Relevant bibliographies by topics / Korean-Japan relations

Academic literature on the topic 'Korean-Japan relations'

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Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 29 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Korean-Japan relations"

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You, Chaekwang, and Wonjae Kim. "LOSS AVERSION AND RISK-SEEKING IN KOREA–JAPAN RELATIONS." Journal of East Asian Studies 20, no. 1 (February 10, 2020): 53–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jea.2019.36.

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AbstractSince Korea's transition to democracy in 1987, Korean leaders have become increasingly confrontational toward Japan, with such steps ranging from verbal threats filled with hawkish rhetoric to material threats, such as displays of military force and threats of actually using it. To explain South Korean leaders’ hawkish approach to Japan, we build a theory of “prospective diversion” by combining insights from the diversionary theory of international conflict and prospect theory. We argue that foreign policy leaders have a strong tendency to overvalue political losses relative to comparable gains in their approval ratings. As a result, they are inclined to take risk-seeking diplomatic actions toward foreign adversary to avoid further losses. By conducting statistical analyses and developing case studies of Korean leaders’ confrontational policy decisions regarding Japan, we present empirical findings consistent with our hypothesis that Korean leaders are inclined to engage in prospective diversion toward Japan when they suffer domestic losses. This article provides an enhanced understanding of the domestic political foundation of South Korean leaders’ increasingly contentious attitude toward Japan.
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Park, Sam-hun. "The Conflictual Legacy of the Korea-Japan Joint World Cup." Border Crossings: The Journal of Japanese-Language Literature Studies 14, no. 1 (June 28, 2022): 4–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.22628/bcjjl.2022.14.1.4.

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There has been a confrontational structure to the relationship between Korea and Japan for several years, as the South Korean government reneged on the Japanese military “comfort women” agreement, and the Supreme Court’s ruling on compensation for forced laborers led to Japanese restrictions on Korean exports. In tandem with these developments, anti-Japanese sentiment in Korean society has been growing stronger, as have anti-Korean attitudes in Japanese society. This article suggests that the experience of the 2002 Korea-Japan joint World Cup was not conducive to better relations, but was rather the starting point of the current xenophobia within each country in relation to the other.
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Lim, Haeran. "Trust and Economic Development: Comparison of Subcontracting Relations among Korea, Japan and Taiwan." Korean Journal of Policy Studies 15, no. 1 (April 30, 2000): 57–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.52372/kjps15104.

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This study examines the link between trust and economic development by focusing on subcontracting relations and comparing institutional sources of trust among Korea, Japan and Taiwan. Korea and Japan show similarities that trust was based on institution, whereas trust may be a product of culture as well as that of institution in Taiwan. In contrast to Taiwan and Japan, the Korean subcontracting relations between the Les(Large Enterprises) and the SMEs(Sma1l And Medium Enterprises) have been exploitative and noncooperative ones without trust, and the Korean economy has the dual structure of strong LES and weak SMEs. The persistent weakness of the SMEs in Korea could be attributed to institutional defects, resulted from the political coalition between the government and the LES, excluding the SMEs. To increase the level of trust in subcontracting relations, institutional setting such as monitoring and sanctioning system needs to be established. Building effective institutions requires genuine understanding of the importance of the SMEs in the economy.
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Gainullina, Liailia Aidarovna, Rustem Ravilevich Muhametzyanov, Bulat Aidarovich Gainullin, and Nadiia Almazovna Galiautdinova. "DPRK'S nuclear program." Laplage em Revista 6, Extra-A (December 14, 2020): 15–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.24115/s2446-622020206extra-a550p.15-22.

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Historically, in the eyes of the Korean people, Japan is an antagonistic state that has brought them many troubles in the past century. Relations between Japan and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) are fundamental in terms of security in the Northeast Asia (NEA) region, since the decision on the DPRK nuclear missile program and on the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula is one of the pillars of achieving that very security throughout the region. The period, we consider in this study, from 1996 to 2006, is of significant importance, since a thorough analysis of the events of those years is important for understanding the root of existing problems in bilateral relations between Japan and North Korea. The present analysis on the behavioral lines in the solution of the North Korean nuclear missile program may contribute to the choice the best way to normalize relations between the two countries.
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Yungblyud, Valery. "Japanese-Korean Contradictions in U.S. Politics, 1951—1954." ISTORIYA 12, no. 12-2 (110) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840017862-7.

