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Journal articles on the topic 'Korea; United States; Foreign policy'
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1
Yoon, Jong-Han. "The Effect of US Foreign Policy on the Relationship Between South and North Korea: Time Series Analysis of the Post-Cold War Era." Journal of East Asian Studies 11, no. 2 (August 2011): 255–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800007189.
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In this study, I examine the effect of US foreign policy on the relationship between South Korea and North Korea. In particular, I analyze whether two different foreign policy approaches—the hard-line approach and the soft-line approach—have played a role in advancing or slowing steps toward peace in the Korean peninsula. I use the Integrated Data for Events Analysis dataset for the period 1990–2004. By employing a Vector Autoregression model, which analyzes the behavioral patterns of South and North Korea and the United States, I find that US foreign policy affects the relationship between the two Koreas by affecting North Korea's behavior toward South Korea. The triangular relationship among the United States, North Korea, and South Korea shows a reciprocal behavior pattern. This finding suggests that a soft-line and reciprocal US foreign policy toward North Korea is critical to maintaining peace in the Korean peninsula.
2
Cha, Victor D. "Balance, Parallelism, and Asymmetry: United States-Korea Relations." Journal of East Asian Studies 1, no. 1 (February 2001): 179–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800000278.
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The George W. Bush presidency has raised wide speculation about future United States' policy toward the Korean peninsula. The conventional wisdom among pundits in Washington, Seoul and elsewhere is that the incoming administration will switch to a ‘harder line’ regarding the Democratic Peoples' Republic of Korea (DPRK) and move away from the engagement policy practiced during the Clinton administration. In a similar vein, others have argued that Bush will place a premium on reaffirming and consolidating ties with traditional allies and friends like the Republic of Korea (ROK), Japan, and Taiwan while downplaying strategic engagement with China. The problem with such punditry is that it is usually overstated and under analyzed. Given the current state of relations, there is little incentive for dramatic changes in U.S. policy toward North Korea or with regard to the U.S.-ROK alliance. Moreover, given what is known of the Bush administration's foreign policy vision, there is little evidence upon which to predict an unadulterated hard line swing in policy toward Pyongyang.
3
Lee, Steven Hugh. "Negotiating the Cold War: The United States and the Two Koreas." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 9, no. 1-2 (2000): 85–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187656100793645958.
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AbstractSince December 1997, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK), the People’s Republic of China (PRC), the Republic of Korea (ROK), and the United States have met in a series of talks aimed at promoting peace and stability on the Korean peninsula and in the region. According to a November 1998 U.S. Department of Defense report, the discussions have created a “diplomatic venue for reducing tensions and ultimately replacing the Armistice Agreement with a permanent peace settlement.”1 Amidst the tragic human suffering which has occurred in North Korea, there have been some encouraging developments on the peninsula. The 1994 Agreed Framework between the United States and North Korea placed international controls on North Korea’s atomic energy program and cautiously anticipated the normalization of U.S.-DPRK relations. Since assuming power in early 1998, South Korean President Kim Dae Jung has vigorously pursued a policy of engagement with P’yo¨ngyang, known as the “sunshine policy.” Over the past decade, North Korea has also reoriented its foreign policy. In the early 1990s, the regime’s social and economic crisis led to a rethinking of its autarkic economic system. By early 1994, the state had created new free trade zones and relatively open foreign investment laws.2 By complying with the Agreed Framework, the DPRK has also shown a willingness to work with the international community on sensitive issues affecting its internal sovereignty and ability to project power beyond its borders.
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CHOO, Jaewoo. "South Korean Politics and Foreign Policy in 2017 and 2018." East Asian Policy 10, no. 01 (January 2018): 123–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930518000119.
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The election of Moon Jae-in in South Korea signals a shift to a more conciliatory approach towards North Korea. Moon’s basic strategy towards the North contradicts that of the United States, emphasising a “dual-track” policy of seeking North Korea’s denuclearisation while calling for dialogue to facilitate inter-Korean summit and not North Korea’s denuclearisation. Moon’s acceptance of China’s “Three oppositions” to the deployment of Terminal High Altitude Area Defence is controversial as they are not within Korea’s jurisdiction.
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Klyukin, N. "Interim results of Donald Trump’s foreign policy." Mezhdunarodnaja jekonomika (The World Economics), no. 3 (March 1, 2020): 72–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-04-2003-07.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of the political activities of Donald Trump as the president of the United States of America. The key political issues of the United States interaction with countries such as the China, North Korea, Russia, India and Syria. Each of the issues discussed contributes to the creation of a full-fledged image of Trump as a politician who is a tough, unprincipled leader who takes constant risks in order to achieve certain goals. Despite the number of Trump’s opponents and ill-wishers, his decisions mostly bring dividends and open up new opportunities for his country. Many experts argue that it will be difficult for Trump to maintain a leading position in the upcoming presidential election since the current president currently has rather weak approval ratings.
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Ermolaeva, Ekaterina. "Formation and development of foreign policy ideology of the Republic of Korea." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 7 (July 2020): 39–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2020.7.33554.
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This article explores the process of formation of foreign policy ideology of the Republic of Korea. The object of this research is the national ideology of the Republic of Korea, while the subject is the ideological concepts of its foreign policy. Analysis is conducted on the historical background, cultural and sociopolitical context, which affected the formation of South Korean ideology. The article describes the foreign policy concepts of the Republic of Korea, using the example of ideological course of the administrations of Lee Myung-Bak, Park Geun-hye and Moon Jae-on. The author applies the comparative-historical and problem-chronological methods, as well as content analysis in examination of the texts of documents for determining conceptual grounds of foreign policy. The Russian Korean Studies do not feature comprehensive research on the topic of ideology in the sphere of foreign policy of the Republic of Korea, which defines the scientific novelty of this work. The following conclusions were formulated: 1) Historically, Korea was in a state of foreign policy dependency, which impacted the formation of nationalistic views among the political elite; 2) The peculiarities of development of the Republic of Korea led to the division of political forces into two main groups that vector the foreign policy within the framework of genera paradigm, characterized by nationalistic context and the strive to ensure sustainable development of the country and regional security; 3) The ideological concepts of political groups mark a number of differences in the attitude to the alliance with the United States and interaction with the Democratic People's Republic of Korea. However, the implementation of foreign policy strategy of the Republic of Korea depends on a particular situation, thus the ideological course of foreign policy does not always reflect the real government actions. The ideological differences in foreign policy of the rightwing and leftwing forces become more conditional – the pragmatic objectives aimed at preservation of stable relations and balance of forces, as well as maintenance of regional security, come to the forefront.
7
Lee, Dong Sun. "Democratization and the US-South Korean Alliance." Journal of East Asian Studies 7, no. 3 (December 2007): 469–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800002599.
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This article explains why, in the wake of South Korea's democratization, the US-Republic of Korea alliance has suffered a steady decline while avoiding an abrupt collapse. The author argues that democratization weakened this asymmetric alliance by increasing the political influence of nationalism in South Korea. New South Korean democratic elites, subscribing to nationalist ideals, demanded an autonomous, equal relationship with the United States regardless of the de facto power disparity between the two countries. These elites also deemphasized the security threat from North Korea—with which they perceived a shared national identity—and adopted an unconditional engagement policy with that nation. The United States, in turn, resented the apparently unrealistic policies of these elites and showed a decreased interest in the alliance. Democratization, however, did not cause an abrupt end to the alliance, for two reasons. First, North Korea's military strength preserved a significant strategic need in South Korea for allied support. Second, as the result of a measured transition process, old pro-alliance elites in South Korea retained enough political clout to proscribe a radical shift in foreign policy away from the alliance with the United States, while new elites had opportunities to reconcile their nationalist ideals with strategic realities.
