iraq became one of the main issues in Iranian foreign policy in the region. Although there have been several changes in Iranian foreign policy respecting its relationship with the Kurdistan Regional Government at various times, there has been no change in its strategy towards the region regarding its political independence and the right to self-determination of its people. The significant historical, cultural, and neighbourly relations that exist between Iran and the Kurdistan Region could become the basis for relations between the two parties for the sake of common interests and benefits and to establish peace and stability in the region. The main objective of this research is as follows: to clarify Iranian foreign policy towards the Kurdistan Region-Iraq and to explain the future horizon of the relations between the two parties in light of the current reality and based on the vital interests of the two parties in general. Keywords: Iran, Kurdistan Region, Foreign Policy, Ba’ath Regime, Shi’ism.
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DANILEVSKY, MIKHAIL. "Seven new Longicorn (Coleoptera, Cerambycidae) species from Iran." Zootaxa 4444, no. 5 (July 12, 2018): 584. http://dx.doi.org/10.11646/zootaxa.4444.5.6.
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Cortodera hodeki sp. nov. close to C. kaphanica Danilevsky, 1985 is described from Ardabil province; C. takabensis sp. nov. close to С. neali Danilevsky, 2004, C. rubenyani sp. nov. and C. kareli sp. nov. both close to C. pseudomophlus Reitter, 1889 are described from Iranian Kurdistan; C. lowlakanensis sp. nov. close to C. takabensis sp. nov. is described from Iranian West Azerbaijan; Dorcadion (Cribridorcadion) rezai sp. nov., which belongs to D. laeve-group of species is described from Shiraz. Phytoecia (Pilemia) ghobarii sp. nov. very close to Turkish Ph. (P.) konyaensis Danilevsky, 2010 is described from Iranian Kurdistan. Distinguishing characters are discussed.
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Dehqan, Mustafa. "Tehran's Unmined Archive of Kurdish Jewry: A Field Report." AJS Review 31, no. 2 (November 2007): 317–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009407000554.
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This brief article offers an overview of the various Kurdo-Jewish records preserved in Tehran in the Iranian Parliament Records archives. The documents reflect the perspectives of Jews and non-Jews alike and were originally reported by Kurdish officials of the Jewish colonies in Iranian Kurdistan, by Jewish senators of the National Parliament of Iran, as well as by Kurdish peasants of Kurdistan. Most of the documents are in Persian, with the exception of perhaps nine in French stemming from Westernized Jewish circles.
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Vedeneev, Ilia. "Prospects for the Invasion of Turkey and Iran against the Kurds of Syria and Iraq (before the End of 2022)." Oriental Courier, no. 4 (2022): 49. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s268684310023802-0.
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The paper focuses on the consideration of the prospects for a direct military invasion by Turkey and Iran against the national movement of the Kurds of Iran and Syria represented by the Syrian Democratic Forces (Syria), and Komala, the Kurdistan Free Life Party and the Democratic Party of Iranian Kurdistan (Iran). The position and role of Russia in resolving the conflict between Turkey and the Syrian Kurds without the use of armed force is also considered. It is concluded that Russia is striving to maintain a balance in relations, on the one hand, with Turkey, and, on the other hand, with the central government of Syria in Damascus. The issue of US interests in Syria is indirectly touched upon. It seems that the interests of Russia and the United States may conflict, and Turkey can take advantage of this. It is concluded that at this stage, a Turkish military invasion of Syrian Kurdistan seems more likely than an Iranian military invasion of Iraqi Kurdistan.
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Muhammad, Ali, and Ahmed Alalaq. "The Iranian Kurdistan Democratic Party 1963-1979 AD." Kufa Journal of Arts 1, no. 14 (November 11, 2012): 100–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.36317/kaj/2012/v1.i14.6282.
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The Iranian Kurdistan Democratic Party is considered one of the nationalist parties that the Iranian political scene witnessed, starting from the year of its founding in 1945 until the banning of political parties in 1979 AD, with the victory of the Islamic Revolution, especially since the Kurdish people today are one of the peoples of the Middle East, most of whom enjoy an independent state, and this is what prompted me to study this party in Iran.We can distinguish two different basic periods in the history of this party, the first, which is the activities that began from 1945 until 1963 AD, and the second period, which extends from 1963 AD-1979 AD, during which the party experienced setbacks and clear delays that affected the nature and strategy of the party’s work, except rarely during The last years of the seventh decade of the twentieth century. At the time, it was limited to holding secret conferences and seminars, especially after the setback that befell the party after the catastrophic failure of the uprising in 1968 AD against the Iranian authority, and the flight of its most prominent leaders and supporters and their adoption of the lands of Iraqi Kurdistan as a temporary headquarters.The research is an attempt to shed light on the march of the Iranian Kurdistan Democratic Party, which was distinguished from the rest of the movements and parties in Iran during the period of research, as its political path was characterized by reluctance, and the inability of its central committee to implement its decisions, due to the policy of force and repression used by the Iranian security services against its leaders and supporters.The research relied on a set of Persian documents, including SAVAK reports, in addition to the internal system document of the Iranian Kurdistan Democratic Party, and a good number of Persian and Arabic sources and references.
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Khosravi, Jamal, Hossein Aghapouri, and Loghman Hamehmorad. "The Islamist Maktab-Quran in Iran and Its Challenges for Kurdish Nationalism." Journal of Ethnic and Cultural Studies 3, no. 1 (June 28, 2016): 59. http://dx.doi.org/10.29333/ejecs/52.
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Maktab Quran (MQ), or School of Quran, is the oldest Sunni Islamic political ideology in Iranian Kurdistan. Throughout the forty years of its existence it has gone through many semantic changes. These changes ranged from its cooperation with the Iranian Islamic movements in the 1960s, which represented a departure from Kurdish nationalism, to a divergent approach in more recent years as a result of the compromise with Kurdish nationalism on the part of the Iranian central government.This paper analyzes the discourse formation of the MQ under development within the broader domain of the Kurdish nationalist movement. Moreover, these discursive changes were mostly in response to certain developments in regard to mainstream Iranian Islamist ideology, and also the Iranian central government’s changing approach to Kurdistan. The paper provides a conceptual explanation of the MQ’s discourse. It discusses the way the discourse has changed over the years and relates the changes to various external factors, specifically, the social and political macro-changes in Kurdistan and in Iran.Studying the social acts of the MQ’s discourse from the perspective of the dominant discourse of Kurdish nationalism reveals the dialectic relationship between these two phenomena. In fact, as a result of the presence and expansion of Kurdish nationalism, which diverged from the approach of the central government, a broader social action emerged which has provided a ground for the discourse analysis of the MQ’s practices.
