Journal articles on the topic 'Korean-Japan relations'
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1
You, Chaekwang, and Wonjae Kim. "LOSS AVERSION AND RISK-SEEKING IN KOREA–JAPAN RELATIONS." Journal of East Asian Studies 20, no. 1 (February 10, 2020): 53–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jea.2019.36.
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AbstractSince Korea's transition to democracy in 1987, Korean leaders have become increasingly confrontational toward Japan, with such steps ranging from verbal threats filled with hawkish rhetoric to material threats, such as displays of military force and threats of actually using it. To explain South Korean leaders’ hawkish approach to Japan, we build a theory of “prospective diversion” by combining insights from the diversionary theory of international conflict and prospect theory. We argue that foreign policy leaders have a strong tendency to overvalue political losses relative to comparable gains in their approval ratings. As a result, they are inclined to take risk-seeking diplomatic actions toward foreign adversary to avoid further losses. By conducting statistical analyses and developing case studies of Korean leaders’ confrontational policy decisions regarding Japan, we present empirical findings consistent with our hypothesis that Korean leaders are inclined to engage in prospective diversion toward Japan when they suffer domestic losses. This article provides an enhanced understanding of the domestic political foundation of South Korean leaders’ increasingly contentious attitude toward Japan.
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Park, Sam-hun. "The Conflictual Legacy of the Korea-Japan Joint World Cup." Border Crossings: The Journal of Japanese-Language Literature Studies 14, no. 1 (June 28, 2022): 4–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.22628/bcjjl.2022.14.1.4.
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There has been a confrontational structure to the relationship between Korea and Japan for several years, as the South Korean government reneged on the Japanese military “comfort women” agreement, and the Supreme Court’s ruling on compensation for forced laborers led to Japanese restrictions on Korean exports. In tandem with these developments, anti-Japanese sentiment in Korean society has been growing stronger, as have anti-Korean attitudes in Japanese society. This article suggests that the experience of the 2002 Korea-Japan joint World Cup was not conducive to better relations, but was rather the starting point of the current xenophobia within each country in relation to the other.
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Lim, Haeran. "Trust and Economic Development: Comparison of Subcontracting Relations among Korea, Japan and Taiwan." Korean Journal of Policy Studies 15, no. 1 (April 30, 2000): 57–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.52372/kjps15104.
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This study examines the link between trust and economic development by focusing on subcontracting relations and comparing institutional sources of trust among Korea, Japan and Taiwan. Korea and Japan show similarities that trust was based on institution, whereas trust may be a product of culture as well as that of institution in Taiwan. In contrast to Taiwan and Japan, the Korean subcontracting relations between the Les(Large Enterprises) and the SMEs(Sma1l And Medium Enterprises) have been exploitative and noncooperative ones without trust, and the Korean economy has the dual structure of strong LES and weak SMEs. The persistent weakness of the SMEs in Korea could be attributed to institutional defects, resulted from the political coalition between the government and the LES, excluding the SMEs. To increase the level of trust in subcontracting relations, institutional setting such as monitoring and sanctioning system needs to be established. Building effective institutions requires genuine understanding of the importance of the SMEs in the economy.
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Gainullina, Liailia Aidarovna, Rustem Ravilevich Muhametzyanov, Bulat Aidarovich Gainullin, and Nadiia Almazovna Galiautdinova. "DPRK'S nuclear program." Laplage em Revista 6, Extra-A (December 14, 2020): 15–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.24115/s2446-622020206extra-a550p.15-22.
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Historically, in the eyes of the Korean people, Japan is an antagonistic state that has brought them many troubles in the past century. Relations between Japan and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) are fundamental in terms of security in the Northeast Asia (NEA) region, since the decision on the DPRK nuclear missile program and on the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula is one of the pillars of achieving that very security throughout the region. The period, we consider in this study, from 1996 to 2006, is of significant importance, since a thorough analysis of the events of those years is important for understanding the root of existing problems in bilateral relations between Japan and North Korea. The present analysis on the behavioral lines in the solution of the North Korean nuclear missile program may contribute to the choice the best way to normalize relations between the two countries.
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Yungblyud, Valery. "Japanese-Korean Contradictions in U.S. Politics, 1951—1954." ISTORIYA 12, no. 12-2 (110) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840017862-7.
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The article focuses on U.S. policy toward the process of settling Japan-Korea relations from the signing of the San Francisco Peace Treaty until the failure of negotiations between Tokyo and Seoul in 1954. Many items on the modern agenda of Japan-Korea relations were formed during this period with the direct involvement of U.S. diplomacy. The United States sought to build a military-political triangle between Washington, Seoul and Tokyo. Japan were designated as a key ally and conduit of American policy. At the same time, South Korea was to become a continental foothold and a defensive barrier against communism. The situation was complicated by Japanese-Korean antagonism, manifested in the conflict over the demarcation of territorial waters and material claims by South Korean authorities against the former colonialist. Under such conditions, the Americans were solving the task of strengthening their own positions in the region and did not show any persistence in harmonizing relations between their allies.
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Horesh, Niv, Hyun Jin Kim, Peter Mauch, and Jonathan Sullivan. "Is My Rival's Rival a Friend? Popular Third-Party Perceptions of Territorial Disputes in East Asia." Copenhagen Journal of Asian Studies 32, no. 1 (September 11, 2014): 5–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/cjas.v32i1.4594.
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This article examines how China's rise and increasing tensions with Japan are portrayed by South Korean bloggers. The deterioration in relations between China and Japan over the last two years generally projects onto the ways and means by which China's rise is portrayed in South Korea. Since Korea's relations with both its more populous neighbours have been historically fraught, and since it is also implicated in various territorial disputes with both countries, determining Korean sensibilities is an important way of gauging shifts in public opinion across the region. Although the conservative political establishments in both South Korea and Japan might see China as a constant threat, South Korean and Japanese netizens still popularly view each other with suspicion. By contrast, popular perceptions of the China threat in either country can be swayed by escalation of territorial disputes these two US allies still have with one another.
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Togo, Kazuhiko. "Japan-Korea Relations: The Stalemate and the Future." Culture and Empathy: International Journal of Sociology, Psychology, and Cultural Studies 4, no. 1 (March 26, 2021): 20–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.32860/26356619/2021/4.1.0003.