8
Hwang, Wonjae, and Hayoun Jessie Ryou-Ellison. "Taking a side between the United States and the People’s Republic of China: Strategic hedging of South Korea and India." International Area Studies Review 24, no. 2 (May 13, 2021): 60–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/22338659211013650.
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This paper explores how South Korea and India have taken positions between the United States and the People’s Republic of China over diverse foreign policy issues. By adopting dual engagement and strategic ambiguity as hedging strategies, both regional powers reduce their vulnerability to the influence and pressure of the two great powers. Thanks to their strategic importance and prominence in regional politics enhanced by such strategies, South Korea and India can independently pursue their foreign policy preferences to a great extent. The analysis of voting behavior of these regional powers in the United Nations General Assembly between 1991 and 2018 confirms our expectations.
9
Farid Darussalam, Miftah. "The Influence of Domestic Politics of South Korea on its Relations with North Korea and the United States." Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik 23, no. 3 (May 21, 2020): 250. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/jsp.48652.
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This paper aims to conduct research on the influence of domestic South Korean politics on relations with the United States and North Korea. In this case, the theory of dominance of domestic political actors explains where the dominance of a group will have an influence on determining the foreign policy of a country. South Korea’s domestic politics is dominated by two groups with different ideologies in the face of the United States and North Korea. This then resulted in different actions in the face of North Korea and the United States. The differences will be explained by assessing some of the policies applied to Kim Dae Jung’s regime and Roh Moo-Hyun from a progressive group. The policy will then be compared to the policies of the regime of Lee Myung Bak from conservative groups. Differences in the group’s dominant views in South Korea have led to certain strategies for each group in the face of the opposition group. The strategy is carried out to maintain the effectiveness of the policies applied according to the ideology of each group. This research used literature study as the method by taking data from journals and reports which that discuss the national politics of South Korea. The theoretical framework of V.M Hudson, which focuses on the national circumstances, and the role of domestic actors have been applied in this research.
10
Fung, Kwong-Chiu, Hitomi Iizaka, and Alan Siu. "United States, Japanese, and Korean FDI and Intra–East Asian Trade." Asian Economic Papers 9, no. 3 (October 2010): 129–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/asep_a_00040.
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This paper documents the growing importance of intra–East Asian trade of parts and components. Our empirical analysis shows that foreign direct investment (FDI) does play an important and independent role in facilitating the trade of parts and components in East Asia. This is true for FDI from all three source countries: the United States, Japan, and South Korea. Furthermore, our empirical studies show that compared with U.S. and Korean FDI, FDI from Japan has a particularly strong influence on trade in parts and components as well as trade in capital goods. One policy implication is that economies need to improve their physical infrastructure as well as the quality of their institutions to integrate further into the East Asian production network.
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Zhang, Chi, Jun He, and Guanghui Yuan. "An Empirical Analysis on DPRK: Will Grain Yield Influence Foreign Policy Tendency?" Sustainability 12, no. 7 (March 30, 2020): 2711. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su12072711.
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Democratic People’s Republic of Korea is the hub of Northeast Asia and its geopolitics is of great significance, whose foreign policy trend is not only related to the peace and stability of the region, but also one of the major variables affecting cooperation in Northeast Asia. According to the data on North Korea’s grain yield collected by the Korea National Statistical Office, supplemented by the data on international food aid to North Korea collected by the World Food Programme, and combined with the judgment of 10 experts from China, South Korea and the United States on the Hawk and Dove Index of North Korea’s foreign policy from 1990 to 2018, we use empirical mode decomposition wavelet transform data analysis and feature extraction methods to study the impact relationship, and OLS regression analysis to study the actual cycle of transformation. We found that: (1) North Korea’s grain output is an important indicator that affects its foreign policy tendency (hawks or doves). The hawk refers to those who take a tough attitude in policy and prefer rigid means such as containment, intimidation and conflicts; the dove refers to those who take mild attitude in policy, and prefer to adopt flexible means such as negotiation, cooperation, and coordination. When it comes to grain yield increase, North Korea’s foreign policy tends to be hawkish; when it comes to grain reduction, its dovish tendency will be on the rise. This is because food increase can alleviate grain shortage in North Korea and enhance its ability to adopt tough policies in its foreign policy. However, decreases in grain production will lead to adopt a more moderate policy and seek international cooperation and assistance to ease the internal pressure caused by grain shortage. (2) North Korea’s grain yield influencing its foreign policy (hawks or doves) has a lag phase of about 3 years. Such being the case, the accumulated grain during the production increase period has enhanced North Korea’s ability to cope with grain reduction in the short term. Secondly, the North Korean government blames the reduction on foreign sanctions, which will instead make the North Korean people more determined to resist external pressure. Therefore, we can use the changes in North Korea’s grain output to predict the direction of its foreign policy so as to more accurately judge the development of the Korean Peninsula and more effectively promote the process of peace and cooperation in Northeast Asia. We concluded that grain production will affect its policy sustainability in North Korea.
12
Andronova, Inna V., Natalia V. Dyuzheva, and Kirill A. Andronov. "Foreign trade relations between the Republic of Korea and the United States in the context of the development of integration processes." RUDN Journal of Economics 28, no. 4 (December 15, 2020): 826–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2329-2020-28-4-826-841.
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The article examines the process of concluding, implementing and updating the Free Trade Agreement between the USA and South Korea, highlights the main problematic aspects of the functioning of the free trade area and the consequences for the bilateral trade of countries. The study found that South Korea benefited significantly from the negotiated liberal trade regime with the USA. The trade balance surplus of South Korea with the USA sharply increased - to a historic maximum of 25 billion dollars (in 2015), also South Korean exports of high-tech goods and high value-added goods increased significantly. For the USA, participation in the agreement led to an increase in the trade balance deficit and in the export of resources, agricultural goods and low value-added products. The observed consequences led to the use of a tough discriminatory policy by the USA, to the revision of the provisions of the Free trade agreement and to the military and political concessions from South Korea. As a result, the deficit of the US trade balance with South Korea decreased by 17.3% over the year, changes in the commodity structure of the countries' mutual trade are expected. The analysis proves the formation of a unified approach in US foreign trade policy towards partner countries within the framework of Free trade agreements, which lies in the mainstream of new protectionism and aimed at ensuring American geopolitical and economic interests.
13
Lerner, Mitchell B. "“The Death of Liberal Internationalism?: Donald Trump, Walmart, and the Two Koreas”." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 25, no. 2 (July 4, 2018): 169–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-02502003.
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The election of Donald J. Trump unsettled many areas of U.S. foreign policy, but few more than the nation’s relationship with Korea. This article argues that the Trump administration’s vision for the world represents a stark break from the tradition of liberal internationalism and instead seeks to take the United States down a path that reflects the modern business practices of giant American corporations. A suitable label for this vision, as the following pages will show, is “Walmart unilateralism.” This framework abandons the traditional American policies of nation building and alliances based on shared ideological values. Instead, it embraces a more short-term approach rooted in financial bottom lines, flexible alliances and rivalries, and the ruthless exploitation of power hierarchies. This new approach, this article concludes, may dramatically transform the American relationship with Korea. Walmart unilateralism in Korea almost certainly will have some short-time positive ramifications for the United States, but its larger failure to consider the history and values of the people living on the Korean Peninsula may generate serious long-term problems for the future experience of the United States in the region.
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Dhawan, Ranjit Kumar. "Korea’s ‘New Southern Policy’ Towards India: An Analysis." Jadavpur Journal of International Relations 24, no. 1 (February 23, 2020): 53–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0973598420906248.