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Hassaniyan, Allan. "Non-Violent Resistance in Iranian Kurdistan After 1979." Journal of Ethnic and Cultural Studies 6, no. 3 (December 18, 2019): 98. http://dx.doi.org/10.29333/ejecs/266.
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This paper sheds light on the significance of the 1979 Iranian Revolution for the Iranian Kurdish movement, arguing that the Revolution provided Iranian Kurds with multifaceted opportunities as well as challenges. In the ensuing years, the Kurdish movement entered into a new phase of its rise. With the emergence of numerous civil society organizations and political parties, the Kurdish movement experienced a hitherto unprecedented growth and diversification of actors and organisations. Kurdish civil society flourished drastically, and a significant part of the Kurdish movement’s challenge to the newly-established government in Tehran was channelled through collective non-violent resistance. The creation of city councils (şoray şar) across Kurdistan constituted the first important challenge to the authority of the Provisional Revolutionary Government, whilst the mobilisation of collective non-violent resistance introduced new forms of resistance to the post-Revolutionary authoritarian state’s policies in Kurdistan.
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Van Bruinessen, Martin. "Review: Islam and politics in Iranian Kurdistan at a time of revolution: the life of Ahmad Moftizadeh." Kurdish Studies 5, no. 1 (May 17, 2017): 80–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ks.v5i1.421.
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Ali Ezzatyar, The Last Mufti of Iranian Kurdistan: Ethnic and Religious Implications in the Greater Middle East. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2016. xv + 246 pp., (ISBN 978-1-137-56525-9 hardback).For a brief period in 1979, when the Kurds had begun confronting Iran’s new Islamic revolutionary regime and were voicing demands for autonomy and cultural rights, Ahmad Moftizadeh was one of the most powerful men in Iranian Kurdistan. He was the only Kurdish leader who shared the new regime’s conviction that a just social and political order could be established on the basis of Islamic principles. The other Kurdish movements were firmly secular, even though many of their supporters were personally pious Muslims.
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Amini, Fatemeh, Mohammad Khanjani, and Masoumeh Khanjani. "A new species of the genus Molothrognathus Summers and Schlinger (Acari: Caligonellidae) from Kurdistan province, Iran." Acarologia 58, no. 4 (October 19, 2018): 875–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.24349/acarologia/20184293.
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Molothrognathus kurdistaniensis sp. nov. is described and illustrated based on females collected from soil under apple trees, Qorveh, Kurdistan province, Iran. A key to all known Iranian species of the genus Molothrognathus is provided.
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Kozhukhar, B. "THE CONFLICT AMONG KURDS IN THE KURDISTAN REGION OF IRAQ." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 142 (2019): 9–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2019.142.3.
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Kurds are an Iranian ethnic group that compactly resides in a large geographical area, at the junction of Asia Minor, the Caucasus, the Iranian Highlands, and Mesopotamia, called Kurdistan. Currently, the region is divided between four states - Turkey, Iraq, Iran and Syria. Ethnic Kurdistan has been constantly in a state of instability since the 20th century. Because of this, the Kurdish issue is one of the most pressing problems in recent history and is at the forefront of the political life of the Middle East region. Kurds are the most numerous people who, at the present stage of human development, do not have their own statehood and have existed for a long time without autonomy. For a long period of time, they have been fighting for self-determination, and Iraqi Kurdistan has a major role to play in it. It is this region that has made the most progress in the political sphere, notably thanks to the creation of the Kurdistan Democratic Party in 1946. For almost half a century, under unfavorable conditions, its activities have helped to develop a new political culture and the so-called "pluralism of thoughts". The split within this party has shown that no national movement is unitary and combines the interests of different social and political groups. Further deepening of the contradictions, in addition to the difficult situation of Iraq in the international arena, resulted in armed conflict. During the civil war, both Kurdish parties from other countries and the armed forces of Iraq, Iran and Turkey intervened in it. In fact, the inter-Kurdish conflict in Iraqi Kurdistan has become a significant step towards the realization of the issue of autonomy.
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Hassaniyan, Allan. "Demographic Engineering and Population Alteration in Iranian Kurdistan." Contemporary Review of the Middle East 6, no. 2 (May 26, 2019): 172–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347798919832698.
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Studying the Iranian Kurdish question reveals the importance of the geopolitical location of the Kurdish region, which has left a massive impact on the framework and capability of the contemporary Kurdish national movement. Aware of this fact, different ruling regimes of Iran, considering territorial threats associated with the Kurdish nationalistic movement, implemented different policies of systematic “demographic engineering,” aimed at reducing the capability of the Kurdish claim for autonomy. Some aspects of the policy of demographic engineering implemented during the Safavid and the Pahlavi dynasties have been examined. Based on this, the article argues that the geopolitical location of the Kurdish region, as a buffer zone between the Ottoman and Safavid dynasties, has diminished and continues to undermine the capability of the Kurdish struggle for autonomy in Iran.
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Rahmani, Diyako, and Stephen M. Croucher. "Minority Groups and Communication Apprehension An investigation of Kurdistan." Journal of Intercultural Communication 17, no. 1 (March 10, 2017): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.36923/jicc.v17i1.732.
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This study explores communication apprehension among the Iranian Kurdish minority group. Based on a sample of 157 self-administered surveys, the study investigates the relative communication apprehension (CA) score of Iranian Kurds and the influence of sex, age, and education on CA. Results revealed Kurds are relatively less apprehensive than many other cultures. It was also revealed that women have significantly higher levels of dyadic, public, and total CA. Moreover, all CA contexts (dyadic, groups, meeting, and public) and total CA tended to increase after grade 9 and decrease after completing high school. Age however, only had a modest effect on meeting CA. The findings propose higher levels of social encounters reduce the amount of CA among Kurds. Implications, limitations, and areas of future research are posited.
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Hennerbichler, Ferdinand. "Zukunfts-Optionen von Kurden in Eurasien." europa ethnica 75, no. 1-2 (2018): 2–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.24989/0014-2492-2018-12-2.
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The Iraqi Kurdistan Independence Referendum of September 25th, 2017, initiated by the longstanding President of the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (elected in office from 13 June 2005 to 19 August 2015) did not serve as basis for the declaration of an independent Kurdish state in Northern Iraq in the foreseeable future. It was, rather, intended to strengthen his own domestic political position of power as well as that one of other leading politicians of the Barzani family and of the currently governing Kurdistan Democratic Party Iraq. The Referendum aggravated the persisting constitutional crisis in Iraq since 2005 in to date unresolved crucial questions, above all regarding the status of Kirkuk and other „disputed territories“, enabled the Islamic Republic of Iran to further extend its influence on Iraq and beyond via pro-Iranian Shia-Proxy-Militias and last but not least also intensified various crises in the Middle East and Eurasia substantially.