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Japan-Korea relations are haunted by Japan’s annexation of Korea from 1910 to 1945. But the two sides have put substantial efforts to overcome the past, notably Japan learning from Korean anguish and becoming humble and Korea accepting that humility. But when in 2004 Japan genuinely began respecting and admiring everything that Korea has achieved, Korea found a new era to regain their justice that they failed to establish when Korea was weak. But legal measures that Korea now found to regain justice, on conscripted workers and comfort women in particular, threatens to destroy all achievements the two countries have made so far. This article tries to find a way to save them.
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Rozman, Gilbert. "Japan debates the Korean peninsula: implications for future policy and U.S.–Japan relations." Korean Journal of Defense Analysis 21, no. 1 (March 2009): 49–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10163270902745653.
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Claxton, James M. "Litigating, Arbitrating and Mediating Japan–Korea Trade and Investment Tensions." Journal of World Trade 54, Issue 4 (August 1, 2020): 591–614. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2020026.
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In July 2019, Japan introduced measures tightening export restrictions to South Korea on three chemicals critical to the manufacture of consumer electronics. The restrictions prompted an animated response by the Korean government that has included WTO consultations and threats to terminate an intelligence-sharing agreement with Japan. Meanwhile, the controversy has filtered down to the public with boycotts of Japanese products in Korea. Tension between the states has been unusually high since late 2018 when the Korean Supreme Court affirmed a judgment against Japanese companies accused of forcing Korean nationals to labour for them during Japan’s colonial rule. Japan argues that such claims are precluded by a 1965 treaty normalizing post-war relations. While Japan states that its trade restrictions were not motivated by the judgment, the disputes have together contributed to the worst breakdown in cross-border relations in five decades. This article evaluates Korea’s trade claims against Japan, means of resolving them, and the challenges that the claims face in the WTO dispute settlement system. The article also considers claims from the Japanese side through the International Court of Justice (ICJ), inter-state arbitration, and investor-state dispute settlement. We conclude that formal mediation offers an effective means to facilitate negotiations and centralize the WTO and other treaty disputes in a single forum involving multiple stakeholders. WTO, Japan, Korea, ISDS, mediation, arbitration, export, international trade law, investment treaties
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Hu, Jasmine. "Symmetry, Violence, and The Handmaiden's Queer Colonial Intimacies." Camera Obscura: Feminism, Culture, and Media Studies 36, no. 2 (September 1, 2021): 33–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/02705346-9052788.
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Abstract The Japanese annexation of Korea (1910–45) implicates a crisis of representation in South Korean national history. Both the traumatic wounds and complex intimacies of Japan's rule over its Korean subjects were met with postcolonial suppression, censorship, and disavowal. This article examines Park Chan-wook's The Handmaiden (Ah-ga-ssi, South Korea, 2016), a period film set in 1930s Korea under Japanese rule, in relation to the two nations’ fraught but interconnected colonial and postcolonial histories. By analyzing the film's explicit sexual depiction through discourses of ethnicity, gender, and nation, it argues that the lesbian sex scenes encode and eroticize latent anxieties and tensions surrounding Japan-Korea relations, making explicit the ambivalent longing and lingering identification shared between the colonizers and the colonized. Furthermore, through intertextual reference to the intertwined and imitative relations between the national cinemas of Japan and Korea—relations mediated and elided by a long history of state censorship—Park's film repudiates an essentialist South Korean identity propped up by both nationalist narratives and market liberalization policies. Through palimpsestic projection of the colonial era onto South Korea's neoliberal present, the film invites parallels between colonialism's unresolved legacy and contemporary modes of cultural production. Simultaneously, the film offers a utopian vision of a national self that surfaces—rather than suppresses—the violence and pleasure incurred in confrontations with the colonial or transnational other.
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YUN, SEONGSU. "Zainichi Korean Young Adults’ Experience of Interpersonal Relations in Japan :." Japanese Journal of Educational Psychology 64, no. 4 (2016): 492–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.5926/jjep.64.492.
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Tamaki, Taku. "It takes two to Tango: the difficult Japan–South Korea relations as clash of realities." Japanese Journal of Political Science 21, no. 1 (October 7, 2019): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109919000161.
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AbstractWhy do Japan–South Korea relations remain tense despite repeated efforts to overcome the past? Elite narratives in Japan and South Korea reify the bilateral relationship as a difficult problem. For the Japanese policy elites, the difficulty is due to South Korean unwillingness to embrace a future-oriented relationship; whereas for the South Korean policy elites, the source of the problem is the unwillingness of the Japanese to sincerely address past wrong-doing. The result is a self-fulfilling prophecy of an intractable mutual misapprehension, suggesting that the difficult relationship is here to stay. I analyse pronouncements by both the Japanese and South Korean policy elites appearing in official documents and media reports for clues into the manner in which the bilateral relationship is reified into a difficulty purportedly due to the recalcitrance of the neighbour. The narratives consistently show that both the Japanese and South Korean policy elites consider the onus of improvement lies with the troublesome/insincere neighbour. In short, the bilateral relationship is a clash of realities, with the logical conclusion being that the difficult relationship will persist for the foreseeable future.
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고길희. "A Study on the Korea-Japan Relations from the Perspective of ‘Korean Boom’ and ‘anti-Korean Boom’ in Japan." Japanese Modern Association of Korea ll, no. 19 (February 2008): 201–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.16979/jmak..19.200802.201.
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JO, Yanghyeon, and Peng Er LAM. "South Korea-Japan Relations in the 2010s: Ambivalent Strategic and Economic Partners?" East Asian Policy 11, no. 03 (July 2019): 39–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930519000254.
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The power shift in the international system, the domestic politics of South Korea and Japan, and the attitudes of their top political leaders towards a historical reconciliation have worsened bilateral relations. Nevertheless, they share common strategic interests amidst a nuclearising Pyongyang. If Korean reunification is attained within the next few decades, developmental assistance from Tokyo will be immensely useful, making Japan a partner to Korea in the future.
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CHOO, Jaewoo. "Rocky Road Ahead for South Korea." East Asian Policy 07, no. 01 (January 2015): 142–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930515000124.