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The Moon Jae-in administration in South Korea (hereafter Korea) initiated the ‘New Southern Policy’ in 2017 to foster closer relations with ASEAN and India and bring them at par with the four major powers—the United States of America (USA), China, Russia and Japan, which have traditionally played a dominant role in Korea’s foreign affairs. Korea’s strategy through this new policy has been to diversify its foreign relations and lessen dependence on these four major powers of the Northeast Asian region. In this policy shift India is projected as one of the key partners for Korea. However, there has not been much progress in Korea’s relations with India in the last 2 years. The New Southern Policy is also not compatible with US-led ‘Indo-Pacific strategy’ in which India is an integral component. This article argues that Seoul’s New Southern Policy toward New Delhi shall remain limited and would largely focus on developing economic relations rather than building security cooperation between the two countries.
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Shin, Hi-Taek, and Liz (Kyo-Hwa) Chung. "Korea’s Experience with International Investment Agreements and Investor-State Dispute Settlement." Journal of World Investment & Trade 16, no. 5-6 (November 13, 2015): 952–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22119000-01606007.
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Korea’s network of international investment agreements (IIAs), comprising 94 BITs and nine FTAs with investment chapters, demonstrates that attracting foreign investment to Korea and protecting Korean investors overseas has been an important policy aspect. However, little attention was paid to these agreements until 2006 when negotiations for the Korea-United States (KORUS) FTA began. These negotiations sparked public criticism and heated debates of investor-State dispute settlement. Whereas Korea had routinely accepted the IIA provisions presented by developed counter-parties and used them as a template when negotiating with developing economies in the past, Korean IIA practice changed substantially following the KORUS FTA. In the face of heightened public scrutiny, Korea began to critically review key features of its IIAs and developed its own position on some important issues. This article examines these developments, considering that Korea will play a key role in shaping international investment law in the future, particularly in Asia.
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Simoniya, A. "Myanmar: Arena of “Big Game” for Political Influence in SEA." World Economy and International Relations, no. 10 (2013): 76–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2013-10-76-84.
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The article deals with the changes in the foreign policy of Myanmar after 2010, the bilateral moves towards rapprochement between the Republic and the United States of America, the prospects of military cooperation between them, as well as the reactions to it from the side of North Korea and China.
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GORE, Lance L. P. "A Watershed Year: Chinese Foreign Policy in 2018." East Asian Policy 11, no. 01 (January 2019): 44–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930519000047.
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The year 2018 is a watershed year in China’s foreign relations, marked by rapid deterioration of the external environment. The trade war with the United States is fought simultaneously at business, geopolitical and ideological levels. The two were in a struggle to redefine their bilateral relations, which also affected China’s dealings with other states, including the two Koreas, Taiwan and Japan. A more cautious foreign policy is expected from China in 2019.
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Gordon, Joy. "Introduction." Ethics & International Affairs 33, no. 3 (2019): 275–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0892679419000340.
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It is hard to imagine a threat to international security or a tension within U.S. foreign policy that does not involve the imposition of economic sanctions. The United Nations Security Council has fourteen sanctions regimes currently in place, and all member states of the United Nations are obligated to participate in their enforcement. The United States has some thirty sanctions programs, which target a range of countries, companies, organizations, and individuals, and many of these are autonomous sanctions that are independent of the measures required by the United Nations. Australia, Canada, the European Union, Japan, South Korea, and others also have autonomous sanctions regimes, spanning a broad range of contexts and purpose. Most well-known are those concerning weapons proliferation, terrorism, and human rights violations; but sanctions are also imposed in such contexts as money laundering, corruption, and drug trafficking. States may also impose sanctions as a means to achieve foreign policy goals: to pressure a foreign state to bend to the sanctioner's will, to punish those who represent a threat to the sanctioner's economic or political interests, or to seek the end of a political regime toward which the sanctioner is hostile, to give but a few examples.
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Park, Han S. "Pyongyang Sees the Nuke Impasse." Journal of Asian and African Studies 42, no. 3-4 (June 2007): 245–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909607076703.
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In order to better understand and explain North Korea's foreign policy strategies and tactics on the controversy surrounding the nuclear program, this chapter examines the perceptions held by Pyongyang about the neighbouring counties including the United States, Japan, and South Korea. These perceptions are formulated in accordance with North Korea's perception about itself that is generally constructed based on the principle of Juche (self-reliance) and the political and security environment surrounding the Korean peninsula as perceived by Pyongyang itself. North Korea is an unconventional country if one looks from outside but it is not irrational in that it has pursued its own national interest rather effectively for which security is first and foremost. This chapter provides an explanation of North Korean conducts from the perspective of North Korea's own mind-set.
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Pertiwi, Sukmawani Bela. "Chinese Media and United States Rebalancing Policy to Asia." Jurnal Global Strategis 12, no. 2 (November 30, 2018): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/jgs.12.2.2018.1-20.
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Artikel ini bertujuan untuk melihat persepsi media di Cina terhadap kebijakan Amerika Serikat “rebalancing to Asia” yang banyak dilihat bertujuan untuk mengimbangi kebangkitan Cina, dan oleh karenanya berpotensi menciptakan ketidakstabilan di kawasan karena persaingan keduanya. Paper ini melihat media sebagai salah satu faktor yang berkontribusi terhadap dinamika persepsi dan kebijakan Cina ke Amerika Serikat berdasarkan landasan teori hubungan media dan kebijakan luar negeri dan meningkatnya peran media di Cina. Paper ini mengisi kekurangan dalam literatur yang ada yang sebagian besar fokus hanya pada diskursus kebijakan AS “rebalancing to Asia” dibandingkan manifestasi kebijakan tersebut. Dengan menggunakan studi kasus sengketa Laut Tiongkok Selatan dan program nuklir Korea Utara, paper ini berargumen bahwa persepsi media Cina bervariasi dari satu kasus ke kasus lain dimana kebijakan “rebalancing to Asia” dipersepsikan cenderung membuat ketidakstabilan dalam kasus-kasus yang berhubungan langsung dengan kedaulatan Cina termasuk dalam kasus sengketa Laut Tiongkok Selatan. Dalam menguji hipotesa ini, paper ini mengadopsi metode kualitatif analisa konten beberapa media Cina untuk melihat variasi persepsi masyarakat Cina terhadap kasus-kasus tersebut, membandingkannya dengan persepsi pemerintah, dan menarik kesimpulan dengan mendiskusikan temuan dan implikasi kebijakan “rebalancing to Asia” dalam hubungannya dengan Cina dan stabilitas kawasan secara umum.This paper aims to examine Chinese media perception toward US rebalancing policy to Asia which many perceive mainly to contain the rise of China and thus potentially create instability in the region. This paper treats media as a factor contributing to the dynamics of China’s perception and policies toward the US based on the well-established theories on the relations between media and foreign policy and the increasing importance of media in China. This paper fills the gap in the existing literature which solely focus on the discourse of US rebalancing policy rather than the manifestation of this policy. Using the case study of the South China Sea Dispute and North Korea Nuclear Program, this paper argues that Chinese media perception varied across cases in which US rebalancing policy is perceived to be more destabilizing in cases relate directly to China’s sovereignty such as the South China Sea. In testing this hypothesis, this paper adopts qualitative method of content analysis of several Chinese media to see the variation of Chinese perception across cases, compare these perceptions with those adopted by the government and draw conclusion by discussing the finding and the implication of U.S. rebalancing policy in its relations with China and regional stability in general.
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Kraus, Charles. "“Failure to Change the Status Quo: Jimmy Carter, the Two Koreas, and the International Pursuit of Dialogue, 1977–1979”." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 26, no. 2 (May 7, 2019): 141–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-02602003.