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Galip, Özlem Belçim. "Writing across Kurdistan." Middle East Journal of Culture and Communication 9, no. 3 (2016): 257–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18739865-00903003.
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Gauri Viswanathan asks ‘where is English literature produced?’ and answers not only ‘in England, of course’. This is also true of Kurdish literature, which is not only produced ‘in Kurdistan, of course’. In fact, due to forced migrations, political conflicts and massacres, Kurds have mainly produced literary works outside Kurdistan. Because there is no state and there are no internationally recognized Kurdish territories, the understanding of what we mean by the term ‘Kurdistan’ is blurred; hence, the location of Kurdish literary work may change, as does the development of Kurdish literature, whether or not it is produced in Kurdish territory. Thus, compared to some other literary traditions, the Kurdish tradition is shaped in multiple geographies in terms of writing and publishing processes, multilingual and transnational affiliations, constant mobility and a diverse sociopolitical context that challenges and complicates the national literature, and vividly exemplifies the heterogeneity and discontinuity of national cultures. Drawing on debates on national literature and ideological texts, in this article I offer insights into Kurdish novels through readings of six novels from six spaces (Iraqi, Iranian, Syrian and Turkish Kurdistan, Soviet Armenia and the Kurdish diaspora) in order to explore the relationship between the texts and the boundaries they are set in, and to compare texts and the way they respond to different sociopolitical contexts. In these six fictional texts, I argue that the themes are usually identified with the realm of sociopolitical conflict and tension and the articulation of loss, trauma, war, the longing for return, and disappointment with the return. Furthermore I suggest that in contrast to idealized imaginary, home and nation, and patriotism in the case of statelessness or exile, these texts are articulated through critical discourses that challenge the idea of a unified national literature, and cannot be united under the sound of a single voice or stable ground.
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Biglari, Fereidoun, and Sonia Shidrang. "Rescuing the Paleolithic Heritage of Hawraman, Kurdistan, Iranian Zagros." Near Eastern Archaeology 82, no. 4 (December 1, 2019): 226–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/706536.
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Hassaniyan, Allan. "Crossborder Kurdish Solidarity: An Endangered Aspect of Kurdishness." Kurdish Studies 7, no. 2 (October 25, 2019): 135–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ks.v7i2.484.
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Cross-border kinship has been a particular hallmark of Kurdish identity and an important source of solidarity between Kurds of different regions within Kurdistan. However, this article argues that the values of cross-border Kurdish solidarity have been violated in the past, due to the collaboration of elements of the Kurdish movement with the Turkish, Iranian, Iraqi and Syrian states. Misconducted cross-border interaction has led to movement fragmentation, decline or/and termination, and to internecine violence between different sections of the Kurdish movement. This paper, reflecting on the interaction between the Iranian and Iraqi Kurdish movements from the 1960s to the 1990s, argues that the Iranian Kurdish movement has been disadvantaged and has faced multifaceted challenges and difficulties partially owing to this interaction.ABSTRACT IN KURMANJIHevgirtina wêdeyî sînoran: Aliyekî lawaz ê KurdayetiyêXizmîniya di navber û wêdeyî sînoran nî$aneyeke taybet a nasnameya kurdî ye ku bûye çavkaniyeke girîng a hevgirtinê di navbera kurdên ji herêmên cuda yên Kurdistanê. Ligel vê, ev gotar diyar dike ku di raboriyê de nirxên vê hevgirtina kurdan ya wêdeyî sînoran hatine pêpestkirin, bi taybetî ji ber hevkariya hindek pêkhateyên bizava neteweyî ya kurdî ligel dewletên Tirk, Îran, Iraq, û Sûriyeyê. Danûstandina wêdeyî sînoran ya xerab hatî rêvebirin bûye sebebê parçebûn, pa$ketin an/û têkçûnê, û tundûtîjiya kujende di navbera pêkhateyên cuda yên bizava kurdî de. Ev gotar berê xwe dide danûstandina di navbera bizavên kurdî yên Îranî û Iraqî yên ji 1960an heta 1990an, û diyar dike ku bizavan kurdî ya Îranî di rew$eke neguncaw de bûye û ketiye ber gelek dijwariyan ku be$ek jê ji ber vê danûstandinê bûne.ABSTRACT IN SORANISollîdarêtî kurdî le piştî sinûrekanewe: Xeter leser rehendî kurdbûnXizmayetî kurdan le herdû dîwî sinûrekanewe yekêke le xale cewherîyekanî nasnamey kurd û serçaweyekî giringî sollîdarêtîye lenêw kurdanî herême ciyawazekanî Kurdistanda. Bellam, em babete gengeşey ewe deka ke ew xizmayetîye le rabirdûda behoy hawkarîy bizûtnewe siyasîyekanî kurd legell dewlletanî Turkiya, Suriya, Êraq û Êranda pêşêl krawe. Xirap bekarhênanî peywendîyekanî herdû dîwî sinûr bote hoy pertbûn, pûkanewe yaxud kotayî hatinî peywendîyekan. Em babete tîşk dexate ser peywendîyekanî bizûtnewekanî kurdayetî le Êraq û Êran le 1960ekanewe ta 1990ekan. Bangeşey ewe dekat ke bizûtnewekanî kurd le Êran zereryan lew peywendîyane pê geyîşituwe û rûberûy allingarîy corawcor bûnetewe behoy ew peywendîyanewe.ABSTRACT IN ZAZAKIPiştgirîya kurdan a mîyansînorkîye: yew parçeyê kurdbîyayîşî binê tehluke de yoXisimîya mîyansînorkîye taybetmendîya girînge ya nasnameyê kurdan û seba piştgirîya mabênê kurdanê herêmanê Kurdîstanî yê cîya-cîyayan de çimeyêko muhîm bîyêne. Labelê na meqale de munaqeşe beno ke demo vîyarte de semedê hemkarîya tayê elementanê tevgerê kurdan bi dewletanê Tirkîya, Îran, Îraq û Sûrîye ra, erjê na piştgirîya kurdan a mîyansînorkîye ameyî îxlalkerdene. Seba ke têkilîyê mîyanê sînoran xelet îdare bîyî, tevger bî parçe-parçe, bî kêmî û/yan zî ame peynîye û bî sebebê şidetê mabênê beşanê tevgerê kurdan ê cîya-cîyayan. No nuşte têkilîyanê mabênê tevgeranê kurdan ê Îran û Îraqî yê serranê 1960an û 1990an ser o vindeno. Tede munaqeşe beno ke tevgerê kurdanê Îranî semedê nê têkilîyan ra kewto dezavantaj û raştê tewir bi tewir zorî û zehmetîyan ameyo.