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The year 2015 kicked off with South Korean President Park Geun-hye's approval rate taking a dive. Economically, for 2015 forecast, government-related think tanks offer favourable forecasts, but private institutions showed greater pessimism. Inter-Korean relations are likely to remain tumultuous. South Korea's relations with the United States are likely to remain strong and unshaken as the two had already kicked off the New Year by materialising the United States' long-sought military strategy involving Japan.
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Jeong, Choongsil. "Representation of Japan and Zainichi in Korean films: Longing and anxiety for Japan (Normalization of Korean-Japanese diplomatic relations~1970s)." JOURNAL OF ASIAN STUDIES 24, no. 1 (February 28, 2021): 177–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.21740/jas.2021.02.24.1.177.
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SATOH, Haruko. "Japan and Korea: A Fragile Relationship." East Asian Policy 12, no. 03 (July 2020): 92–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930520000252.
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Japan-South Korea relations are vital to the maintenance of the liberal order in Asia, and yet they are also beset by bitter contest over past history of Japanese colonisation of the Korean Peninsula. Mutual suspicion that has deepened in recent years threatens to undermine the US hub-and-spokes system. There needs to be a shared sense of urgency between the two to improve relations for regional and global security amidst intensifying China-US rivalry.
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Gemilang, Aldean Tegar. "DAMPAK SENGKETA PULAU DOKDO/TAKESHIMA KOREA SELATAN - JEPANG TERHADAP PERKEMBANGAN HALLYU DI JEPANG." Global Political Studies Journal 3, no. 1 (April 30, 2019): 32–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.34010/gpsjournal.v3i1.2003.
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This study aims to determine how the impact of the disputed Dokdo Island / Takeshima between South Korea and Japan on the development of Hallyu in Japan Year 2012-2015. The purpose of this study was to determine the impact of the disputed Dokdo / Takeshima between South Korea and Japan on the development of Hallyu in Japan after re-simmering dispute over Dokdo Island / Takeshima by the visit of South Korean President Lee Myung Bak in 2012. Methods The study was qualitative. Most of the data were collected through interviews, literature study, observation, documentation, and online data searches. The study was conducted at the Korean Cultural Center, The Japan Foundation, Library and Documentation Centre of Scientific Information LIPI, and the Embassy of Japan to Indonesia. The results showed that the development of Hallyu in Japan after re-simmering dispute over Dokdo Island / Takeshima between South Korea and Japan in 2012 experiencing barriers. Problems island disputes between countries worsen bilateral relations, in the case of disputed Dokdo / Takeshima also have a negative impact on the cultural development of Hallyu in Japan.
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Sakurai, Yoshihide. "Sexual Abuse in a Korean Evangelical Church in Japan." Journal of Religion in Japan 6, no. 3 (June 17, 2018): 208–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22118349-00603004.
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Abstract A case of sexual abuse by the supervisor of the Central Church of Holy God (Seishin Chūō Kyōkai 聖神中央教会) in 2005 has led many in the Japanese Christian community and the media to question the “cultification” of the Christian church. This paper will consider the incident and its background, one negative aspect of “church growth” in Japan, in which Korean evangelical and Pentecostal churches competed vigorously to attract devotees. The pastor who founded this church was a Korean resident in Japan who had studied theology and the propagation methodology in South Korea, allowing him to realize church growth in notoriously non-Christian Japan. Yet, his top-down authoritative management suppressed believers’ spiritual and physical freedom of religion. In the following case study, I consider how the asymmetrical relations among church members contributed to this religious abuse. After taking into account issues of missionary training, proselytization methodology, and social strata, I suggest that a dysfunction within the “comprehensive religious community” forces members’ total dependence on pastors in their belief as well as their lives.
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Asaturov, Sergey, and Andrei Martynov. "Trends in international relations in the Indo-Pacific region." ScienceRise: Juridical Science, no. 1(19) (March 31, 2022): 70–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.15587/2523-4153.2022.254248.
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The global Indian and Pacific region is playing an increasing role in modern international relations. At the beginning of the XXI century, this region is a crossroads of different interests of great powers. The United States continues to play a leading role. The Pentagon introduced the concept of the Indo-Pacific region. From a military-strategic point of view, this concept is a symbol of American-Chinese competition. This process intensified under the Trump administration in 2017-2020. The Biden administration is consolidating regional democracies. Australia, India and Japan play a key role in this process. The European Union promotes the values and ideas of democracy in the Indo-Pacific region. China is an important trading partner of the EU. The intensification of the Sino-US confrontation in early 2022 has blocked the entry into force of the China-EU Free Trade and Investment Agreement. In early 2022, the United States, Great Britain and Australia announced the creation of a military alliance. India and Japan are concerned about China's growing military power. The Republic of Korea has a similar position. Hotspots of confrontation in the region are Taiwan, the Korean Peninsula, the disputed Spratly Islands. The Indo-Pakistani conflict around Kashmir destabilizes regional security. The Indo-Pacific region is an example of a complex multipolar system of international relations. This system is more risky in terms of security. The functioning of internal regional and interregional communication networks is complicated by military-technical, environmental, demographic, socio-cultural, interstate contradictions. The formation of a regional security system is limited by political problems. Post-modern democracies, such as Australia, India, Japan and the modernized Chinese autocracy and the North Korean Stalinist dictatorship, coexist in the Indo-Pacific region. The balance of interests is maintained by the United States and the European Union. This balance is volatile and unpredictable
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Ahn, Se Hyun. "Northeast Asian Regional Economic Security: Fishery Cooperation between Russia and South Korea." Korean Journal of Policy Studies 20, no. 1 (August 31, 2005): 1–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.52372/kjps20101.
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This article reviews fishery cooperation between Russia and South Korea from a regional security perspective. Even though the South Korean fishery industry has long played a role in agriculture as a national food industry, the Korean inshore fishery production amount has been steadily decreasing, primarily because of the new Korea-Japan fishery and the Korea-China fishery agreement in the last decade. In this regard, the Russian Far East provides a solution to South Korean fish markets because of its vast and rich marine products and fishery resources. Since the establishment of diplomatic relations in 1990 and a fishery agreement in 1991, South Korea has fished in the Russian waters according to fishery quotas based on a mutual fishery pact. This relatively small but flourishing fishery trade is one of the few bright spots in the currently relatively stagnant Russo-South Korean diplomatic relations.