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President Jimmy Carter’s foreign policies toward Korea were targets of wide criticism from his contemporaries in the late 1970s, and they remain contentious among historians today. The root of Carter’s dismal record regarding this East Asian nation was not simply his misplaced focus on troop withdrawals and human rights, but rather the U.S. president’s failure to change measurably or positively the status quo on the Korean Peninsula. Utilizing sources from the United States and, to a lesser extent, Romania, the former Yugoslavia, and People’s Republic of China, this article explores an often ignored element of Carter’s policy toward the two Koreas—dialogue—to illuminate this point. It also explores U.S.-China diplomacy on the dialogue initiative, demonstrating the limits of relying on Beijing to coax P’yŏngyang into returning to the negotiating table.
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Varpahovskis, Eriks. "Knowledge Diplomacy as an Instrument of South Korea’s Foreign Policy: Theoretical Aspects and Practical Implementation in the Case of KOICA Scholarship Program." RUDN Journal of Political Science 23, no. 2 (December 15, 2021): 265–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2021-23-2-265-278.
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The relevance of this study derives from the limited understanding of the mechanisms of public diplomacy that are activated when scholarship programs for international students are conducted by East Asian countries, particularly South Korea. Moreover, the relevance of the topic is also determined by the scarcity of research on the role of knowledge in public diplomacy mechanisms. The author of this article analyzes South Koreas international student exchange scholarship program, the KOICA Scholarship Program. This case study analyzes the contents of official documents adopted by the Government of the Republic of Korea, documents and materials published by subordinate organizations that administer scholarship programs for international students, as well as scholarly papers on the topic of knowledge diplomacy and related topics. The novelty element is that the concept of knowledge diplomacy, which is gaining popularity worldwide almost has not been used in the Russophone academia, and the studies on South Korean exchange programs as public diplomacy instruments are also poorly represented. The analysis of official documents has shown that the concept of knowledge in the official Korean interpretation differs from the existing academic interpretations accepted in the West (e.g., Great Britain, the United States). Also, the analysis of the scholarship program showed that it only partly complies with the knowledge diplomacy goals assigned by the Government. In particular, through this scholarship Korea successfully transmits knowledge about Korean history and culture, as well as professional knowledge, while the field of knowledge exchange in the program remains unattained. The author concludes with several practical recommendations on how to improve the effectiveness of the scholarship program as a tool for knowledge diplomacy.
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Lim, Jeeyoung, Kiyoung Son, Chansik Park, and Daeyoung Kim. "Suggestions for Improving South Korea’s Fall Accidents Prevention Technology in the Construction Industry: Focused on Analyzing Laws and Programs of the United States." Sustainability 13, no. 8 (April 12, 2021): 4254. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su13084254.
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Since the enactment of the Occupational Safety and Health Act in 1981, the Korea Occupational Safety and Health Agency has endeavored to prevent fall accidents in the construction industry. However, many fatalities still occur in the South Korean construction industry. Meanwhile, the United States improved various systems and conducted studies to prevent fall accidents, significantly reducing such occurrences in the construction industry. The objective of this study is to present improvements to South Korea’s fall prevention technology by analyzing the laws and programs of the United States. To achieve this, this study has analyzed the United States’ fall prevention technology and derived improvements applicable in South Korea through an expert opinion survey. This study suggests to (1) set the height standard of a fall accident to 2 m, (2) adopt an active fall prevention system, (3) create a map of fallen fatalities, and (4) employ safety experts to support foreign workers. In the future, the results of this study are expected to be used as basic data for policies and programs related to fall accidents in the construction industry.
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Bielicki, Paweł. "Relacje chińsko-północnokoreańskie za rządów Xi Jinpinga – szorstka przyjaźń czy długotrwałe partnerstwo?" Sprawy Międzynarodowe 73, no. 3 (May 31, 2021): 171–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/sm.2020.73.3.03.
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The main purpose of my considerations will be to present the most important determinants and relationships that characterize China-North Korea relations during the presidency of Xi Jinping. Based on the available literature on the subject, I would like to try to answer the question whether the relations of the two entities should be considered as rough friendship or long-term partnership. In addition, I intend to state whether mutual ties should be expected in the future.At the beginning I will describe the relations between China and North Korea during the Cold War, when both countries fought in the Korean conflict against the United States and the United Nations. In addition, it would be appropriate to look at the relations of both entities from 1955 to the fall of the USSR, when the North Korean dictator, Kim Il-sung, as part of his doctrine of independence (Juche) balanced in foreign policy between China and the Soviet Union. Post-Cold War times and Beijing’s relationship with Pyongyang will also be of interest to me until 2013, when the North Korean nuclear program became an increasingly contentious issue. In the rest of the work, it will be important to describe the relationship of both countries since Xi Jinping took power in China and Kim Jong Un in North Korea. At that time, despite official declarations of cooperation, relations between the two countries remained cool. It was only the direct negotiations between North Korea and the United States since 2018 that increased its importance in Chinese policy, as evidenced by the visit of the to Pyongyang discussed in the text in June 2019. In the article I intend to raise economic contacts between both entities.In summary, I am trying to answer the question of how relations between China and North Korea will develop in the future. I intend to assess whether the growing role of the DPRK in an international configuration it can contribute to wider, strategic ties with Beijing.
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Pugacheva, O. S. "Social and Humanitarian Factor in South Korea's External Relations and The Korean Question." MGIMO Review of International Relations 13, no. 1 (March 3, 2020): 147–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2020-1-70-147-168.
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The development of the socio-humanitarian dimension of world politics provides new opportunities for enhancing the role and influence of the middle powers in the global affairs. That is why for understanding and assessment of their political opportunities on the international arena, it is necessary to analyze the approaches and policies of such countries on using socio-humanitarian factor to balance in the existing world balance power and ensure their foreign policy interests. The aim of the article is to analyze South Korea’s activities in the social and humanitarian sphere of world politics in the context of its foreign policy interests. The research question is: what is the role of the socio-humanitarian factor, in particular public diplomacy, in the external activities of South Korea with regard to the settlement of the Korean question? The author argues that South Korea sees social and humanitarian sphere as a possibility to strengthen its role and influence on the international arena. While developing the discourse of South Korea as a middle power, the South Korean leadership seeks to take part in creating norms and rules in different fields of global governance. Despite controversies concerning its status and policy as that of a middle power, South Korea advances through public diplomacy the discourse that constructs and enhance its middle power status and can contribute in forming the corresponding national identity. South Korea uses national branding as well to strengthen its political image. Further, the article points out that promoting South Korea’s stance and defending its interests on the Korean Peninsula represent a key task of South Korea’s public diplomacy. In particular, the article examines South Korea’s public diplomacy mechanisms on the Korean track towards the United States and emphasizes that although South Korea has actively engaged in public diplomacy in the USA, it still has a lot to do to explain South Korea's concerns to American political elites and U.S. publics and ensure that the relationship with the United States fully serves South Korean interests. Moreover, it is noted that enhancing South Korea’s role in global governance as well as forming constructive unification discourse (unification as a process now and as a result someday in the future) within the country and abroad are supposed to expand its opportunities to maneuver in the regional politics of East Asia and provide support for the South Korean initiatives on the Korean settlement. In the end, the author turns to the inter-Korean relations. The author states that different South Korean administrations have prioritized different functions of the socio-humanitarian factor. Conservative administrations put an emphasis on information pressure on the DPRK while the development of inter-Korean relations was conditioned by the denuclearization of North Korea. Progressive administrations prefer engaging the DPRK in social, humanitarian and economic interactions. In the first case the result was a rollback in inter-Korean relations with the North Korean leader-ship receiving additional grounds for the development of its military nuclear program. In the second case the social and humanitarian area was and remains a dimension providing promising opportunities for cooperation that is beneficial to the both parties as it is aimed at solving specific and practical problems of common interest. In that sense, the author argues that social and humanitarian factor in inter-Korean relations could serve as a safety cushion during intensification of the inter-Korean conflict and provide a launch pad for finding a way out of the impasses.