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The article focuses on U.S. policy toward the process of settling Japan-Korea relations from the signing of the San Francisco Peace Treaty until the failure of negotiations between Tokyo and Seoul in 1954. Many items on the modern agenda of Japan-Korea relations were formed during this period with the direct involvement of U.S. diplomacy. The United States sought to build a military-political triangle between Washington, Seoul and Tokyo. Japan were designated as a key ally and conduit of American policy. At the same time, South Korea was to become a continental foothold and a defensive barrier against communism. The situation was complicated by Japanese-Korean antagonism, manifested in the conflict over the demarcation of territorial waters and material claims by South Korean authorities against the former colonialist. Under such conditions, the Americans were solving the task of strengthening their own positions in the region and did not show any persistence in harmonizing relations between their allies.
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Horesh, Niv, Hyun Jin Kim, Peter Mauch, and Jonathan Sullivan. "Is My Rival's Rival a Friend? Popular Third-Party Perceptions of Territorial Disputes in East Asia." Copenhagen Journal of Asian Studies 32, no. 1 (September 11, 2014): 5–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/cjas.v32i1.4594.

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This article examines how China's rise and increasing tensions with Japan are portrayed by South Korean bloggers. The deterioration in relations between China and Japan over the last two years generally projects onto the ways and means by which China's rise is portrayed in South Korea. Since Korea's relations with both its more populous neighbours have been historically fraught, and since it is also implicated in various territorial disputes with both countries, determining Korean sensibilities is an important way of gauging shifts in public opinion across the region. Although the conservative political establishments in both South Korea and Japan might see China as a constant threat, South Korean and Japanese netizens still popularly view each other with suspicion. By contrast, popular perceptions of the China threat in either country can be swayed by escalation of territorial disputes these two US allies still have with one another.
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Togo, Kazuhiko. "Japan-Korea Relations: The Stalemate and the Future." Culture and Empathy: International Journal of Sociology, Psychology, and Cultural Studies 4, no. 1 (March 26, 2021): 20–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.32860/26356619/2021/4.1.0003.

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Japan-Korea relations are haunted by Japan’s annexation of Korea from 1910 to 1945. But the two sides have put substantial efforts to overcome the past, notably Japan learning from Korean anguish and becoming humble and Korea accepting that humility. But when in 2004 Japan genuinely began respecting and admiring everything that Korea has achieved, Korea found a new era to regain their justice that they failed to establish when Korea was weak. But legal measures that Korea now found to regain justice, on conscripted workers and comfort women in particular, threatens to destroy all achievements the two countries have made so far. This article tries to find a way to save them.
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Rozman, Gilbert. "Japan debates the Korean peninsula: implications for future policy and U.S.–Japan relations." Korean Journal of Defense Analysis 21, no. 1 (March 2009): 49–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10163270902745653.

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Claxton, James M. "Litigating, Arbitrating and Mediating Japan–Korea Trade and Investment Tensions." Journal of World Trade 54, Issue 4 (August 1, 2020): 591–614. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2020026.