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DiFilippo, Anthony. "Nuclear Deterrence and Animosity in Japan‐North Korean Relations: Steps to Coexistence." Pacific Focus 21, no. 1 (March 2006): 137–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1976-5118.2006.tb00316.x.
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Nam, Kijeong. "Linking peace with reconciliation." Asian Education and Development Studies 8, no. 3 (July 8, 2019): 328–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aeds-09-2018-0149.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to explain Japan’s role in the peace process on the Korean Peninsula that began in early 2018. Design/methodology/approach This paper emphasizes the historical context of international politics in Northeast Asia, rather than power politics or geopolitics. The paper reaffirms the significance of the ongoing peace process on the Korean Peninsula by considering a synthesis of three joint declarations published in 1998, 2000 and 2002 between the Republic of Korea (ROK) and Japan, the ROK and Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK), and between the DPRK and Japan. Findings The normalization of diplomatic relations between DPRK and Japan, along with reaffirmation of the joint declaration between the ROK and Japan, and the Panmunjeom Declaration, would be a base for denuclearizing Northeast Asia. Originality/value In Northeast Asia, historical reconciliation among the two Koreas and Japan and peace-building between the two parties on the Peninsula are closely linked. Moreover, the three bilateral relationships among these three parties are also the basis for creating a new multilateral security order in Northeast Asia.
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LAM, Peng Er. "Japan in 2017: Successes and Scandals." East Asian Policy 10, no. 01 (January 2018): 115–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930518000107.
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Notwithstanding two personal scandals, Prime Minister Abe Shinzo won the October Lower House Election thanks to the North Korean nuclear “threat” and a fragmented political opposition. Both China and Japan now have strong and powerful top leaders in President Xi Jinping and Prime Minister Abe Shinzo. Presumably, both have a freer hand to rein in the nationalist elements within their countries and broker deals and compromises. Sino-Japanese relations might well be on the mend.
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Ryang, Sonia. "A Long Loop: Transmigration of Korean Women in Japan." International Migration Review 36, no. 3 (September 2002): 894–911. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7379.2002.tb00108.x.
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Focusing on new women immigrants/migrants from Korea to Japan in recent years, this article explores the form of transmigratory practice of U-turnees, who have past experiences of having lived in Japan or been born there prior to the end of Japan's colonial rule in 1945 and returned to Japan around the year 1989 when the South Korean government lifted the restriction of overseas travel for its citizens. I suggest through mini life histories of five women that their lives can best be understood in terms of ongoing engagement with more than one nation-state as home. On this basis, I argue that what might look like a chaotic swirl of new immigrants/migrants is in fact not based on the discovery of a brave new world, but firmly based on family history and configurated by state-to-state relations.
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Sakharova, Evgeniya B. "Printed Buddhist Canon in the Context of Japanese-Korean Official Relations during Muromachi Period." Voprosy Filosofii, no. 11 (2022): 156–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.21146/0042-8744-2022-11-156-163.
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The article is based on the first Japanese collection of diplomatic documents, Zenrin Kokuhōki (1470), related to official diplomatic correspondence between Japan and Korea for the period from 1392 to 1428, that is to say during the reigns of the 3rd and 4th Ashikaga shoguns. For Koreans the main themes were suppress of piracy (anti-piracy program) and repatriation of Koreans who had been captured by Japanese pirates. Japanese embassies were concerned with Korean version of the Buddhist canon and repeatedly asked for the Koryŏ Tripitaka and sometimes even for a set of printed blocks for the Korean versions of the Buddhist canon. Almost all documents refer to Japanese requests for Korean printed copies of the Buddhist canon. Buddhist canon continued to be one of the top themes in Japan-Korea relations in the 14th and 15th centuries. It was not until the early 16th century that the number of such requests dropped dramatically. A total of eight documents for Japanese-Korean correspondence were included in Zenrin Kokuhōki for the specified period, while there were thirteen documents for Japanese-Chinese correspondence. The article quotes fragments of diplomatic documents that have not been translated into Russian, most of them have not yet been translated into European languages.
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Cha, Victor D. "Japan's Grand Strategy on the Korean Peninsula: Optimistic Realism." Japanese Journal of Political Science 1, no. 2 (November 2000): 249–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109900002048.
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Korea is one of the most complex, critical, and yet understudied of Japan's foreign policy relationships. While much attention in US policy and academic circles has focused on Japan's future relations with China as the key variable for regional stability in the twenty first century, an integral part of the security dynamic in East Asia has been driven by the Japan–Korea axis. In the late-nineteenth century and early twentieth century, two major power wars in Asia (i.e., Sino-Japanese and Russo-Japanese) had this relationship as a proximate cause. During the cold war, the Japan–Republic of Korea (ROK) axis facilitated the American presence as an Asia-Pacific power and security guarantor. And in the post-cold war era, outcomes in the Japan–Korea (united or still divided) relationship are critical to the shape of future balance of power dynamics in the region and with it, the future American security presence. How then should we be thinking about future Japanese relations with the Korean peninsula? What are Tokyo's hopes and concerns with regard to Korea? How do they view the prospect of a united Korea? Is there a Japanese ‘grand strategy’ regarding the peninsula?
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Sohlberg, Marcus, and Ariane Yvon. "Korea – Import Bans, and Testing and Certification Requirements for Radionuclides (Korea–Radionuclides (Japan)), DS495." World Trade Review 18, no. 3 (July 2019): 533–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474745619000314.
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The dispute concerns a variety of Korean measures imposed in relation to food imports from Japan following its nuclear accident at Fukushima Dai-ichi Nuclear Power Plant on 11 March 2011. Korea imposed import bans and additional testing and certification requirements in relation to a broad range of fish and non-fishery products from Japan to ensure food safety arising from the possible presence of radionuclides in the food imports. These measures were subject to challenge by Japan under the WTO Agreement on the Application of Sanitary and Phytosanitary Measures (‘SPS Agreement’), which applies, among others, to WTO Members’ measures on food security.
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Rozman, Gilbert, and Shin-wha Lee. "Unraveling the Japan-South Korea ““Virtual Alliance””: Populism and Historical Revisionism in the Face of Conflicting Regional Strategies." Asian Survey 46, no. 5 (September 2006): 761–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2006.46.5.761.
