Journal articles on the topic 'Korea (South) – Politics and government – 1988-'
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1
Kim, Jinwung. "Participating in Nation-Building: The Role of the “Military Government Police” in South Korean Politics, 1946-1948." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 17, no. 2 (2010): 174–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187656110x531989.
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AbstractThis study analyzes the role of the “military government police” in South Korean politics during American military occupation, 1946-48. It stresses that the Korean National Police (KNP), many of whose members had served in the police under the Japanese, was not a mere instrument of the United States Army Military Government in Korea (USAMGIK) but functioned as an active participant in the creation of a rightist regime in southern Korea. More specifically, the police were the undisputed “vanguard” of the rightist Syngman Rhee-Korean Democratic Party (KDP) coalition. The police force also functioned as the “big brother” of the rightist youth organizations which shared values and ideology with them. Finally, the police served as the “midwife” in the creation of the Rhee regime in the Republic of Korea. In sum, the KNP was an important political player actively taking part in the political process during U.S. military occupation.
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KWON, HYEOK YONG. "Targeting Public Spending in a New Democracy: Evidence from South Korea." British Journal of Political Science 35, no. 2 (February 21, 2005): 321–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123405000177.
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Empirical studies of electoral competition and public policy in new democracies have been relatively underdeveloped. This article investigates the election-policy outcome link in a ‘hard case’ setting: South Korea in 1988–97. Contrary to expectations derived from the bureaucratic insulation or fiscal co-ordination argument, this study suggests a systematic impact of electoral competition on levels and distributive patterns of public spending. The analysis finds that levels of government expenditure increased according to the electoral calendar. Also, national subsidies tended to be allocated to ‘swing’ provinces in which electoral contests are competitive. The results of the analysis clearly show that fiscal policies in democratizing Korea are to a significant extent determined by electoral politics.
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Nam, Sanghui. "The Women's Movement and the Transformation of the Family Law in South Korea. Interactions Between Local, National and Global Structures." European Journal of East Asian Studies 9, no. 1 (2010): 67–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156805810x517670.
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AbstractThis paper examines the revision of the family law and the abolition of the head-of-family system in South Korea in 2005. Although the 1948 constitution guaranteed gender equality and women's suffrage, the family law remained male-oriented and discriminatory. Fifty years of struggle for the revision of the family law show that the patrilineal familial hierarchy is not merely a product of 'outdated' values, but deeply rooted and continually practised in Korean society. The landmark reform of the family law will be analysed in connection with the local women's movement, national politics and international organisations. In the beginning, the women's movement was led by pioneer feminists who established local women's organisations and submitted petitions to national lawmakers. In the early 1970s, feminist groups began to continuously mobilise the grassroots. After the transition to democracy in the late 1980s, public approval for the abolition of the head-of-family system began to grow at the local level. At the same time, the government increasingly signed up to international treaties and adjusted to global norms. With expanding political opportunities locally and globally, the women's movement was able to increase the pressure on the national government. Finally, the National Assembly voted for the abolition of the head-of-family system.
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Park, Jeong-Mi. "Liberation or purification? Prostitution, women’s movement and nation building in South Korea under US military occupation, 1945–1948." Sexualities 22, no. 7-8 (November 20, 2018): 1053–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1363460718782968.
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This article investigates postcolonial South Korea’s prostitution policy as a focal point of sexual politics in the undertaking of nation building under US military occupation (1945–1948). It clarifies that the discourse on prostitution served as a forum for competing visions of a new nation: socialism versus nationalism, and women’s liberation versus national purification. It analyzes the paradoxical process by which the women’s campaign to abolish one colonial legacy of prostitution (‘Authorization-Regulation’) eventually resulted in retaining another legacy (‘Toleration-Regulation’) in a new guise. It conceptualizes the postcolonial prostitution policy that combined regulation and prohibition as a ‘Toleration-Regulation Regime,’ arguing that it was a compromise between the US military government and South Korean elites. Finally, this article demonstrates that building the nation was also a process of making female subalterns, prostitutes.