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Khosravi, Jamal, Jalal Kalhori, and Loghman Hamehmorad. "The Presence of Israel in Iraqi Kurdistan and its Security Challenges for Iran’s National Security." Journal of Politics and Law 9, no. 7 (August 30, 2016): 169. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v9n7p169.
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<p>This study investigates Israeli presence in Iraqi Kurdistan and its challenges for the Iran’s national security. Although the informal presence of Israel in Iraqi Kurdistan dates back to the 1960s and 1970s, its presence has been more conspicuous, in the recent years, due to the changes in the international political equations, informal collapse and attenuation of social, geographical, and political Iraqi borders, the opportunities arising from 2003 invasion of Iraq, and the weakening of the central power in Iraq. This has exposed the security of the neighboring countries of Iraqi Kurdistan, especially Iran to unprecedented challenges. With this in mind, this paper is conducted to analyze these challenges using the library and archival research methods and following an analytical approach. Based on the findings, it can be said that the Israeli government, mostly driven by its political isolation amid the regional countries, has been trying to create security and political divergences, undermine the regional powers, and support the Iraqi Kurdish independence and secession of the country, which in turn could influence the Iranian Kurds who may be under the effect of federalism in the Iraqi Kurdistan, and enhance the ethnicity movements in Iran, which can also pose a potential security threat for Iran.</p>
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Jassim, Hamed M. "The Obstacles and Opportunities of the Mineral Resources in the Kurdistan Region, Iraq." Iraqi Geological Journal 54, no. 2D (October 31, 2021): 98–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.46717/igj.54.2d.8ms-2021-10-27.
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The Kurdistan Region in Iraq is located in the extreme northeastern part of the Arabian Plate which is in a collision since the Late Cretaceous with the Iranian Plate. Therefore, large ophiolite bodies have been thrust along the northeastern margins of Kurdistan Region; accordingly, different metallic mineral can be associated with igneous and metamorphic rocks at Penjween, Qalat Diza and Rawandouz vicinities, besides, radioactive minerals like uranium and thorium. Moreover, large and long thrust fault has developed along the northern and northeastern parts of the Kurdistan Region. Along the plane of this huge thrust fault, hydrothermal liquids have deposited different metallic minerals as showings, especially between Zakho and Amadiyah towns. We have presented and discussed the discipline of mineral investment in Kurdistan Region, the announced minerals’ blocks for investment by the Ministry of Natural Resources in the Kurdistan Regional Government, the encouraging factors and obstacles of investments. To fulfill the scope of this work, we have used the best available and updated data as acquired from different sources. The main obstacles which contributed to the backwardness and non-development of the mining industry in the Kurdistan Region can be summarized in the nonexistence of a valid and promising mineral investment law which can attract the big international mining companies to invest in the region, adding to the nonexistence of comprehensive, detailed and mineral exploration studies which can give confident figures of the mineral and ore reserves in the region. The non-availability of a specialized mining education institution which prepares mining expertise and mining engineers who can lead the progress in this regard could count as another hurdle.
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Jong, Abbas, and Saman Ebrahimzadeh. "Ahmad Moftizadeh and the Idea of the Islamic Government: A Discursive Tradition Analysis in the Field of Political Islam." Religions 15, no. 2 (February 16, 2024): 220. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel15020220.
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This article explores the idea of political Islam as a discursive tradition within the context of Iranian Kurdistan. It challenges the prevailing essentialist and universalist approaches commonly used in the analysis of political Islam, advocating for a more adaptable and comprehensive interpretation. By conceptualizing political Islam as a discursive tradition, this study sheds light on the complex interconnections, configurations, and historical contingencies influencing Islamist discourses and movements. The paper argues that political Islam should be examined in relation to other phenomena and discourses, acknowledging its dynamic nature within specific temporal and spatial contexts. Focusing on an influential yet underexplored Islamist discursive tradition in Iranian Kurdistan during the 1970s and 1980s, the research acknowledges the hybrid nature of Islamist discourses, drawing from diverse traditions to fulfill particular objectives. In particular, it explores the perspectives of Ahmad Moftizadeh, a Sunni Kurdish Islamist and the founder of the Maktab Quran (MQ). This study investigates Moftizadeh’s views on the Islamic government, positioning it within the framework of discursive tradition. It analyzes his core categories and inquiries within Islamist thought, notably emphasizing Moftizadeh’s alignment of the Islamic government with the Islamic tradition of the Shura, highlighting its central role in the Islamist discursive tradition.
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Westrheim, Kariane, Michael Gunter, Yener Koc, Yavuz Aykan, Diane E. King, Jordi Tejel, Joost Jongerden, and Martin Van Bruinessen. "Book Reviews." Kurdish Studies 1, no. 1 (October 4, 2014): 225–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ks.v2i2.402.
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Adem Uzun, “Living Freedom”: The Evolution of the Kurdish Conflict in Turkey and the Efforts to Resolve it. Berghof Transitions Series No. 11. Berlin: Berghof Foundation, 2014. 48 pp., (ISBN: 978-3-941514-16-4).Ebru Sönmez, Idris-i Bidlisi: Ottoman Kurdistan and Islamic Legitimacy, Libra Kitap, Istanbul, 2012, 190 pp., (ISBN: 978-605-4326-56-3). Sabri Ateş, The Ottoman–Iranian Borderlands: Making a Boundary, 1843-1914, New York; Cambridge University Press, 2013. 366., (ISBN: 978-1107033658). Choman Hardi, Gendered Experiences of Genocide: Anfal Survivors in Kurdistan-Iraq. Farnham, Surrey and Burlington Vermont: Ashgate, 2011, xii + 217 pp., (ISBN: 978-0-7546-7715-4).Harriet Allsopp, The Kurds of Syria: Political Parties and Identity in the Middle East, London and New York, I.B. Tauris, 2014, 299 pp., (ISBN: 978-1780765631).Khanna Omarkhali (ed.), Religious Minorities in Kurdistan: Beyond the Mainstream [Studies in Oriental Religions, Volume 68], Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2014, xxxviii + 423 pp., (ISBN: 978-3-447-10125-7).Anna Grabole-Çeliker, Kurdish Life in Contemporary Turkey: Migration, Gender and Ethnic Identity, London: I.B. Taurus, 2013, 299 pp., (ISBN: 978-1780760926).