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Domestic politics combined with strategic repositioning toward the U.S. set back ties between Japan and South Korea in 2004––05. Despite the North Korean nuclear crisis and the challenge of shifting great power relations in Asia, as well as closer economic and cultural bilateral ties, politicized forces are pulling the two countries apart.
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Korostelina, Karina, and Yuji Uesugi. "Japanese Perspective on Korean Reunification: An Analysis of Interrelations between Social Identity and Power." International Studies Review 21, no. 1 (October 19, 2020): 47–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2667078x-02101003.
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The paper explores how experts in Japan assess and understand the process and consequences of the unification of the Republic of Korea (South Korea) and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (North Korea). Based on the theoretical framework of interrelations between social identity and power, this paper asks how Japanese experts frame the process of Korean unification and evaluate its impact on Japan. The data was collected in Tokyo, Japan, through 37 semi-structured and focus group interviews, then examining these interviews using phenomenological and critical discourse analysis. Analysis of data reveals the existence of four competing narratives rooted in the complex relations between meaning of identity, concepts of power, and Japanese policies toward the unification process. The paper expands the description of two narratives currently present in the existing literature, (1) threat and (2) peace, and introduces two new narratives, (3) democratic processes and (4) restorative justice. The final discussion explores how three groups of factors, (1) regional dynamics, (2) domestic policy, and (3) possible models of unification, influence the prevalence of a particular narrative as well as resulting policies of Japan toward Korean unification.
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Nam, Kwang-kyu. "The Yoon Seok-yeol Administration's Policy on North Korea and the Direction of ROK-U.S. Relations and Policy Tasks." Public Policy Research Institute, Korea University 8, no. 1 (June 30, 2022): 51–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.34266/jnks.2022.8.1.51.
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The direction of Yoon Seok-yeol's North Korea policy and foreign relations can be summarized as "first U.S.-South Korea relations, later inter-Korean relations," "first international cooperation after inter-Korean cooperation," and "first denuclearization after peace." At the same time, it is expected that the it will be more active on North Korean human rights issues than Moon Jae In government. The Yoon Seok-yeol administration's policy toward the U.S. is aimed at a "comprehensive strategic alliance" that expands the international role of the Korea-U.S. alliance by normalizing the Korea-U.S. alliance and restoring cooperation. This is expected to strength the Korea-U.S. economic alliance and technology alliance in the international supply chain. In order to smoothly operate the Korea-U.S. alliance, efforts to cooperate with South Korea, the U.S., and Japan are expected to be strengthened by restoring relations with Japan. If North Korea makes a high-intensity provocation, it will resume its strategy to deter the North Korea and will resume the actual joint exercise between South Korea and the U.S.. Since the Yoon Seok-yeol administration's foreign relations are likely to flow around the U.S., opposition and checks from China and Russia will be inevitable. In this regard, since a new Cold War atmosphere is likely to form in Northeast Asia, South Korea needs a high level of ability to coordinate diplomatic and security issues between the U.S., China, and the U.S. and Russia to prevent them from getting worse. In this regard, the additional THAAD deployment under the Yoon Seok-yeol administration will be the right time to proceed if North Korea resumes its nuclear test, and participation in the Quad should be strategically approached according to the timing and conditions.
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Lee, Jaeyeon. "Melancholia is (geo)political! Postcolonial geography in the Wednesday Demonstration in Seoul." cultural geographies 29, no. 1 (November 1, 2021): 45–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/14744740211054147.
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This article examines how melancholia constitutes a psycho-geopolitical space interweaving Korean subjects’ psychic and political lives with the dynamics of the (post) Cold War alliance between Japan and the US. The Wednesday Demonstration is the weekly protest in Seoul that calls for an official apology and legal compensation from the Japanese government for comfort women who worked in the sexual slavery system under the Japanese Empire during WWII. The fact that the weekly protests have continued for 30 years since 1992 signifies that the comfort women issue has remained an unresolved (geo)political issue between South Korea and Japan for three decades, despite apologies and monetary compensations by the Japanese government. This article offers a psychoanalytic-geopolitical rationale for the endless grief of Korean postcolonial subjects who cannot accept the measures of the Japanese government regarding the comfort women issue. Based on 1-year’s participant observations and in-depth interviews with Korean activists who engaged in the Wednesday Demonstration from September 2019 to August 2020, this article aims to accomplish three goals. Firstly, this article shows how Korean postcolonial subjects were/are haunted by colonial past. Secondly, I examine why Koreans cannot complete mourning for comfort women in the context of ROK-US-Japan geopolitical relations. Lastly, this article interrogates how ethno-nationalists intervene to turn melancholia into a motivation for ethnic solidarity and how their attempt might have failed by exploring a Korean postcolonial subject’s psychic lives. In doing so, I argue that the wounds of Koreans related to the comfort women issue are not simply from colonial history, but they are postcolonial wounds that have not healed ‘appropriately’ under the (US-sponsored) South Korean/Japanese (post-)Cold War security arrangement.
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Streltsov, D. V. "Russian-Japanese Relations: Long-Term Development Factors." MGIMO Review of International Relations 13, no. 3 (July 8, 2020): 68–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2020-3-72-68-85.
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The article analyzes long-term external and internal factors determining the course of development of Russian-Japanese relations in 2019-2020. On the one hand, the anti-Russian component in Tokyo's foreign policy is shaped by its membership in the Security Treaty with the United States and its solidarity with the sanctions policy of the Group of Seven towards Russia. On the other hand, Japan and Russia are both interested interest in political cooperation in creating multilateral dialog mechanisms of international security in East Asia, resolving the nuclear issue on the Korean Peninsula, and easing tensions around territorial disputes in the East China and South China seas. Among the economic factors, the author focuses on the significant place of Russia in the context of Japan's task of diversifying sources of external energy supplies, as well as on Russia's desire to avoid unilateral dependence on the Chinese market while reorienting the system of foreign economic relations from the West to the East. Personal diplomacy of political leaders plays a significant role in relations between Russia and Japan, and, above all, close personal relationships and frequent meetings between Prime Minister Abe and President Putin, which make it possible to partially compensate the unfavorable image of the partner country in the public opinion of both Russia and Japan. Against the background of a deadlock in the Peace Treaty talks which emerged in 2019, the search for a way out of the diplomatic impasse is on the agenda. In the author's opinion, it would be appropriate at the first stage to proceed to the conclusion of a basic agreement on the basis bilateral relations, which would be "untied" from the Peace Treaty. In addition, Russia could stop criticizing Japan for its security policy and show greater understanding of the Japanese initiative in the field of quality infrastructure. In turn, Japan could take a number of strategic decisions on cooperation with Russia and announce them in the Prime Minister's keynote speech. In addition, Tokyo could stop positioning the issue of the peace Treaty as the main issue in relations with Russia, which would allow our countries to "untie" bilateral relations from the problem of border demarcation and focus on their positive agenda.