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In July 2019, Japan introduced measures tightening export restrictions to South Korea on three chemicals critical to the manufacture of consumer electronics. The restrictions prompted an animated response by the Korean government that has included WTO consultations and threats to terminate an intelligence-sharing agreement with Japan. Meanwhile, the controversy has filtered down to the public with boycotts of Japanese products in Korea. Tension between the states has been unusually high since late 2018 when the Korean Supreme Court affirmed a judgment against Japanese companies accused of forcing Korean nationals to labour for them during Japan’s colonial rule. Japan argues that such claims are precluded by a 1965 treaty normalizing post-war relations. While Japan states that its trade restrictions were not motivated by the judgment, the disputes have together contributed to the worst breakdown in cross-border relations in five decades. This article evaluates Korea’s trade claims against Japan, means of resolving them, and the challenges that the claims face in the WTO dispute settlement system. The article also considers claims from the Japanese side through the International Court of Justice (ICJ), inter-state arbitration, and investor-state dispute settlement. We conclude that formal mediation offers an effective means to facilitate negotiations and centralize the WTO and other treaty disputes in a single forum involving multiple stakeholders. WTO, Japan, Korea, ISDS, mediation, arbitration, export, international trade law, investment treaties
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Hu, Jasmine. "Symmetry, Violence, and The Handmaiden's Queer Colonial Intimacies." Camera Obscura: Feminism, Culture, and Media Studies 36, no. 2 (September 1, 2021): 33–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/02705346-9052788.

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Abstract The Japanese annexation of Korea (1910–45) implicates a crisis of representation in South Korean national history. Both the traumatic wounds and complex intimacies of Japan's rule over its Korean subjects were met with postcolonial suppression, censorship, and disavowal. This article examines Park Chan-wook's The Handmaiden (Ah-ga-ssi, South Korea, 2016), a period film set in 1930s Korea under Japanese rule, in relation to the two nations’ fraught but interconnected colonial and postcolonial histories. By analyzing the film's explicit sexual depiction through discourses of ethnicity, gender, and nation, it argues that the lesbian sex scenes encode and eroticize latent anxieties and tensions surrounding Japan-Korea relations, making explicit the ambivalent longing and lingering identification shared between the colonizers and the colonized. Furthermore, through intertextual reference to the intertwined and imitative relations between the national cinemas of Japan and Korea—relations mediated and elided by a long history of state censorship—Park's film repudiates an essentialist South Korean identity propped up by both nationalist narratives and market liberalization policies. Through palimpsestic projection of the colonial era onto South Korea's neoliberal present, the film invites parallels between colonialism's unresolved legacy and contemporary modes of cultural production. Simultaneously, the film offers a utopian vision of a national self that surfaces—rather than suppresses—the violence and pleasure incurred in confrontations with the colonial or transnational other.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Korean-Japan relations"

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Kim, Nam G. (Nam Gyun). "US-Japan Relations during the Korean War." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1995. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278651/.

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During the Korean War, US-Japan relations changed dramatically from the occupation status into one of a security partnership in Asia. When North Korea invaded South Korea, Washington perceived Japan as the ultimate target. Washington immediately intervened in the Korean peninsula to protect the South on behalf of Japanese security. Japanese security was the most important objective of American policy regarding the Korean War, a reality to which historians have not given legitimate attention. While fighting in Korea, Washington decided to conclude an early peace treaty with Japan to initiate Japanese rearmament. The issue of Japanese rearmament was a focal point in the Japanese peace negotiation. Washington pressed Japan to rearm rapidly, but Tokyo stubbornly opposed. Under pressure from Washington, the Japanese government established the National Police Reserve and had to expand its military forces during the war. When the Korean War ceased in July 1953, Japanese armed forces numbered about 180,000 men. The Korean War also brought a fundamental change to Japanese economic and diplomatic relations in Asia. With a trade embargo on China following the unexpected Chinese intervention in Korea, Washington wanted to forbid Sino-Japanese trade completely. In addition, Washington pressed Tokyo to recognize the Nationalist regime in Taiwan as the representative government of the whole Chinese people. Japan unsuccessfully resisted both policies. Japan wanted to maintain Sino-Japanese trade and recognize the Chinese Communists. The Korean War brought an economic boom to Japan. As a logistical and service supporter for United States war efforts in Korea, Japan received a substantial amount of military procurement orders from Washington, which supplied dollars, technology, and markets for Japan. The Korean War was an economic opportunity for Japan while it was a military opportunity for the United States. The Korean War was the beginning of a new era of American-Japanese military and economic interdependence. This study is based on both American and Japanese sources--primary and secondary.
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HUNT, AMBER MARIE. "PARTY POLITICS AND CHANGING DIPLOMATIC PRIORITIES: JAPAN-SOUTH KOREAN RELATIONS INTO THE 21ST CENTURY." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/613080.