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Shakiba, Sahar, Omid Ghaderzadeh, and Valentine M. Moghadam. "Women in Iranian Kurdistan: Patriarchy and the Quest for Empowerment." Gender & Society 35, no. 4 (July 15, 2021): 616–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/08912432211029205.
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Informed by sociological standpoint, intersectional, and gender regime theories, we examine perceptions of a diverse sample of Iranian Kurdish women in the city of Sanandaj about their legal status and social positions. We find perceptions of injustice, oppression, male control, and lack of opportunity associated with both the family and broader society. Kurdish women are socially located in structures and institutions of both private and public patriarchy. At the same time, their growing educational attainment and knowledge of possibilities for change enable them not only to articulate grievances but also to aspire to, and sometimes engage in, collective action for women’s rights. By focusing on an under-studied region, this article contributes to the wider literature on Kurdish women, underscores the continued salience of intersectional and standpoint approaches, and expands gender regime theorizing beyond Western cases.
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Hassaniyan, Allan. "Environmentalism in Iranian Kurdistan: causes and conditions for its securitisation." Conflict, Security & Development 20, no. 3 (May 3, 2020): 355–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2020.1769344.
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Dehqan, Mustafa. "Nehrî Documents from the Institute of Persian National Records: A Catalogue." Middle East Studies Association Bulletin 41, no. 2 (2007): 157–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026318400050537.
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The Kurdish nationalist tradition is surely not very old. The earliest origins of Kurdish nationalism coincide with the beginning of modernity in Kurdistan, which emerged with the secular humanism of the ‘Western Enlightenment,’ ushering in a gradual decline of traditional Islamic identity. The nineteenth and the early twentieth centuries in Kurdish history were a period for the incubation and growth of nationalism in Kurdistan. The famous temporary conquest of Iranian Kurdistan by Sheikh ‘Ubaydullah Nehrî (d. 1883), son of Sheikh Sayyid Taha, is the most important event in the history of early Kurdish nationalism. What I want to present here is in no way a complete investigation of the revolt of ‘Ubaydullah and his nationalist efforts. This is no more than an introduction to some newly-found Persian documents from the Institute of Persian National Records (IPNR) in Tehran, a schema of basic subjects surrounding the rebellion of ‘Ubaydullah and the Kurdish tribes as reflected in Persian diplomatic reports. Here I can only list the documents without entering into much detail. This collection has attracted little attention yet, but is well worth intensive investigation.
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Cabi, Marouf Cabi. "The Last Mufti of Iranian Kurdistan and Its Revision of Kurdish History." Journal of Ethnic and Cultural Studies 6, no. 3 (December 18, 2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.29333/ejecs/218.
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This article analysis Ali Ezzatyar’s The Last Mufti of Iranian Kurdistan, which aims to prove how the Kurds’ supposed indisposition towards political Islam qualifies them to be the natural allies of the West and the Western powers. Supported by the two theses of shared social values and shared rivalries between the Kurds and the West, and centred around its main protagonist Ahmad Muftizadeh’s supposedly alternative form of political Islam, the book is based on two premises: a declining relationship throughout the twentieth century between Kurdish identity and Islamism, and the inconsequential nature of the relationship between Iranian Islamism and Kurdish Islamism. In contrast, and in order to save history from merely serving policy-making, this article argues that the relationships involved were determined in the wider context of the process of the modernization of Iran, in which political Islam emerged and, albeit to a limited extent, influenced the development of a religious Kurdayeti or Kurdishness represented by Muftizadeh.
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Mofidi, Sabah, and Jiyar Aghapouri. "The Role of Kurdish Identity in Shaping Political Identity: A Case Study of Kurdish University Students in Rojhelat, Kurdistan-Iran." Journal of Ethnic and Cultural Studies 10, no. 3 (June 24, 2023): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.29333/ejecs/1465.
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This paper examines the relationship between the political and ethno-national identity of Kurdish university students in Iranian Kurdistan, also known as Eastern Kurdistan or Rojhelat. It aims to investigate the ways in which the Kurdish identity contributes to and influences the formation of political identity among these students within the legal and political context of Rojhelat. The findings reveal a significant correlation between the Kurdish identity and the political identity of the students. However, despite the strong presence of Kurdish identity in the social sphere of Rojhelat, it remains largely invisible in the official or legal-political sphere of Iran. The paper argues that the existence of a non-democratic political regime in Iran, which has prioritized Farsi and Shiite identities, has imposed limitations and restrictions on the visibility and representation of other identities, including the Kurdish ethno-national identity, in the legal and political domains.
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Ghafouri, Ali, and Mohsen Masoomi. "The Effect of Visual and Auditory Input Enhancement on Vocabulary Acquisition of Iranian EFL University Students." International Journal of English Linguistics 6, no. 7 (December 1, 2016): 81. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ijel.v6n7p81.
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<p>This study was an attempt to investigate the effect of input enhancement instruction on vocabulary acquisition among Iranian university students. Moreover, the possible effect of two kinds of input enhancement (i.e., auditory and visual) was examined. To this end, 75 Iranian university students, majoring English language Teaching at Applied Science and Technology of Kurdistan University, Iran, were randomly selected. The method used in this study was quantitative research and the true experimental design. One experimental group received vocabulary instruction via visual input enhancement, and the other experimental group was taught vocabulary via auditory input enhancement. After administering the posttest, the dada was analyzed by one-way ANOVA. The findings revealed that both auditory and visual input enhanced instruction had a significant effect on the vocabulary development of Iranian EFL students. In addition, comparing the efficacy of two types of instruction, the results indicated that the effect of either visual or auditory input enhancement for both experimental EFL university students were fairly the same in Iranian EFL educational setting.</p>
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Eman A.R. Al-Mazorey and Saleh Easa Mohammad. "Isolation and Identification of Some contaminant fungi and Detection of Aflatoxin in flour and produced bread and loaf in Duhok city." Tikrit Journal of Pure Science 21, no. 7 (February 8, 2023): 7–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/tjps.v21i7.1103.
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This study aimed to isolate and detect some contaminant fungi and its produced mycotoxins on flour and its produced bread and loaf in Duhok city, Kurdistan Region, Iraq, This study included samples of local and imported flour (White & Black), and also the produced bread and loaf.
The study showed different species of contaminant fungi , and the fungus Aspergillus flavus was the dominant fungus, which isolated from both the local black flour and Iranian black flour, and fungus Penicillium sp, which isolated from both the local white flour and Iranian black flour, then fungus A.niger, which isolated from Iranian black flour only, and all the samples of produced bread and loaf were free from any contaminant fungi.