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Den Sik, Kan. "PROBLEMS AND PROSPECTS OF JAPAN-KOREA INTERSTATE RELATIONS." Вісник Київського національного лінгвістичного університету. Серія Історія, економіка, філософія, no. 26 (January 9, 2023): 5–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.32589/2412-9321.26.2021.269692.
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The peculiarities of the current conflicts between Japan and Korea are investigated. At the present stage, bilateral relations between Japan and the Republic of Korea are distinguished by stability and predictability, and even too much – there is every reason to talk about their friendly, and even allied character. Now the two states simultaneously cooperate in the political sphere, and compete in the economic sphere, they have intensified their cultural exchange. At the same time, a number of unsettled issues of the historical past of both countries remain, and, in addition, there are contradictions related to the island of Tokto (Takashima). In the last decade, the emphasis in Japanese-South Korean relations has clearly shifted to the trade and economic sphere. The first round of free trade negotiations between the two countries took place in December 2003 in Seoul, and the sixth and last was held in Tokyo (November 2006). The reluctance of the Japanese side to fully open its own market was the reason that the negotiations came to a standstill. Governments are well aware that the conclusion of a bilateral free trade agreement will have far-reaching consequences. The merger of the markets of the two countries with a similar structure of industry, located in direct ieographic proximity to each other, will lead to the emergence of a large market that will unite 170 million tons. persons and will make up 17% of the world’s gross product. This new economic entity could also deter China’s economic growth. In addition, pooling potentials and close mutual cooperation will contribute. Japan and South Korea have been taking gradual but confident steps to meet each other lately. Despite the very difficult common history in the first half of XX century. and the sharp contradictions that took place in the second half of the XX century, the parties are trying to come to an agreement on solving the existing economic problems, as well as looking for ways to cooperate efforts in the development of national economies.
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Husenicova, Lucia. "U.S. Foreign Policy Towards North Korea." International Studies. Interdisciplinary Political and Cultural Journal 22, no. 1 (November 9, 2018): 65–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1641-4233.22.05.
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The U.S. relations to Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) are since the end of the Cold War revolving around achieving a state of nuclear free Korean peninsula. As non-proliferation is a long term of American foreign policy, relations to North Korea could be categorized primarily under this umbrella. However, the issue of North Korean political system also plays role as it belongs to the other important, more normative category of U.S. foreign policy which is the protection of human rights and spreading of democracy and liberal values. In addition, the North Korean issue influences U.S. relations and interests in broader region of Northeast Asia, its bilateral alliances with South Korea (Republic of Korea, ROK) and Japan as well as sensitive and complex relations to People’s Republic of China. As the current administration of president Donald J. Trump published its National security strategy and was fully occupied with the situation on Korean peninsula in its first year, the aim of the paper is to analyse the changes in evolution of U.S. North Korean policy under last three administrations, look at the different strategies adopted in order to achieve the same aim, the denuclearization. The paper does not provide a thorough analysis, neither looks at all documents adopted and presented in the U.S. or within the U.N. It more focuses on the general principles of particular strategies, most significant events in mutual relations as recorded by involved governmental officials and also weaknesses of these strategies as none has achieved desirable result. In conclusion, several options for current administration are drawn, however all of them require significant compromises and could be accompanied with series of setbacks dangerous for regional stability and U.S. position in the region.
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Korostelina, Karina V. "The normative function of national historical narratives: South Korean perceptions of relations with Japan." National Identities 21, no. 2 (November 29, 2017): 171–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14608944.2017.1401599.
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Myers, Robert J. "The End of the Hermit Kingdom." Ethics & International Affairs 2 (March 1988): 99–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.1988.tb00530.x.
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Korea became known as the Hermit Kingdom at the end of the nineteenth century when it had withdrawn into itself under the threats of its neighbors-China, Russia, and Japan. This characterization has endured through this century even despite Korea's internal war and the involvement of the international community in that conflict. The election of Roh Tae Woo marked the beginning of a new stage in Korean politics: “the period of Korean-style democracy.” Robert Myers follows the historical eras and events leading up to this change and predicts a less threatening, less Confucian politics for the Korea of the future.
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Chung, Chae-Shick, and Chong Ook Rhee. "Financial Linkage in East Asian Countries since the East Asian Crisis." Asian Economic Papers 1, no. 3 (July 2002): 122–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/153535102320894036.
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This paper reports the results of an empirical analysis of the linkage between the financial markets (foreign-exchange, stock, and bond markets) of Korea and the financial markets of the United States, Japan, and six major East Asian countries. A multivariate generalized autoregressive conditional heteroskedastic (GARCH) model is used to analyze 23 financial variables and identify time-varying correlation coefficients. A comparison of these values before and after the currency crisis yields four main conclusions. First, the interest rates in the major Asian countries, including Korea, are moving independently of one another. Second, the correlations between the Korean financial variables are higher after the crisis than before it, and the highest correlation is between the won/dollar exchange rate and the stock price index. The high linkage between the won/dollar exchange rate and stock price index signifies that short-term foreign investment flow influences the won/dollar exchange rate and the stock price index equally. Third, the impact of U.S. stock prices on Korean stock prices has increased by more than 20 times since the currency crisis, indicating a synchronization of the Korean stock market and the U.S. stock market. Fourth, the linkage between the stock market prices of Korea and those of Japan and several East Asian countries has been increasing since the currency crisis, whereas the Korean—U.S. stock market linkage has become somewhat less significant.
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Yoon, Sharon J., and Yuki Asahina. "The Rise and Fall of Japan’s New Far Right: How Anti-Korean Discourses Went Mainstream." Politics & Society 49, no. 3 (August 2, 2021): 363–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00323292211033072.