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Japan-South Korean relations have been consistently hindered by political and social reminders regarding their shared history that includes Japan’s violent occupation of Korea in the 20th century. However, relations had been improving into the 21st century until now, where positive relations and cooperation appear to be at a standstill regardless of the expectation that they would have grown closer given current events. This paper explains the motivations for the lack of a fully realized cooperative relationship between the two nations using the following explanations: dysfunctional political parties in South Korea benefits politically from pushing emotional anti-Japan rhetoric to a typically disaffected voting base; Japan is no longer viewed as being as critical an economic partner compared to China; and this anti-Japan rhetoric has no substantial pushback or reaction from the Japanese government and public.
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Creamer, Dewayne J. "The rise and fall of Chosen Soren : its effect on Japan's relations on the Korean Peninsula." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2003. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/03Dec%5FCreamer.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2003.
Thesis advisor(s): Edward A. Olsen, H. Lyman Miller. Includes bibliographical references (p. 67-73). Also available online.
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Gerval, Adam J. "Seeking Autonomy: Comparative Analysis of the Japanese & South Korean Defense Sectors." The Ohio State University, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1462802738.

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Lee, Jeong Mi. "Cultural Expressions of Tokugawa Japan and Chosŏn Korea: an Analysis of the Korean Embassies in the Eighteenth Century." Thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1807/16744.

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This doctoral thesis presents a historical study of the diplomatic exchanges between the Japanese and the Korean embassy in the eighteenth century. Neighbourly relationships (J: kōrin, K: kyorin) were maintained between Tokugawa Japan (1603-1868) and Chosŏn Korea (1392-1910) for more than 250 years. The visitations of the Korean embassy, dispatched to congratulate a new Tokugawa shogun, were often seen as the symbol of their amicable and friendly relationship, and it is well known that the Koreans were cordially welcomed by the Tokugawa bakufu. Despite these neighbourly relations, the visitations of the embassy had a more pragmatic purpose. More complex political conditions and nature were immanent within and between the both states. In the diplomatic interaction, the officials in the two states had traditional and obstinately-held perceptions towards the counterpart hidden behind the pleasant gesture. In this thesis, I attempt to uncover what is associated with these neighbourly relations, by revealing the cultural awareness and consciousness of these two states in East Asia through detailed examinations of the historical sources. To find the notions behind the exchange, my thesis illustrates Japanese and Korean hua-yi awareness that came to light through the interactions between the Japanese and the Koreans. The Chinese hua-yi order, the concept of looking at the Chinese dynasties as the center, was said to dominate the East Asian order. From the Chinese point of view, Tokugawa Japan and Chosŏn Korea were barbaric and on the margins, but from the perspectives of the two countries, they certainly recognized themselves as the centers. On the basis of the dynamism of historical events, thoughts, and notions between Tokugawa Japan and Chosŏn Korea in the eighteenth century, this research will examine multi-layered perspectives of the individual Japanese and Koreans who played essential roles in diplomacy. How were those officials representing the two states aware of their peers, and how did these notions affect the modern history of the two countries? This question is consistently engaged in this thesis, and to answer it the research will be further explored.
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Whitney, Younghye Seo. "Transnational Intellectual Networks and their Influence on Social Movements in South Korea - A rediscovery of history through grassroots activism in the 1970s and 1980s." Master's thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/159275.