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Davydov, O. "South Korea and the U.S. Strategy of Free and Open Indo-Pacific." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 8 (2021): 31–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-8-31-40.
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The advancement and promoting by the United States of its concept of Free and Open Indo-Pacific (FOIP) has shaped many of political discussions in Asian countries in recent years. The Republic of Korea is no exception. From this perspective, the article reviews the basic aspects of the evolution of South Korea’s foreign policy course as well as new priorities in that area which have been forged with the advent of President Moon Jae-in administration. The paper shows that the complex fluctuations of the South Korea’s external policy have been defined by the need to maintain the focus on the United States, on one side, and desire to nurture strategic partnership with China, on the other side. However, finding the right balance in that political equation has been significantly complicated due to the growing confrontation between the two global powers. Special attention is given to the role and place of South Korea in the U. S. Free and Open Indo-Pacific Strategy. The article examines the main directions, some of the outcomes and the prospects of cooperation between Washington and Seoul aimed at harmonizing their regional strategies in view of the factors facilitating those interactions as well as those hampering them. President Trump highlighted that the United States – the Republic of Korea alliance remains a linchpin for security, stability and prosperity in the Indo-Pacific. However, the dialogue between the two partners has not revealed the willingness of South Korea to collaborate with the United States on that theme beyond a narrow framework of purely economic coordination. Particularly, South Korea has consistently rejected the attempts of its ally to involve the country into the activities of Quad for fear of a possible adverse effect for the Korea–China relationships. All of those questions are examined in the article in linkage with a number of bilateral problems prevailing in the ROK–USA alliance which have complicated the collaboration between the two countries on regional issues in recent times.
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GORE, Lance L. P. "Chinese Foreign Policy in 2019: Coping with Hard Times." East Asian Policy 12, no. 02 (April 2020): 15–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930520000112.
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China had a tough year in 2019. Amid an economic slowdown and a worsening trade war, China and the United States are testing each other’s strengths and limitations to redefine their relationship. China was determined to preserve its state-led development model and step up strategic cooperation with Russia. The game on the Korean peninsula has also changed. China’s policy emphasis in the South China Sea has seemingly shifted from security to resources. The cross-strait situation also became increasingly precarious.
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PARK, CHEOL HEE. "Who's Who and Whereabouts of Japanese Political Studies in South Korea: With a Focus on the Third Generation Japan Specialists." Japanese Journal of Political Science 11, no. 3 (October 29, 2010): 307–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109910000137.
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AbstractThis article is an attempt to identify who's who and the whereabouts of Japanese political studies in South Korea. Previous studies suggest that South Korea made a delayed start in Japanese studies because of submerged anti-Japanese feeling among the general public, and that linguistic and humanistic studies were prevalent while social scientific studies lagged behind. The second generation scholars, who actively published their academic works on Japan between the late 1970s and the early 1990s, contributed to the development of objective, social scientific understanding of Japan. Their research interests included scrutinizing modern Japan, studying Korea-Japan relations, and analyzing Japanese foreign policy. The third generation scholars, which this article focuses on, have a few common characteristics: they began Japanese studies when Japan was rising; most of them were trained in Japan or the United States; most of them are fluent in Japanese; and they are publishing actively in major academic journals. The research interests of the third generation are categorized into four: (1) widening the research horizon; (2) inheriting the tradition of the previous generation; (3) synchronizing research agendas with the foreign scholarly community; and (4) opening up a new research horizon. After making a comprehensive content analysis of the works undertaken by third generation scholars, three major challenges are suggested for the upcoming generation of Japanese studies in South Korea: (1) globalizing the scholarly works with more theoretical analysis; (2) developing a uniquely Korean perspective about Japan; and (3) undertaking a systematic collaborative study with foreign scholars.
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Asmolov, K. V., and A. V. Soloviev. "Strategic Autonomy for ROK: Intellectual Pipe Dream or Political Reality?" Journal of International Analytics 12, no. 2 (August 19, 2021): 49–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2021-12-2-49-73.
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The discourse of “strategic autonomy,” which has gained popularity in the Republic of Korea in recent years, has yet to undergo serious theoretical revision. This article attempts to fill the gap by examining the South Korean discourse of “middle powers,” from which the discourse of “strategic autonomy” grew, and the socio-historical analysis of Korean perceptions of political subjectivity, which developed under the powerful influence of both Western ideas from the early 20th century and the political realities of the military alliance with the United States. In the first section the authors examine the specifics of South Korea’s use of the concept of “strategic autonomy” in relation to its foreign policy strategy. This concept is examined using a constructivist paradigm. In the second section, the authors examine the discourse of “middle power,” around which the concept of “strategic autonomy” is built. Compared to the former, this concept is quite elaborated in Western and Korean political discourses. Finally, the third section of the article examines the evolution of these concepts in South Korean discourse. The circumstances of the formation and development of the military-political alliance with the United States play an extremely important role in this evolution, and the discourse around its prospects largely determines the features of the country’s domestic policy. The authors conclude that from the academic point of view the concept of “strategic autonomy” can only be considered as a discursive category close to the concept of “hedging,” but it is an important element of South Korea’s political identity and an essential factor of internal political struggle.
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Newsinger, John. "War, Empire and the Attlee government 1945–1951." Race & Class 60, no. 1 (June 29, 2018): 61–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306396818779864.
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In this article, adapted from a speech delivered at a conference on reparative history, the author challenges the dominant view of the progressive radicalism of the postwar Attlee government by exposing the brutality of its imperial adventures. Examining British involvement in Vietnam, Indonesia, Greece, Malaya, Kenya, India, Palestine, Iran and Korea, the piece paints a very different and bloody historical narrative from the dominant one. It argues that the welfare state was accompanied by the creation of the warfare state and that it was the Labour Party which cemented the ‘special relationship’ with the United States, which today the vast majority of the parliamentary Labour Party would still like to see hold sway in terms of foreign policy and questionable foreign interventions.
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Verbitsky, Semyon, Tsuyoshi Hasegawa, and Gilbert Rozman. "Misperceptions Between Japan and Russia." Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies, no. 1503 (January 1, 2000): 88. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/cbp.2000.88.
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The twentieth century has witnessed repeated occasions when Japan and Russia have taken each other's measure and decided on policy accordingly. In the years 1985 to 1999 such mutual testing occuned again amidst adjustments in the direction of each country's global role. As has often been the case, the RussoJapanese relationship was not the main event on the world stage. Both countries placed higher priority on relations with the United States and with China. But to rank this bilateral relationship below two others is not to belittle the stakes involved. For Russia, Tokyo's strategy to look east or west and within Asia to focus in the northeast or the southeast has throughout the century made a great difference in war or peace, in development or isolation. For Japan, Moscow's strategy to balance west and east, and in the east to concentrate on China or Japan, has had telling consequences for other foreign policy choices. At stake in this bilateral relationship have been the development of Siberia and the Russian Far East; the security environment in Northeast Asia including Korea; the prospects of triangular or quadrangular relations with China and the United States; and the balance of power among the world's great powers.