Investigation of effect of temperature degrees and cultures media on growth of the isolated fungi from flour samples, its cultured characteristics and microscopic picture, showed that this fungus is A.flavus, and there are two isolates (7,9) produced aflatoxin, which are local black flour and black Iranian flour respectively, but agreed with the allowed limits of World Health Organization.
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Arefi, Farzad, Jamal Moshtagh, and Mohammad Moradi. "The Wind Energy Potential of Kurdistan, Iran." International Scholarly Research Notices 2014 (October 27, 2014): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2014/323620.
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In the current work by using statistical methods and available software, the wind energy assessment of prone regions for installation of wind turbines in, Qorveh, has been investigated. Information was obtained from weather stations of Baneh, Bijar, Zarina, Saqez, Sanandaj, Qorveh, and Marivan. The monthly average and maximum of wind speed were investigated between the years 2000–2010 and the related curves were drawn. The Golobad curve (direction and percentage of dominant wind and calm wind as monthly rate) between the years 1997–2000 was analyzed and drawn with plot software. The ten-minute speed (at 10, 30, and 60 m height) and direction (at 37.5 and 10 m height) wind data were collected from weather stations of Iranian new energy organization. The wind speed distribution during one year was evaluated by using Weibull probability density function (two-parametrical), and the Weibull curve histograms were drawn by MATLAB software. According to the average wind speed of stations and technical specifications of the types of turbines, the suitable wind turbine for the station was selected. Finally, the Divandareh and Qorveh sites with favorable potential were considered for installation of wind turbines and construction of wind farms.
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Qarani, Shwan Shexa, and Hawkar Muheddin Jalil Jalil. "The Role of Ottomans and Iranians in the Internal Conflicts Between the Baban Princes." Journal of University of Raparin 9, no. 3 (June 29, 2022): 195–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.26750/vol(9).no(3).paper9.
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It has been obvious that the Baban emirate was one of the most essential، prominent and dynamic Kurdish-emirate. Baban emirate was a wide area of ruling for a long time in the modern history of Kurdistan. It has played a significant role in the Kurdish History، mainly in the relation with the Othman empire and the different Iranian kingdoms. Since، it has been clearly seen that the Othman and Iranian powers used many different methods and tools against this emirate. One of these methods was to encourage the ruling members of Baban emirate fight against each other and create internal issues. At the sometime، these outside powers used the Baban princes for their own interests. The main aim of these outside political authorities was to prevent the expansion and growth of this Kurdish emirate. Accordingly، this research is written to enlighten and indicate the role of Othman and Iranian empires in the internal-conflicts of the Baban Princes.
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Hosseini, Reza, and Saadi Mohammadi. "A new species of the genus Brachycoleus (Hemiptera: Miridae), with a revised identification key to the species found in Iran." Acta Entomologica Musei Nationalis Pragae 59, no. 1 (October 1, 2019): 63–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/aemnp-2019-0006.
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Abstract A new species, Brachycoleus medes sp. nov. (Miridae: Mirinae: Mirini), is described from Kurdistan province, Iran. A revised taxonomic key to the Iranian species of Brachycoleus Fieber, 1858, illustrations of male genitalia, male and female habitus photographs of this new taxon and other reported species from Iran are provided. Diagnosis of the new species is based on a comparison with other congeners found in Iran. Presence of Brachycoleus decolor Reuter, 1887 in the fauna of Iran still remains doubtful.
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Khaksar, Mansur. "Reincarnation as Perceived by the "People of the Truth"." Iran and the Caucasus 13, no. 1 (2009): 117–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/160984909x12476379008007.
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AbstractBeing primarily typical of Hinduism, the belief in reincarnation of souls had penetrated through probably various "heresies"—into the Muslim heterodox milieu and became an organic element of many local doctrines, particularly those of Extreme Shi'ites.This paper focuses on the modern perception of the idea of tanāsux among the Ahl-i Haqq, the "People of the Truth". It is mainly based upon the field materials collected from the Ahl-i Haqq in the Iranian provinces of Kermanshah, Kurdistan, and Eastern Azerbaijan.
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Gandoman Heidari, Shaho, and Gerasimos Soldatos. "The Challenges of Corporate Taxation in Iran: The Case of Construction Companies in the Province of Kurdistan." Studies in Business and Economics 13, no. 1 (April 1, 2018): 58–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/sbe-2018-0005.
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AbstractThe present paper attempts to investigate the challenges of taxation in Iran based on the tax behavior of construction companies in Kurdistan Province. From a 165 questionnaires, Scheffe and Friedman tests were applied to test the following research hypotheses: Efficiency of tax laws, the role of tax experts in filing correct tax reports, the extent to which willing or unwilling tax noncompliance is detectable, and the effectiveness of penalties considering the case of construction companies. The evidence rejects tax law efficiency as well as the efficiency of the penalty-reward system and confirms the negative impact of tax noncompliance on tax revenue. Also, interestingly enough, neither the input of financial expertise in filling out tax reports nor the role of accounting information when taxable income is reported is shown to be statistically significant. Altogether these results point to a highly problematic tax regime in Iran at least in so far as corporate tax from construction companies in Iranian Kurdistan is concerned.
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Karim, Soran A., and Hoshmand A. Mahmood. "Political Islamic Movement in The East of Kurdistan (1979-2001)." Koya University Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 5, no. 2 (June 18, 2023): 100–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.14500/kujhss.v5n2y2022.pp100-109.
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This research analyses the political Islamic movement in the East of Kurdistan between 1979-2001. In 1979, after the Iranian Nations revolution's success, a number of religious movements and organizations formed. A part of these organizations was working to establish a local Kurdish-Islamic authority. On the other hand, there were organizations working with Ayatollah Khomeini and the newly installed regime in Tehran, and others identifying themselves under the umbrella of international Muslim Brotherhood Organization. The method of this research is a history check and analysis relying on personal interviews, books, and scientific research related to this topic. The purpose of the research. We will intensely focus on the history and ideology of Maktabi Quran which is known as the special Kurdish movement. Also, the movement of the Muslim Brotherhood was under the impact of the internal Muslim Brotherhood and members of the same organization in the South of Kurdistan who is working under the name of Da’wa and Reform.
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Sissakian, Varoujan K. "The Minerals Wealth in the Kurdistan Region, Iraq." UKH Journal of Science and Engineering 2, no. 2 (December 17, 2018): 23–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.25079/ukhjse.v2n2y2018.pp23-36.