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Shim, Jaemin. "Left is right and right is left? Partisan difference on social welfare and particularistic benefits in Japan, South Korea and Taiwan." Journal of International and Comparative Social Policy 36, no. 1 (March 2020): 25–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ics.2020.2.
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AbstractThis paper investigates elite-level partisan differences along the socioeconomic dimension in three developed East Asian democracies – Japan, South Korea and Taiwan. On the one hand, the mainstream literature in welfare studies and party politics expects left- and right-leaning parties should vary significantly in utilizing social policy promises. On the other hand, the path dependency logic tells us that left–right difference should be found over particularistic benefits, such as agricultural subsidies or construction projects, considering that these were central means for right-leaning parties to maintain their power during the developmental state period in the three countries. Using an original bill-sponsorship data set between 1987 and 2012, we find that there has not been any substantial difference in the agenda setting of conventional social welfare bills between left- and right-wing government periods. However, a clear elective affinity can be observed between established right-wing parties and particularistic benefits. The paper shows that contextualizing key political actors' preferences can lead to a more systematic understanding of political dynamics behind the socioeconomic dimension in non-Anglo-European countries.
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Tun, Sai Khaing Myo. "A Comparative Study of State-Led Development in Myanmar (1988–2010) and Suharto's Indonesia: An Approach from the Developmental State Theory." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 30, no. 1 (March 2011): 69–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810341103000103.
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This article explores the institutionalization of state-led development in Myanmar after 1988 in comparison with Suharto's Indonesia. The analysis centres on the characteristics and theory of developmental states that emerged from the studies of East Asian countries like Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan. In Southeast Asia, Suharto's Indonesia was perceived as a successful case and was studied by scholars in line with the characteristics of the developmental state. The Tatmadaw (military) government in Myanmar was believed to follow the model of state-led development in Indonesia under Suharto where the military took the role of establishing economic and political development. However, Myanmar has yet to achieve its goal of building a successful state-led development. Therefore, this paper argues that implementing an efficient and effective institutionalization is essential for a successful state-led development (developmental state) in Myanmar.
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Kim, Inhan. "Land Reform in South Korea under the U.S. Military Occupation, 1945–1948." Journal of Cold War Studies 18, no. 2 (April 2016): 97–129. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00639.
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The conventional wisdom regarding land reform in South Korea implemented by the United States Army Military Government in Korea (USAMGIK) is that it was a partial and short-term palliative driven by the exigent Communist threat and the free-land program adopted in North Korea. This article offers a new interpretation of the motives, process, and impact of the land reform program under the U.S. military occupation, highlighting three points. First, the United States was serious about conducting a land-to-tiller program because of its desire to stop Communism and pave the way for democracy in South Korea. Both goals were important. Second, the partial reform in March 1948 is explained by volatile political circumstances in South Korea: strong Communist activity at the beginning of the occupation and the rise of intransigent conservatives at the end. Third, the U.S.-sponsored land reform catalyzed further reform by the new South Korean government by setting a precedent and establishing guidelines for land redistribution parcel sizes, prices, and payment schedules.
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Hahm, Sung Deuk, and Sooho Song. "The Impact of the Korean Wave on South Korea–Taiwan Relations." Asian Survey 61, no. 2 (March 2021): 217–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2021.61.2.217.
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Ever since the concept of soft power was introduced, there has been debate about what it is and how it works. We join the debate by studying how the success of Korean cultural products in Taiwan has improved the relationship between South Korea and Taiwan. The two countries normalized their relationship in 1948 and maintained cooperation until the severance of formal ties in 1992 because of South Korea’s rapprochement with China. Beginning in early 2000, however, South Korea’s cultural products have enjoyed great success in Taiwan. Since that time, the relationship between the two countries has significantly improved, including trade and tourism expansion, increased Taiwanese direct investment in South Korea, and policy changes by Taiwan’s government. These changes provide empirical evidence of soft power.