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Why has right-wing activism in Japan, despite its persistence throughout the postwar era, only gained significant traction recently? Focusing on the Zaitokukai, an anti-Korean movement in Japan, this article demonstrates how the new Far Right were able to popularize formerly stigmatized right-wing ideas. The Zaitokukai represents a political group distinct from the traditional right and reflective of new Far Right movements spreading worldwide. In Japan, concerns about the growing influence of South Korea and China in the 1980s as well as the decline of left-wing norms opened up a discursive opportunity for the new Far Right. By framing Korean postcolonial minorities as undeserving recipients of social welfare benefits, the Zaitokukai mobilized perceptions of threat that has continued to powerfully influence public perceptions of Koreans even following the group’s organizational decline. While past research has focused on the new Far Right’s political influence, this article stresses their roles as ideological entrepreneurs.
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Xie, Miya Qiong. "“Borderland Translation”." Journal of World Literature 4, no. 4 (December 6, 2019): 552–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24056480-00404006.
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Abstract This paper explores the complexity of translation of borderland literature through a case study of the Japanese and Chinese translations of the Korean short story “The Red Hill.” Written by the renowned Korean writer Kim Tong-in (김동인, 1900–1951) in 1932, this story features the Korean agrarian community in the Northeast Asian borderland of Manchuria and is conventionally considered a masterpiece of Korean national literature. When it was translated into Japanese and Chinese and anthologized in inland Japan and the Japanese Manchukuo respectively, the three texts of the same story in three languages conveyed different and contradictory national/imperial claims over Manchuria, a Northeast Asian frontier. This case study demonstrates how the very act of translating and anthologizing, as a process of linguistic transposition across cultural and national constituencies, may crystallize the sense of territorial competition through revealing, reshuffling, and redefining the covert intricacy of national relations in the original text.
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ROZMAN, GILBERT. "Narrowing the Gap between China and Japan: Three Dimensions of National Identity and the Korean Factor." Japanese Journal of Political Science 14, no. 1 (February 5, 2013): 31–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109912000333.
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AbstractIn 2010–12, Sino-Japanese relations deteriorated without the Yasukuni Shrine or Chinese human rights violations in the forefront. To improve relations, attention should turn to what I label the ideological, sectoral, and horizontal dimensions of a national identity gap between these countries. They have each figured in the decline and offer more promise than the temporal dimension, with its symbols of wartime memories, and the vertical dimension, where sensitive Chinese internal affairs are at stake. The sectoral dimension comprises political, economic, and also cultural national identity, each of which has grown more intense in China, while cultural identity is still a force in Japan. Establishing an East Asian community is now the centerpiece in the hope that the horizontal dimension will be an impetus for mutual understanding, yet the notion of community is repeated with no sign of a shared vision of the outside world, whether the US role or the international arena and regionalism. With South Korea, their partner in trilateralism and North Korea's transformation at the crux of all three of these dimensions, this paper emphasizes the way divergent views of the peninsula keep growing in importance for bilateral relations. It suggests ways to reframe relations through cooperation over Korea. As difficult as Korean relations are for both states, it is a test case for their identity gap.
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Lowe, Peter. "The origins of the Korean community in Japan 1910–1923." International Affairs 66, no. 1 (January 1990): 213–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2622281.
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Stelzer, Diana Astrid. "East Asian Technical Cooperation Initiatives in Central America: A Comparative Analysis of Japan and South Korea in Guatemala." Vienna Journal of East Asian Studies 11, no. 1 (December 1, 2019): 92–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/vjeas-2019-0004.
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Abstract This article describes the similarities and differences of Japanese and South Korean technical cooperation approaches in Guatemala. The literature review illustrates the transition from an initially donor-centric results chain approach towards one that is increasingly recipient-balanced due to new cooperation principles such as horizontality and demand-drivenness. Such approaches are mainly fostered by the rise of new emerging donors on the international development cooperation horizon, such as the advocates of South-South Development Cooperation (SSDC). An analysis based on a framework by the Network of Southern Think Tanks (NeST) concludes that Japanese and Korean technical cooperation approaches are markedly similar, most notably in regard to officially proclaimed technical cooperation standards and commitments. Differences result from the degree of related implementation: Japan achieves higher results based on relative deficiencies in reporting by Korea as well as comparatively shorter bilateral Korean-Guatemalan relations. Similarities are fostered by analogous institutional and project related structures, stemming from an argued learning and simulation approach by Korea from the long-standing experiences of Japan. Lastly, it is argued that the growing assimilation of the traditional and the SSDC concept, as well as the increasing engagement of both countries in triangular cooperation contribute to the identified similarities.
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IIDA, KEISUKE. "Japanese Political Studies and Japanese International Relations in China, Japan, and Korea." Japanese Journal of Political Science 11, no. 3 (October 29, 2010): 275–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109910000113.
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AbstractThis article summarizes the findings of this special issue focusing on five questions: (1) who studies Japanese politics and international relations in China, Japan and the Republic of Korea?; (2) what is being studied in each of these countries?; 3) how are Japanese politics studied in each of these countries?; (3) what determines the nature of the study of Japanese politics and international relations?; and 4) what is the impact of the study of Japanese politics in each of these three countries? The findings on the first questions are that most scholars in each of these countries are concentrated in their forties and fifties, but their educational backgrounds are considerably varied. On the second question, the topics of study are becoming more wide-ranging in recent years, although in China, government policy still puts a constraint on the range of topics studied. Regarding the third question, the approaches that are used are becoming more varied, especially in Japan and South Korea. Concerning the fourth question, domestic politics in each of these countries matter, and financial constraints are a problem in China. Finally, it seems that Korean scholars in this area may have greater impact on the government than in the other two countries.
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Kazakov, M. A., and M. S. Lyscev. "MILITARY AND POLITICAL ASPECTS OF RUSSIAN-JAPANESE RELATIONS IN 1990 – EARLY XX CENTURY." Bulletin of Kemerovo State University, no. 1 (April 25, 2018): 24–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.21603/2078-8975-2018-1-24-30.