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The Kurdistan region covers the northern and northeastern parts of Iraq which forms the extreme northeastern part of the Arabian Plate. It is colliding with the Eurasian Plate. The collision has caused thrusting parts of the ophiolite inside Iraq from Iran, besides the hydrothermal fluids which have deposited different metallic minerals. The Kurdistan region is characterized by the presence of metallic minerals such as Fe, Zinc (Zn), lead (Pb), Cu, Cr-Ni, and Mn, besides uranium and thorium. The formation of these minerals is associated with the development of the tectonic framework. The major tectonic events are associated with the Tethys development and movement of the Arabian Plate toward the Iranian Plate. Most of the metallic mineralization’s are of the Alpine-type, of Cretaceous age. Some Zn-Pb showing is related to early Alpine activities. Uranium and thorium are of Cretaceous and Jurassic ages. The actual mineral wealth of the Kurdistan region is not known, due to the lack of detailed geological data. However, based on the available data, it is expected that the region is promising for Cu, Fe, Zn, and Pb, besides the radioactive minerals. A critical review is presented to show the potential of the metallic minerals wealth in the region. Moreover, recommendations are given to have a better view of the minerals wealth.
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Mawloudi, Shahriar, Nasrullah Rastegar-Pouyani, Eskandar Rastegar-Pouyani, and Shahbakhti Rostami. "Two New Localities for Critically Endangered Kurdistan Newt, <i>Neurergus derjugini</i> Nesterov, 1916 (Caudata: Salamandridae) in Kurdistan Province, Western Iran and Problematic Taxonomic Status of this Species." Russian Journal of Herpetology 29, no. 4 (September 2, 2022): 191–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.30906/1026-2296-2022-29-4-191-198.
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Neurergus derjugini is a mountain brook-dwelling newt which is distributed in the mid-Zagros Mountains in the border areas between Iran and Iraq. During extensive fieldwork in spring and summer 2016, two new localities were found for this endangered species in Kurdistan Province, western periphery of the Iranian Plateau. One locality is in Mariwan county and the other one is located in the extreme northwest of Baneh county. Both newly-found habitats are in relatively remote and lightly populated areas, increasing hopes for conservation of this valuable and critically endangered species.
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Mir-Hosseini, Ziba. "Inner Truth and Outer History: The Two Worlds of the Ahl-i Haqq of Kurdistan." International Journal of Middle East Studies 26, no. 2 (May 1994): 267–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800060244.
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A principal belief of the Ahl-i Haqq, an esoteric sect centered in Iranian Kurdistan, is that the Divine Essence has successive manifestations in human form. The Ahl-i Haqq religious universe comprises two distinct yet interrelated worlds: the inner world (ʿālam-i bāṭin) and the outer world (ʿālam -i ẓāhir), each with its own order and its own rules. We as ordinary human beings are aware of the order of the outer world, but our life is governed by the rules of the inner world, where our ultimate destiny lies.
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Maclean, Gerald Martin. "British Travellers, the Kurds, and Kurdistan: a brief literary history, c. 1520-1673." Kurdish Studies 7, no. 2 (October 25, 2019): 113–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ks.v7i2.461.
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This essay investigates accounts of the Kurds and Kurdistan by sixteenth- and seventeenth-century British travellers to the Ottoman and Safavid empires by placing them alongside contemporary Kurdish and Iranian chronicles by Sharaf al-Din Khan Bedlisi (1597) and Eskandar Beg Monshi (1616-29). Although considerable attention has been paid in recent scholarship to early-modern British travellers’ accounts of the Christian, Jewish, and Muslim communities of the Levant, Middle East, and Persia, the Kurds have been entirely ignored. Early British travellers most often encountered Kurds in and around Aleppo, where the Levant Company established its headquarters during the 1580s. Remarkably few, however, commented on the Kurdish presence. Further east, Anthony Shirley and his companions on their mission to visit Shah Abbas in 1598 recognised Kurdistan to be a province between Baghdad and Qazvin, and regarded the Kurds as uncivilised and rootless vagabonds; for Shirley himself they provided a means to magnify his own importance. While earlier Venetian merchants “described Kurdistan and Kurds with perspicacity and in detail” (Galletti, 1995: 99), the accounts by the first British travellers alternated between description and fabrication.ABSTRACT IN KURMANJIGerokên Brîtanî, kurd û Kurdistan: dîrokeke nivîskî ya kurt, c. 1520-1680Ev gotar li ser wan neql û berhemên derbarê kurdan û Kurdistanê de ye ku ji teref gerokên brîtanî (îngilîz) yên sedsalên 16 û 17an ên li nav împeratoriyên Osmanî û Safewî hatine nivîsandin; gotar, wan dide ber berhemên dîrokî yên kurd û îranî yên hevdemên wan, wek Şerefxanê Bidlîsî (1597/8) û Îskender Beh Monşî (1616-29). Digel ku di xebatên nûjen de baleke girîng hatiye dayîn bo zanyariyên gerokên Brîtanî yên serdema berî-modern li ser civakên Xirîstiyan, Yahûdî û Misilman ên Levant, Rojhilata Navîn û Îranê de, kurd bi temamî hatine piştguhkirin. Gerokên brîtanî yên ewil bi piranî li Heleb û derdora wê rastî kurdan hatine ji ber ku Şîrketa Levantê di salên 1580an de baregeha xwe li wir ava kiribû. Lê belê, gelek kêm ji wan behsa hebûna kurdan kiriye. Bêtir li aliyê rojhilat, Anthony Shirley û hevrêyên wî di serdana Şah Ebbas ya 1580an de, Kurdistan wek parêzgeheke di navbera Bexda û Qezwînê de destnîşan kiriye û kurd wek tolazên hov û bêesl dîtine, û ji bo Shirley bi xwe ew amrazek bûn ku girîngiya xwe qat-qat zêdetir bike. Tucarên Venedîkî yên ewil “Kurdistan û kurdan bi hişmendî û hûrbînî terîf kirine” (Galleti, 1995:99), lê belê, neql û terîfên gerokên brîtanî di navbera terîf û derewan de diguherin.ABSTRACT IN SORANIGerîde Berîtanîyekan, Kurd û Kurdistan; puxteyek le mêjû 1520-1680Em nusîne kêwmallî mijarekanî Kurd û Kurdistan le sedekanî şazdehem û ḧevdehem dekat, le jêr roşnayî nêrrînî gerrîde Berîtanyayiyekan le herdû împiratorî 'Usmanî û Sefewîda be leberçawgirtinî herdû şakarî Şerefedîn Xanî Bedlîsî (1597/8) û Eskender