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Valiakhmetova, G. N., and I. A. Musinova. "Relations between Republic of Korea and United Arab Emirates in Last Quarter of XX—XXI Centuries: from Economic Interaction to Special Strategic Partnership." Nauchnyi dialog, no. 5 (May 28, 2021): 327–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2021-5-327-337.
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The evolution of bilateral relations between the Republic of Korea and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) in the context of the formation of the Middle East direction of Seoul’s foreign policy in the 1980s and 2010s is considered. The author identifies and analyzes a set of factors that contributed to building of a constructive dialogue between South Korea and the Arab monarchies of the Persian Gulf and the Arab world as a whole. A periodization of the history of the development of the Korean-Emirati relations is proposed, a description of its main stages, as well as the legal and institutional foundations of bilateral cooperation is presented. Particular attention is paid to the analysis of the transformation of conceptual approaches, methods and diplomatic tools for promoting the national interests of the Republic of Korea in the UAE. The author reveals the reasons for Seoul’s withdrawal from focusing solely on economic interaction with the UAE and the inclusion of South Korea in the political agenda of the Middle East, as well as the solution of urgent problems of ensuring regional security. The role of the South Korean presidents in strengthening the country’s geopolitical positions in the Middle East is emphasized. It is argued that the establishment of a strategic partnership with the UAE allowed the Republic of Korea to make a breakthrough in the Middle East and create favorable conditions for the integration of the UAE into world political and economic processes as an equal partner.
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Trimble, Phillip R. "The President’s Constitutional Authority to Use Limited Military Force." American Journal of International Law 89, no. 1 (January 1995): 84–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2203897.
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The United States intervention in Haiti concludes another chapter in the development of the constitutional common law of presidential power. The Haiti experience further confirms the constitutional authority of the President to deploy armed forces into hostile foreign environments, and to initiate the use of force without prior, specific congressional authorization. The facts of the situation limit the “precedent” to small-scale interventions where the risk of major military engagements, either initially or upon escalation, is negligible. The cases of largescale hostilities, like Korea, Vietnam and Iraq, are quite different in fact and perhaps also in law. But the Haiti “precedent,” coupled with the recent interventions in Grenada and Panama and innumerable examples earlier in history, strongly supports an unqualified presidential power to carry out small-scale military operations in support of foreign policy goals.
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김준형. "Analysis on the Causes and the Consolidation Process of South Korea's Foreign Policy Dependence on the United States: Focus on South Korea's North Korea Policy." 21st centry Political Science Review 19, no. 2 (September 2009): 385–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.17937/topsr.19.2.200909.385.
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SHAW, TONY, and TRICIA JENKINS. "An Act of War? The Interview Affair, the Sony Hack, and the Hollywood–Washington Power Nexus Today." Journal of American Studies 53, no. 1 (April 26, 2017): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875817000512.
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Film has been an integral part of the propaganda war fought between the United States and North Korea over the past decade. The international controversy surrounding the Hollywood comedy The Interview in 2014 vividly demonstrated this and, in the process, drew attention to hidden dimensions of the US state security–entertainment complex in the early twenty-first century. Using the emails leaked courtesy of the Sony hack of late 2014, this article explores the Interview affair in detail, on the one hand revealing the close links between Sony executives and US foreign-policy advisers and on the other explaining the difficulties studios face when trying to balance commercial and political imperatives in a global market.
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Oliinyk, O. "JAPANESE "ECONOMIC MIRACLE": HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT OF THE COUNTRY IN THE PERIOD OF 1945–1991." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 148 (2021): 46–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2021.148.8.
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The article presents the experience of Japan in the post-war reconstruction of the country in the period 1945–1991. The socio-economic situation of the country after the Second World War was considered. The historical stages of the country's development in the period under study are determined. The historical conditions in which the country found itself in the postwar period are analyzed. Key historical figures who influenced the development of the country were identified. The directions and measures of reforming and development of the country are revealed and presented. The importance of external factors and foreign policy for the country's assertion on the world stage has been proved. The factors of creating an effective political system, effective public administration, sustainable social and human development are formulated. It was proved that the United States has played an important role in forcing both Japan's political and economic systems. The United States provided Japan with significant financial, economic, and food aid to Japan. During the war between the United States and Korea and Vietnam, the United States placed military orders in Japan, which contributed to the development of the country's industrial base. It was found that the quality of the labor force, its general education and professional level played an extremely important role in the reconstruction of the economy. The effective state regulation of economic development in Japan, which on the one hand was aimed at developing the civil sector of the economy, and on the other at concentrating efforts on cooperation between government and private business at the stage of developing solutions to economic development, played a critical role in "Japanese miracle".
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Aggarwal, Vinod K., and Andrew W. Reddie. "Economic Statecraft in the 21st Century: Implications for the Future of the Global Trade Regime." World Trade Review 20, no. 2 (February 11, 2021): 137–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s147474562000049x.
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AbstractThis article introduces a special issue that examines the effects of strategic competition on the future of the global trade regime. We argue that traditional work in economics and the current set-up of global economic regimes ignores economic statecraft as a key element in understanding trade conflict. Specifically, we outline three examples of contemporary economic statecraft – industrial policy, trade restrictions, and new investment rules – that have been used to block foreign direct investment on the basis of national security claims. Based on this analysis, we explore how the WTO and other economic regimes might address the global economic governance of economic statecraft. In concluding, we outline the theoretical and empirical work in the subsequent case studies that examine the use of economic statecraft in the United States, China, India, Japan, and South Korea.
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Denisov, V. I., and A. S. Pyatachkova. "The Future of the Korean Peninsula: Topical Issues and Possible Solutions." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 12, no. 1 (April 1, 2019): 86–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2019-12-1-86-101.
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The DPRK has become one of the most striking news-maker of 2018. Kim Jong-un took decisive steps to establish cooperation with the ROK – the parties had quite coordinated interaction during the Olympic Games in Pyeongchang, and hold three Inter-Korean summits in April, May and September 2018. Kim Jong-un have hold three meetings with Xi Jinping. The summit of Kim Jong-un and Trump in Singapore was equally resonant. The President of the Russian Federation during the WEF invited Kim Jongun to Russia, earlier the leader of North Korea had a meeting with S.V. Lavrov and V.I. Matvienko. These steps look particularly important against the previous period, when the DPRK was mainly presented by the United States and other states as a security threat. However, despite the changes that took place and the fact that Kim Jong-un is attempting to build a dialogue in different areas, the position remains about the real interests and intentions of the DPRK and the future of the North Korean regime remains ambiguous. The article analyzes existing points of view on the issue and identifies and the prospects’ of the problem development. At the beginning of the study, a comprehensive analysis of the problem of the Korean Peninsula is presented. It examines the features of the interaction of the DPRK with key international players, the question of sanctions against the country, and the peculiarities of the internal political line of the DPRK. Further analysis focuses on the current foreign policy line of Kim Jong Yin, assesses the results of major international meetings, including the opinion of experts and the analysis of the significance of specific agreements for understanding possible scenarios. Specific attention is payed to the Russian policy towards the inter-Korean settlement and Russian potential role in this process.
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Hidayat, Adrian. "Integrasi Ekonomi Asia: Solusi Asia Menghadapi Krisis Global 2008." Winners 9, no. 2 (September 30, 2008): 180. http://dx.doi.org/10.21512/tw.v9i2.725.