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Younghye Seo Whitney: Transnational intellectual networks and their influence on social movements in South Korea - A rediscovery of history through grassroots activism in the 1970s and 1980s (Under the Direction of Hyaeweol Choi) What role did grassroots associations in Japan play in South Korea’s pro-democracy movement? The end of the Second World War in 1945 finally liberated the Korean Peninsula from 36 years of Japanese colonial rule. The political vacuum this left resulted in the nation being torn in two in 1953, with the formation of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (North Korea) and the Republic of Korea (South Korea). The turmoil continued for decades, with South Korea’s population facing ongoing pro-democracy struggles. It was not until 1987 that these struggles culminated in the nation achieving its first directly elected President. Despite ample evidence that an intricate network of individuals was actively conveying information between Korea and Japan during this period, the narrative surrounding South Korea’s pro-democracy struggles is one that is generally told from the perspective of its domestic actors, with rare mention of external actors, aside from those based in the United States. This thesis attempts to add greater nuance to the shared political history between these two nations by rediscovering the role that missionaries and scholars residing in Japan played in supporting South Korea’s pro-democracy movement. Commencing with the broad-daylight kidnapping of Kim Dae Jung in the middle of Tokyo in August 1973, Japan found itself deeply embroiled in the ongoing turmoil in South Korea. This ongoing engagement proved to be a crucial trigger for intense grassroots interest in the situation in Korea. This engagement also acted as a catalyst for the long-running success of the Letters from South Korea articles that were published each month in the influential magazine Sekai between 1973 and 1988. Using Keck and Sikkink’s boomerang model as an overarching framework, this thesis focuses on the personal history of Chi Myŏng-gwan, author of the Letters articles. Through an examination of Chi’s early life, this thesis considers important factors which contributed to the success of the Letters project. This thesis argues that a convergence of like-minded individuals who possessed key capacities was crucial in enabling the project to play an essential role in raising and maintaining the awareness of South Korea in Japan and around the world. This thesis finds evidence that the activities carried out by the actors driving the Project helped to motivate governments beyond Japan to apply pressure on the Park regime and subsequent regimes in South Korea and thus played an indirect, yet important support role in enabling the nation’s pro-democracy movement to achieve its goals. By focusing on this under-explored narrative of grassroots cooperation between South Korea and Japan, this thesis attempts to rethink the recent political history between these two nations, with the aim of identifying possible avenues for improving Korea-Japan relations going forward.
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Koike, Rika. "Understanding Korean-Japanese interpersonal relationships." Thesis, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/5369.

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The purpose of this study was to investigate "themes," patterns of accounts related to the lived experiences of interpersonal relationships between Koreans and Japanese living in Japan. The research question was: What is the texture of the voices of Koreans living in Japan and their host Japanese in their interculturally lived experiences of interpersonal relationships? Individual interviews were conducted in Japanese with six Koreans living in Japan. In addition, interviews were held with three Japanese who had interpersonal relationships with three of the Korean interview subjects. The relationships varied from low, to moderate, to high intimacy. Four themes emerged through interpretive analysis of the participants' accounts of their relationships: Japanese attitudes towards Koreans, a sense of commonality, cultural differences, and involvement. In the first three theme categories, two to three subthemes were identified. Japanese discriminatory attitudes towards Koreans seemed to have negative influences on some of the Korean participants. Also, the way the participants perceived cultural differences rather than the differences themselves appeared to be important in developing interpersonal relationships. The educational implication of this study is the implementation of a curriculum of Japanese-as-a-second-language that focuses on cultural awareness and appreciation of cultural difference among cultures as well as those within Japanese culture.
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Cheong, Sung-hwa. "Japanese-South Korean relations under American occupation, 1945-1952 the politics of anti-Japanese sentiment in Korea and the failure of diplomacy /." 1988. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/22466205.html.

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Books on the topic "Korean-Japan relations"

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DiFilippo, Anthony. US-Japan-North Korean security relations: Irrepressible interests. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon, [England]: Routledge, 2011.

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US-Japan-North Korean security relations: Irrepressible interests. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon, [England]: Routledge, 2011.

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Ryang, Sonia (EDT)/ Lie, John (EDT). Diaspora without homeland: Being Korean in Japan. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2009.

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The origins of the Korean community in Japan, 1910-1923. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1989.

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Weiner, Michael. The origins of the Korean community in Japan, 1910-1923. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1989.

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The origins of the Korean community in Japan, 1910-1923. Atlantic Highlands, NJ: Humanities Press International, 1989.

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Toshi, Yoshihara, and Institute for Foreign Policy Analysis, eds. The U.S.-Japan alliance: Preparing for the Korean reconciliation and beyond. Dulles, Va: Brassey's, 2003.