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Patterson, Dennis, and Jangsup Choi. "POLICY AND PRACTICE IN ODA DISBURSEMENTS: AN ANALYSIS OF CHANGES IN SOUTH KOREA'S OFFICIAL DEVELOPMENT ASSISTANCE." Journal of East Asian Studies 19, no. 2 (June 13, 2019): 239–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jea.2019.17.
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AbstractSouth Korea is the only nation to become an important donor nation after being a recipient of Official Development Assistance (ODA) for several decades. In 2010, it became a member of the OECD's Development Assistance Committee, and while it has continued to use its experience as a former ODA recipient to inform its distribution practices, it also has evolved its ODA policies in response to changes in international norms and the imperatives associated with being a DAC-member nation. We know that, while policies may change, actual ODA disbursements—which nations are selected as recipients and receive ODA in what amounts—may lag or even remain unchanged. In this paper, we use the case of South Korea to determine how actual ODA disbursements change in response to policy changes. To accomplish this, we use a selection model to conduct a statistical analysis of South Korea's ODA disbursements using dyadic data from 1987 to 2016. Our results indicate that, while there has been continuity in terms of which nations receive South Korean ODA, there were also notable changes in its disbursements. Specifically, the ODA policy changes the South Korean government enacted did result in an altered profile of nations that were targeted by South Korea as ODA recipients.
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Heo, Inhye. "The Revival of ‘Big Government’ Discourse in South Korea, 2017." Journal of Asian and African Studies 54, no. 6 (May 16, 2019): 913–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909619848075.
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After the democratisation of South Korea in 1987, political discourse on ‘big government’ nearly disappeared, largely because it recalled past authoritarianism. Authoritarian states are highly likely to employ ‘big government’ – exerting policy influence over the distribution of private resources – to sustain their political power, and Korea’s authoritarian state was no exception. Thus, newly inaugurated President Moon Jae-in’s official implication that he would pursue big government is notable, because he claimed to represent pro-democracy groups that opposed both historical authoritarianism and the former president’s undemocratic governance. In this context, this study examines external and internal political-economic factors behind the revival of big government discourse in Korea. Results show that critical factors included the lack of pressure in the global capitalist market and the dominance of governmentalists over marketists in the political-economic discourse influencing the administration’s maintenance and expansion of its political foundation.
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Marcus, David. "Famine Crimes in International Law." American Journal of International Law 97, no. 2 (April 2003): 245–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3100102.
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Some of the worst human rights catastrophes of the twentieth century were famines created or manipulated by governments. In 1932 at least five million Ukrainians starved to death, while hunger was largely unknown across the border in Russia.The Soviet government imposed disastrous grain quotas on the Ukraine, then let its own citizens literally collapse in the streets while it exported grain to further its “revolutionary” objectives.The Ethiopian famine of 1983-1985, preserved in popular memory as a natural disaster of biblical proportions, most fiercely struck those parts of the country that harbored irredentist movements. In a stunning, but telling, rejoinder to international pity for the purportedly hapless Ethiopian government, the Ethiopian foreign minister told a U.S. chargé d’affaires that “food is a major element in our strategy against the secessionists.” Since 1994, more than two million out of a population of twenty-two million in North Korea have starved to death, while South Koreans, affected by similar weather patterns, have remained completely untouched by famine. Nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), trying to distribute aid earmarked for famine victims, have watched helplessly as the government callously interfered and have arrived at the conclusion that “the authorities are deliberately depriving hundreds of thousands of truly needy Koreans of assistance.”
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KIM, YOUNGMI. "Intra-Party Politics and Minority Coalition Government in South Korea." Japanese Journal of Political Science 9, no. 3 (December 2008): 367–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109908003186.
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AbstractThis paper examines the internal dynamics of Korean political parties to understand why the minority coalition government of Kim Dae-jung suffered from political stalemate or deadlocks in the legislature. It shows that a focus on the size of the government in terms of a majority status in the legislature does not offer a convincing explanation of why the Kim Dae-jung administration slid towards ungovernability. Instead better insights come from an analysis of party organization, an aspect of party politics rarely examined through in-depth analysis. The paper shows that in terms of the key dimensions of organization (leadership type, factionalism, funding, linkage role) Korean political parties fail to connect citizens to the political system.