Begî Munşî (1616-29) herçende zorbey kare zanistîyekan tîşkyan xistûwete ser karekanî gerrîdeBberîtanîyekan le berebeyanîy modêrneda; bellam ziyatir leser Cûwekan, Krîstiyanekan, Musellmanekan le Şam, Rojhellatî Nawerast û willatî Fars rawestawn û betewawî Kurdyan piştgwê xistûwe. Gerrîde berîtanîye berayiyekan zorcar çawyan be kurd le naw yan ledewrî Ḧeleb kewtuwe; katê ke mekoy serekîy Kompanyay Şam damezra le sallî 1580kanda. Bellam zor be kemî leser bûnî kurd lewnaweda dwawin. Ziyatir bewer rojhellat, Anthony Shirley û hawrêkanî le rêgey seferyanda bo çawpêkewtin be Şa 'Ebas le sallî 1598, Kurdistanyan be wîlayetêk nasanduwe lenêwan Beẍdad û Qezwînda û Kurdanyan wek xellkêkî namedenî û koçer nasanduwe. Mebestî Shirley le derxistinî basî Kurdan ziyatir bo nîşandanî giringîy xoy buwe. Bellam bazirgane Vînîsyayiyekan wesfî Kurd û Kurdistanyan be deqîqtir û dûrudrêjtir kirduwe. (Galletti 1995: 99), baskirdinî Kurdan lelayen gerrîde berîtanyayiyekanewe ziyatir wesfkarîy wirûkeşane buwe.ABSTRACT IN ZAZAKIRaywanê brîtanyayijî, kurdî û Kurdîstan: tarîxo edebîyo kilm, dorê 1520-1680îNa meqale raporê ke Împeratorîyanê Osmanî û Sefewîyan de hetê raywananê brîtanyayijan yê seserranê şîyês û hewtêsinan ra derheqê kurd û Kurdîstanî de virazîyayî, înan ser o cigêrayîş kena û ê raporî kronîkanê hemdeman yê kurdan û îranijan yê Şerefxanê Bedlisî (1597/8) û Îskender Beg Munşî (1616-29) de nana pêver o. Herçiqas ke cigêrayîşanê peyênan de xeylê eleqe musnîyaye raporanê raywananê modernanê verênan yê Brîtanya ke derheqê komelanê xirîstîyan, yahudî û muslumanan yê Levant, Rojhelatê Mîyanênî û Îranî de virazîyayî, kurdî pêro pîya ameyî peygoş kerdene. Raywananê brîtanyayijan ê verênan kurdî zafane Haleb û derûdorê ci de dîyî, cayo ke Şîrketê Levantî serranê 1580an de merkezê xo nabî ro. Çi esto ke înan ra zaf tay kesan estbîyayîşê kurdan ser o şîrove kerd. Hîna zaf hetê rojhelatî de, Anthony Shirley û hevalê ey serra 1598î de kewtbî mîsyon ke Şah Abbasî zîyaret bikerê. Înan Kurdîstan sey wîlayetê mabênê Bexdad û Qazvînî de nas kerd û çimê înan de kurdî gewendeyê bê ristim û bê medenîyet bîyî. Seba Shirleyî kurdî tena wasitayêk bîyê ke pê înan muhîmîya xo berz bikero. Herçiqas ke bazirgananê venedîkijan “Kurdîstan û kurdî bi aqilo tuj û teferuat tarîf kerd” (Galletti, 1995: 99), raporanê raywananê brîtanyayijanê verênan mabênê terîf û pêardişî de ca girewt.
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Mirkhan, Hozan. "Iranian - Syrian support for the Kurdish national liberation movement in Kurdistan Iraq." Academic Journal of Nawroz University 6, no. 4 (2017): 367–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.25007/ajnu.v6n4a149.
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میکە, هەردى, and ئەژی ئەبوبەکر. "Kurdistan Political Movement: in Political Strategy and Iranian State Relations 1968-1975." Journal for Political and Security Studies 1, no. 1 (April 1, 2018): 103–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.31271/jopss.10004.
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Abdo, Ahmed Mohamed, and Najimaldeen Mohieddin Al-Rikani. "Change in Turkish Foreign Policy towards neighboring countries for 2003-2015 (Iraq model)." Tikrit Journal For Political Science, no. 14 (March 2, 2019): 139. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/poltic.v0i14.118.
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This paper deals with the nature and causes of change in Turkish foreign policy towards its neighbors, specifically Iraq. This change, which was the main reason, the new obstacles faced by the external movement and result, directly or indirectly, of the variables that have emerged in neighboring countries during the past decade, including Iraq, of course. Where the relationship between Turkey and Iraq is one of the most sensitive relations in the Middle East, and the Kurdistan region of Iraq has formed one of the important factors that contributed to the nature of that relationship between them. Therefore, the research attempts to detect the paths of change in the Turkish foreign policy towards the central government in Iraq and the Kurdistan Regional Government for the period 2003-2015. Many researchers and academics have pointed to the changing and contradictory nature of Turkish foreign policy toward Iraq in the post-2003 era. The main question in this paper is: Why was there no consistent position in Turkish foreign policy towards the central government in Baghdad and Kurdistan Regional Government in Arbil between In 2003-2015? The hypothesis of the research is that countries adopt change in their foreign policies in order to achieve their national interests and interests with the lowest costs and more benefits. Turkey has adopted a change in its foreign policy toward its neighbors as well, specifically Iraq, and this research will try to test this hypothesis on the Turkish policy towards Iraq. The duration of the search, if it is or not. The research in the final analysis shows that one of the most important results of improving relations between Turkey and the Kurdistan Regional Government will be in favor of the Turkish quest to strengthen its influence in front of Iranian influence in Iraq and the region as a whole.
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Hosseini, Seyedeh Behnaz. "An Ethnography of a Community's Re-appropriation of Yārsān in Cyberspace: The Facebook Phenomenon." Journal of Religion, Media and Digital Culture 6, no. 1 (May 16, 2017): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/21659214-90000093.
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This article presents a nuanced approach for qualitative research on the Internet, based on the synthesis of qualitative data-gathering methodologies both online and offline, and contributes to recent knowledge of changing practices within Yārsāni communities around the world. Yārsān is a religious belief of Indo-Iranian origin that traces back to Hooraman, a region in Iranian Kurdistan. Yārsān thought, which Islamic Shiite authorities treat as heretical, has extensively used processes of adaptation and strategies of survival throughout the course of its history. The research presented here makes a case for the significance of the Internet and, more specifically, social network sites in connecting Yārsānis in their homelands and in the diaspora. How does Facebook provide a new space for this minority group to disclose their beliefs to the world, thereby reassessing the clandestine nature of their religion, which is a tenet required by traditional belief and defined by their adage, “don’t tell the secret”?