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No economies throughout the region managed to escape from the "global economic crisis in 2008" that was initiated in the United States. This is a logical consequence of the global economy that has been rolling along. The world economy is increasingly becoming more integrated and interdependent with one another. Exposure stems from the economic crisis in the prolonged United States subprime mortgage financial crisis, and eventually dragged the European economy, and also Asia. The Asian region was only affected, but even if only the impact of course, was enough to overwhelm the Asian region since the crisis has a major impact on a country's foreign exchange reserves. Therefore, after the G-20 summit held in Washington on November 15, 2008, the three major Asian countries, namely China, Japan and South Korea held a summit in Fukuoka Japanese initiative, which was attended by the three heads of government. This summit was to bring fresh air for the Asian region, because in addition to having a positive impact on Asian stocks, it also provides a new self confidence that Asia has formed an alliance that would at least fortify themselves (region) with the resulting stimulus policy. This initiative to find a solution is eventually expanded, and was welcomed by ASEAN countries, known as ASEAN Plus Three. Since in Asia there is already the East Asia Summit (East Asia Summit), the negotiations and the name of the group changed into the 6 partner countries of ASEAN. These six countries are Japan, China, South Korea, Australia, New Zealand, and India.
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Sheng, Michael M. "Chinese Communist Policy Toward the United States and the Myth of the ‘Lost Chance’ 1948–1950." Modern Asian Studies 28, no. 3 (July 1994): 475–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00011835.
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In the late 1960s and early 1970s, the Sino-Soviet conflict intensified and at the same time the Sino-American rapprochement was well under way. When the Americans began to search for an answer to the question of ‘Why Vietnam’, some US foreign relation documents in the later 1940s were released, which indicated that the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) had made certain friendly overtures toward the United States. Since then, it has become a widely-accepted interpretation among scholars that Washington ‘lost a chance’ to win over the CCP from Moscow in the late 1940s. The fundamental premise of this interpretation is that the CCP earnestly bid for American friendship and support as a counterweight to pressure from the Soviet Union. It is argued that the CCP sincerely sought the US recognition right up to the middle of and that it was only after their bids for American support were rejected by Washington that the Communists had to choose the ‘lean-to-one-side’ policy. In short, Washington's shortsighted policy in 1949 ‘forced Beijing into Moscow's embrace’, and therefore set in motion a train of disastrous events: the Korean War and the Vietnam War. A promising postwar Asian balance in favour of the US was ruined.
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Stanley, Elizabeth A. "Ending the Korean War: The Role of Domestic Coalition Shifts in Overcoming Obstacles to Peace." International Security 34, no. 1 (July 2009): 42–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec.2009.34.1.42.
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Bargaining models of war suggest that war ends after two sides develop an overlapping bargaining space. Domestic mechanisms—domestic governing coalitions, a state's elite foreign policy decisionmaking group, and their role in ending interstate war—are critical in explaining how, when, and why that bargaining space develops. Through preference, information, and entrapment obstacles, wars can become “stuck” and require a change in expectations to produce a war-terminating bargaining space. A major source of such change is a shift in belligerents' governing coalitions. Events in the United States, China, and the Soviet Union during the Korean War illustrate the dynamics of these obstacles and the need for domestic coalition shifts in overcoming them before the conflict could be brought to an end.
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Kang, Yeong Seon, Eunji Huh, and Mi-Hee Lim. "Effects of Foreign Directors’ Nationalities and Director Types on Corporate Philanthropic Behavior: Evidence from Korean Firms." Sustainability 11, no. 11 (June 3, 2019): 3132. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su11113132.
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Addressing the fact that there are few studies exploring the relationship between board characteristics and corporate social responsibility (CSR) in non-Western contexts, this study examines the relationship in South Korean corporate contexts. We concentrate on foreign directors as a board attribute, which is reported as a remarkable change in Korean corporate boards, and propose that foreign directors have different impacts on CSR investment depending on their nationality (Anglo-Americans vs. non-Anglo-Americans) and director types (insiders vs. outsiders). In detail, the presence of directors from Anglo-American countries (e.g., the United States, the United Kingdom) decreases firms’ CSR involvement, whereas the presence of directors from non-Anglo-American countries (e.g., France, Germany) increases firms’ CSR involvement. Moreover, the effects of Anglo-Americans on CSR are strengthened when they are inside (rather than outside) directors. Empirical analyses using a sample of 1828 Korean firms from 2002 to 2015 provide evidence to support the predictions. This study theoretically contributes to CSR and corporate governance literature in that it sheds light on the CSR in non-Western companies and reveals varied effects of foreign directors contingent upon their individual attributes. It also has practical implications for policymakers and corporate managers by providing insights of the changes generated by foreign members in a boardroom.
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Robinson, Thomas W. "America in Taiwan' Post Cold-War Foreign Relations." China Quarterly 148 (December 1996): 1340–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000050657.
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Since losing the mainland to Communist conquest in 1949 (more accurately, since the North Korean invasion of the South in June 1950), Taiwan has become a continuous foreign policy protectorate of the United States. Had it not been for American security protection, Taiwan would long since have come under Beijing's rule. Several causative agents, separately, in combination or sequentially, kept Taiwan out of mainland Chinese hands. These included, initially, the American Seventh Fleet, then generalized American military might in concert with the American-Taiwan Defence Treaty of 1954, thence the three American- Chinese communiques forming the basis of post-1971 relations between the two countries, concomitantly the American Congress's Taiwan Relations Act of 1979 and the accompanying (and subsequent) legislative history, and, throughout, China's inability to overcome, with a high probability of success, active Taiwan military resistance and probable American military support. While the economic and, more recently, political transformation of Taiwan materially strengthened that entity such that its defensibility against attack rose greatly, to say nothing of its overall attractiveness, from the onset of the People's Republic of China it was the American connection that was the sine qua non of Taiwan's quasi-independent existence.
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Shevchuk, Oleksandr. "PRS IN US FOREIGN PRIORITIES AFTER THE PRESIDENCY ELECTIONS OF 2016." Politology bulletin, no. 81 (2018): 75–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2415-881x.2018.81.75-82.
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The relevance of the study is conditioned by the importance of determining the new US Presidential Administration’s strategic foreign policy guidelines for developing their relations with the leading central-power states of the world, among which, considering the economic and political potential, the PRC occupies a special place. Apply the whole complex of philosophical general scientific, and specific methods of scientific research, which are inherent in political science, in their interconnection and complementarity. The main objectives of the study are to identify the main dimensions of the relationship between the US-China at the beginning of the presidential calendar D. Trump and predict the further evolution of the positioning of the United States and China in the regional and global system of international relations. In this article author makes an attempt to analyse possibilities for transformation of relations between USA and CPR from the beginning of D. Trump’s president cadence. The internal political and foreign policy determinants of the US-China relations mechanism are analyzed. The author makes the conclusion that it is quite realistic that the unbalance of relations in the format US-China can lead to an imbalance of the entire system of regional relations. Estimating the practical results of the meeting between US and Chinese leaders will be possible only after a certain period of time passes. At the moment, this meeting is evidence of the parties’ desire to reconcile their interests and open a dialogue at the highest level in order to prevent the extreme aggravation of relations. The additional destabilizing factors at the regional level are the «relics» of the Cold War: the Taiwan problem, controversial islands in the South China Sea, the Korean problem, etc. Washington’s and Beijing’s approaches to developing models for resolving these problems are quite different, which irritates the bilateral relationship. But with the prediction of the further evolution of US-China relations, it is necessary to take into account the so-called new improvisational style of US foreign policy that is characterized with high dynamism and unpredictability.
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Fedorovsky, A. N. "Crisis of Regional Leadership and Stagnation of Mega-projects in Asia-Pacific: Consequences for Russia." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 12, no. 1 (April 1, 2019): 6–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2019-12-1-6-25.