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Levin, Norman D. Trends on the Korean peninsula and Soviet policy toward Korea: Implications for U.S.-Japan relations. Santa Monica, CA: Rand Corp., 1988.

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Kodae ro hŭrŭnŭn mulkil. Sŏul-si: Sejong Sŏjŏk, 1995.

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Arne, Kalland, Sorensen Henrik Hjort, Københavns universitet Østasiatisk institut, and Nordic Institute of Asian Studies., eds. Perspectives on Japan and Korea: 2nd Nordic Symposium on Japanese and Korean studies. Copenhagen: Nordic Institute of Asian Studies, 1991.

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Book chapters on the topic "Korean-Japan relations"

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Kang, C. S. Eliot. "Japan in Inter-Korean Relations." In Inter-Korean Relations, 97–116. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403980434_6.

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Smith, Sheila A. "President Obama and Japan-South Korean Relations." In Asia’s Alliance Triangle, 157–62. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137541710_13.

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Inoguchi, Takashi. "The Korean Peninsula and Japan: Global Money Flows as Framing International Relations." In Japanese and Korean Politics, 249–61. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137488312_12.

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Blair, Dennis, Nakanishi Hiroshi, Bong Youngshik, and Hyun Daesong. "US-Japan Relations: Do We Share the Same Values and View of History? US, Japanese, and South Korean Perspectives." In Asia’s Alliance Triangle, 169–85. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137541710_15.

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Sakamoto, Rumi. "Korean kamikaze pilots in Japanese films." In Popular Culture and the Transformation of Japan–Korea Relations, 78–92. London ; New York, NY : Routledge/Taylor & Francis Group, 2020. | Series: Asia’s transformations: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429399558-8.

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Togo, Kazuhiko. "Japanese Foreign Policy: Abe II and Beyond: With a Future Perspective of Japan-Korea Relations." In Japanese and Korean Politics, 195–220. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137488312_10.

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"China, Japan, and Russia in Inter-Korean Relations." In Korea Briefing, 119–58. Routledge, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315290775-11.

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"6 Joint Declaration Issued by Korean Workers’ Party, Liberal Democratic Party and Japan Socialist Party, 1990." In Japan's International Relations, 598–99. Routledge, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203804056-60.

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Dukalskis, Alexander. "Coping with a Post-Communist World." In Making the World Safe for Dictatorship, 159–84. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197520130.003.0008.

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After a broad overview, this chapter analyzes two specific instances of North Korea’s authoritarian image management, spanning both the Cold War and post–Cold War eras. First, it focuses on North Korea’s Japan-based efforts to craft an appealing image among Koreans there through Chongryon (the General Association of Korean Residents in Japan). Second, it discusses the loose network of North Korea sympathizer organizations around the world. The chapter draws on primary North Korean media sources, online evidence of friendship group activities, and fieldwork conducted about Chongryon in Japan in 2019. The main argument is that North Korea’s image management efforts have been effective in some respects, but they appear outdated and ill-suited to the contemporary world because the country was slow and hesitant to adapt to new realities. The system was designed for a context of party-to-party relations and Third World solidarity initiatives that eventually faded in relevance.
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LINHONG, ZHANG. "The Multilateral Security Regime in the Asia-Pacific Region and China’s Choice." In The International Politics of EU-China Relations. British Academy, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197264089.003.0011.

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This chapter presents a view of China's approach to security multilateralism in Pacific Asia. It argues that the three main challenges that China faces in regional security are the potential for conflict on the Korean peninsula, Japan's politics of military aggressiveness and the meaninglessness of its non-violent constitution, and the Taiwan separatists' denial of ‘One China’. Despite the likely persistence of these problems, the discussion presents some grounds for optimism in building regional security multilateralism, in terms of the modes, fields, and driving forces of cooperation. Nevertheless, it indicates how far the prospect for multilateralism is dependent on the emergence of a consensus between China, Japan, and the USA as to its desirability, capability, and purposes.
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