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The article considers the most significant aspects of military cooperation between Russia and Japan within the framework of the development of interstate relations in the Post-Soviet period. It features the main factors that influence the content and intensity of contacts between the defense departments. The current study assesses the interaction in the context of the military-political situation in the north of the Asia-Pacific region and the models of the development of the Russian Military Forces and Japan's self-defense forces. The process of cooperation in the field of defense policy has been divided into several chronological stages, but the stability of the region has always remained a priority. It is concluded that further development of military cooperation between Russia and Japan may give positive results in the fight against international terrorism, as well as prevent uncontrolled actions in case a negative scenario unfolds on the Korean peninsula. The interaction of the Russian Federation and Japan in the military sphere and security is becoming one of the drivers of the development of relations between the countries in the near future, along with economic and technological spheres and cultural exchange. The process of military cooperation between the states, in turn, has already become a factor of stability in the northern part of the Asia-Pacific region.
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Charles Weller, R. "Modernist Reform and Independence Movements." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 21, no. 4 (November 26, 2014): 343–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-02104004.
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This article makes initial observations on various historical relations and analogical comparisons between the Central Asian Muslim and Korean modernist reform and independence movements from 1850 to 1940. It presents a more nuanced and integrated understanding of Asian and world history as it took shape across “the long 19th century” while also laying ground work for further research. It introduces newly translated Kazakh and Turkish source material, particularly that of Ibrai Altinsarin, the Kazakh modernist educator, and Abdurreshid Ibrahim, the Turkic-Tatar advocate of Japanese-led Pan-Islamic and Pan-Asian cooperation. The essay follows a historical, rather than analogical approach, placing each movement respectively in its broader shared Asian and world historical context, leaving the reader to discern points of comparison and contrast. It argues first that certain Central Asian and Korean reform and independence leaders not only were aware of and sympathetic toward one another’s predicaments, but encountered one another, particularly in Russian Asia, Manchuria, Japan, and even Korea. Second, both came under the direct influence of a significant number of the same sources, particularly Meiji Japan.
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Lee, Seokwoo, and Seryon Lee. "Yeo Woon Taek v. New Nippon Steel Corporation." American Journal of International Law 113, no. 3 (July 2019): 592–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ajil.2019.33.
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On October 30, 2018, the South Korean Supreme Court, in an 11–2 decision, upheld the judgment of the lower court, which ordered New Nippon Steel Corporation, a Japanese company, to provide KRW 100 million (approximately USD 84,000) in compensation to each of the four plaintiffs, who were forced to work at Japanese steel mills during World War II. In an earlier 2012 decision, the Supreme Court remanded the case after holding that the claims were not precluded by the Agreement on the Settlement of Problems Concerning Property and Claims and the Economic Cooperation Between the Republic of Korea and Japan (Claims Agreement). The Supreme Court held that the Claims Agreement was not a result of negotiation about compensation for Japanese colonization, but rather was a political agreement the purpose of which was to resolve the financial and civil debt/credit relationship between Korea and Japan. On the final appeal, the Supreme Court concluded that plaintiffs’ claims were directly related to the illegality of Japan's colonial rule over the Korean Peninsula and that the rights of the victims of forced labor to make a compensation claim did not fall within the scope of the Claims Agreement.
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Sigit, Sigit, and Farin Almira Anantasya. "Comfort Women: Impacts on Japan’s Relations with South Korea and The Philippines." Malaysian Journal of International Relations 9, no. 1 (December 30, 2021): 144–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/mjir.vol9no1.8.
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The objective of this paper is to analyse how the issue of “comfort women” affects Japan’s relations with its neighboring countries, namely South Korea and the Philippines, using qualitative methods, and constructivism as the conceptual framework. “Comfort women” or “jugun ianfu” in Japanese, and “wianbu” in romanized Korean, is an euphemism used to describe young women from all across Asia who were forced to please the Japanese troops sexually during World War II. These young women were deceived, lured, or kidnapped and then confined in “comfort stations.” Initially, the Japanese government denied that they had systematically confined these so-called “comfort women” and distributed them to comfort stations to be sex slaves, and rejected demands for a formal apology and war reparations to the victims. This had outraged South Korea and the comfort women survivors. This paper suggests that Japan finally admitted its role in the establishment of comfort stations in 1993, and has been trying to make amends with these countries. The process of making amends remains a persistent controversy, with Japan seeking to turn over a new leaf and many South Koreans and Filipinos striving to not let the tragic history be forgotten.
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Vekasi, Kristin, and Jiwon Nam. "Boycotting Japan: Explaining Divergence in Chinese and South Korean Economic Backlash." Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs 6, no. 3 (December 2019): 299–326. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347797019886725.
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Japan has a ‘cold politics, hot economics’ relationship with both China and South Korea where political relations are tense and business overall flourishes. Despite the similarities, the political mobilisation of consumers in response to Japanese business interests diverge: event, trade and tourism data show that South Koreans are less likely to link economic interests with their political grievances with Japan compared to their Chinese counterparts even though the sources of the tensions are largely parallel. The divergence arises from different ways economic globalisation has shaped national identity. In China, economic globalisation has strengthened a nativist identity with strong anti-foreign components. Korean national identity has been formed by economic integration and interdependence. While strong national identity and anti-foreign elements exist, they are delinked from economic interests. Survey and event data from South Korea and China show that the variation in consumer politics is driven by attitudinal differences in the population that is strongly anti-Japanese. Social media data shows how citizens link or delink politics and business to mobilise for collective action and provide qualitative evidence that how identities interact with globalisation explain country-level variation.
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Le, Tom Phuong. "Negotiating in Good Faith: Overcoming Legitimacy Problems in the Japan-South Korea Reconciliation Process." Journal of Asian Studies 78, no. 03 (June 24, 2019): 621–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911819000664.
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This article examines why the “history issue” continues to hinder Japanese-Korean relations after nominally successful negotiations such as the 1965 Treaty on Basic Relations between Japan and the Republic of Korea and the 2015 comfort women agreement. It contends that leaders put off and quite possibly sacrificed reconciliation in order to achieve treaties and agreements that addressed more immediate security, economic, and political needs. However, because agreements were not transparently negotiated, partly due to the lack of a neutral third-party mediator, Koreans believe the treaties were not fair nor final settlements. Additionally, the reconciliation process has been flawed because it haphazardly tackles disagreements and does not consider time. A third-party such as the United States should mediate a settlement between Japan and South Korea to ensure adequate confidence building measures. Such measures will lower the costs of giving and accepting an apology, increasing the chances of an enduring and legitimate treaty.