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Analyses of modern trade and economic relations in Asia-Pacific region. Research of the roles of the United States of America and China under the conditions of protectionism initiated by the D. Tramp’s administration and stagnation of mega-projects. Crisis of leadership and role of USA and China in regional mega-project (APEC, TPP, RCPEC). Ability of the USA and the PRC to create regional economic priorities, as well as to determine the course of integration processes. Analysis of the main obstacles of realization of American and Chinese leadership potential. Regional integration project initiated by Japan, India and the Republic of Korea and prospects for Indo-Pacific Asia. China-USA competition and main trends of regional integration. Comparative study of opportunitiesand prospects for bilateral and mega-regional economic projects. As an example, observation of South Korean initiative “New Economic Map” is presented and analyzed. Role of “New Economic Forum” initiated by Bloomberg with support of global big business is examined also. Initiative of Indo-Pacific region, Japan-India economic cooperation are examined, as well as Washington policy to counterweight China foreign economic and political expansion. Analyzing of prospects and consequences of competition between USA and the PRC in Pacific regions. Main issues, opportunities and challenges of Russia’s economic expansion in Asia-Pacific region. Close interconnection between policy, security and economiccooperation in the region: influence on Russia’s Pacific priorities and diplomacy. Characteristics of some problems of Russian “East Policy” during last several years. Some arguments are presented in favor of Russia’s strategy of “policy of focused partnerships”. This kind of policy means prevail of business activity in some special projects as well as in some geographic areas. It is also stressed that it is in Russia’s long-run interests to use of all kind of diplomatic measures in order to minimize any attempts to oppose India to China. But try its best to support cooperation between Russia, China and India in Pacific, as well as in Indo-Pacific region.
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PANG, YANG HUEI. "Helpful Allies, Interfering Neighbours: World opinion and China in the 1950s." Modern Asian Studies 49, no. 1 (September 17, 2014): 204–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x13000395.
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AbstractIn the aftermath of the Korean War, the People's Republic of China was effectively an international pariah. Accounts of this period in Chinese textbooks emphasize how the Chinese turned this around, either during the Geneva Conference or the Bandung Conference, through deft planning and enterprise. Yet few pay any attention to how such manipulation of world opinion became increasingly difficult for Beijing after that initial success. One outcome of China's public relations campaign meant friendly Afro-Asia leaders voiced their opinions, in alarming numbers, to their Chinese counterparts regarding issues such as Asian security, mainland China's economic development, and the Taiwan problem. Indeed, recently declassified Chinese Foreign Affairs archive documents demonstrate that China tried to marshal such non-Soviet bloc opinions to its advantage during the first Taiwan Strait crisis (1955). Chinese efforts were successful in that there was no lack of volunteers to air dissent with American foreign policy. But these new allies also wished to mediate between the United States and the Republic of China, on the one side, and mainland China on the other. Moreover, such efforts were often at variance with China's domestic and strategic outlook in the region. China thus had to embark upon an active ‘management’ of disparate world opinions, which was an entirely new endeavour. Although China tried to provide a sanitized ‘script’ for its new friends, most had their own ideas. By the time of the second Taiwan Strait crisis (1958), the volume of third party interference had grown. Overwhelmed by such international attention, China responded by openly rejecting unwelcome mediation efforts and demanded outright condemnation of the United States. Thus, ironically, with its growing prominence on the international stage, China found itself unbearably weighted down by the burden of world opinion, a position previously occupied by the United States.
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Ilyashov, Anatoli. "Le réexamen des affaires du vol 007 de la Korean Airlines et du RB-50 (Note)." Études internationales 25, no. 1 (April 12, 2005): 47–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/703279ar.
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As revealed by documents in the National Archives in Washington, u.c., the United States routinely and knowingly sent reconnaissance flights over the Soviet Union during the fifties and sixties. The u-2 shootdown of the pilot Francis Gary Powers in 1960 was a manifestation of this dangerous pattern during the Cold War era. The author, the first Fulbright Lecturer to the formerly « closed-to-foreigners » military-industrial city of Nizhny Novgorod, or Gorki, suggests a direct correlation between this pattern of earlier reconnaissance flights and the shoot down of the KAL 007 airliner in 1983. It thus contains implications for current foreign policy in the bold new post-Cold War era, in which the means for surveillance have become more militarily sophisticated and technologically advanced.
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YURTAEV, V. I. "IRAN IN SITUATION OF THE SANCTION REGIME TRANSFORMATION." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 10, no. 2 (November 2, 2017): 66–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2017-10-2-66-80.
Full textAbstract:
After the after cancellation of the anti-Iranian sanctions by the international community on 15 July 2015 in Iran the new stage of development has begun.. In 2013, for the post of President of the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI) was elected Hassan Rouhani. Essence launched under the slogan “economy of resistance” of the new economic policy of the IRI is to make full use of internal reserves of growth to intensive development of the real sector of the economy, national production, focusing on knowledgeintensive sectors and industries for deep processing of hydrocarbons and other natural raw materials export orientation. Thus, the policy of “resistance economy” aimed at creating in Iran independent of foreign supplies industries. To the fore in Iran, leaves a large-scale project activity designed to implement the principle of “constructive engagement”. Implemented and planned in Iran’s strategic projects are meant for the Iranian leadership in the region and the world. As has shown the conducted research, paramount value in modern conditions is gained by factors of continuity and deepening of trust, increase in level of the relations with neighbors that can be provided with means of joint participation in implementation of status Euroasian technological, infrastructureand trade projects. Such interaction may include, for example, joint participation in projects of the Great Silk Road, the formation of a belt of security and of dialogue in greater Eurasia, cooperation in the framework of the SCO, the EEU and other international organizations. Iran certainly has kept commitment to logic of implementation of the Pax Umma Islamica project, originally – in Southwest Asia, under its leadership. All foreign policy activity of IRI in the foreseeable future, including forming of new system of regional stability in the Middle East and the international cooperation will be subordinated to achievement of this purpose, finally. Tehran, as one might expect, will return to the traditional Iranian policy of balancing, this time between China and the United States. Therefore, the possible inclusion of Iran in the alternative projects of the Great Silk Road (South Korea – Northern Europe – South Africa).
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Lizotte, Mary-Kate. "Investigating the Origins of the Gender Gap in Support for War." Political Studies Review 17, no. 2 (July 7, 2017): 124–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1478929917699416.
Full textAbstract:
Gender is an important source of influence on foreign policy attitudes but has received less research attention than it deserves. In the United States, gender differences on support for military interventions average around 8 percent, with women less likely than men to support the use of force. This gap has surfaced in many conflicts, including World War II, the Korean and Vietnam wars, through to the Gulf War and the conflict in Iraq. The existence of a modest though persistent gender difference in support of the use of military force thus arouses considerable interest among political researchers. This piece critically discusses four explanations, the empirical evidence to date, and future directions for studying and testing the origins of this gender gap. The four explanations are economic/political marginalization, feminist identity, Social Role Theory, and value differences.
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Grzelczyk, Virginie. "Six-Party Talks and Negotiation Strategy: When Do We Get There?" International Negotiation 14, no. 1 (2009): 95–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157180609x406535.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractOver the past decade, multiple attempts have been made to curb North Korea's development of a nuclear program. Major world powers such as the United States and China have reached out to Pyongyang through bilateral and multilateral negotiation processes. The Six-Party Talks, the current negotiation mechanism used to discuss options for a potential denuclearization of the Korean peninsula, have brought back hopes that a deal might one day be reached. What type of framework is provided by the Six-Party Talks? How have parties' negotiation behaviors been influenced by the Talks, and how have they in turn impacted the process? Could this negotiation mechanism eventually become more institutionalized? Although this process has not yet emerged as a successful example of an institution that can influence North Korea's determination to become a nuclear power, it has moved beyond its infancy and should be considered a viable tool within foreign policy options.