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Byun, Sung-Eun, and James M. Ruiz. "Corruption and Politics within the South Korean Government." International Journal of Police Science & Management 9, no. 3 (September 2007): 226–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1350/ijps.2007.9.3.226.
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The purpose of this study is (1) to examine cause and effect relationships between bureaucratic corruption and personal, political, legal, and cultural factors in South Korea; (2) to employ criminological theory in an attempt to explain each relationship; and (3) to suggest policies for corruption prevention. Through analysing the official crime report, Analytical Report on Crimes from 1999 to 2004 issued annually by the Prosecution Office of South Korea, this study finds the following six relationships between corruption and factors. First, public officials with low socio-economic status (SES) might be more likely to commit crimes than those with high SES. Second, married officials might be more likely to commit crimes than those of any other marital status. Third, public officials in law enforcement departments are more likely to commit job-related crimes than in any other departments. Fourth, higher-ranked public officials are more likely to commit job-related crimes than are lower-ranking public officials. Fifth, arrested public officials are less likely to be convicted than are regular citizens. And, sixth, most crimes of public officials might be influenced by organisational custom. This study endeavours to apply three criminological theories: rational choice theory; control theory; and conflict theory to the above findings and to develop insight toward a corruption-free society.
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Yeo, Andrew. "Signaling Democracy: Patron-Client Relations and Democratization in South Korea and Poland." Journal of East Asian Studies 6, no. 2 (August 2006): 259–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800002320.
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Facing massive protests, why did incumbent regimes in both South Korea and Poland repress movements for democratization in the early 1980s but make democratic concessions to the opposition in the late 1980s? I demonstrate how the United States and the Soviet Union as superpower patron states influenced democratic transitions in South Korea and Poland. The different outcomes across time are partially attributed to superpower policies toward their client states. Absent in 1980 were strong, credible signals from the United States and the Soviet Union to their respective client states to support political liberalization. But in the late 1980s superpowers affected the calculus of client state elites by either signaling or encouraging governments to make concessions to the opposition.
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Kim, Jung. "Divided Government and Agenda Control: Evidence from South Korea." Peace Studies 28, no. 1 (April 30, 2020): 5–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.21051/ps.2020.04.28.1.5.
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Winner, Sonya D. "Lee v. Dong-A Ilbo." American Journal of International Law 83, no. 1 (January 1989): 90–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2202795.
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In 1985 two intelligence agencies of the South Korean Government announced that they had successfully disrupted a North Korean spy ring operating in the United States. Their press release, which was widely publicized in the Korean press, named Chang-Sin Lee as a North Korean agent associated with a spy ring at Western Illinois University, where Lee had been a student. The story was picked up and reported in the United States by six Korean-American newspapers and a public television station. When Lee sued for libel, the defendants relied upon the official report privilege, which gives absolute protection to the accurate republication of official government reports. The district court, holding that the privilege applied and that Lee had not overcome it by showing malice, dismissed the case. Plaintiff appealed to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit, which in a two to one decision reversed (per Ervin, J.) and held: that the official report privilege does not apply to the republication of official reports of foreign governments. Judge Kaufman, sitting by designation, dissented from the majority’s reversal of the district court’s grant of summary judgment.
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YUN, JI-WHAN. "Democracy in Myth: The Politics of Precariatization in South Korea." Issues & Studies 55, no. 01 (March 2019): 1950001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1013251119500012.
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After undergoing a series of mass demonstrations during the past three decades, including the 2016–2017 candlelight protests that led to the impeachment of President Park Geun-hye, many commentators in South Korea are confident that their country has become a land for what Karl Marx called “free men.” Korean citizens are portrayed as being ready to participate in voluntary political associations and collective actions and to pursue their interests in the public sphere. However, the data are showing the opposite to be true: citizen participation in public-sphere activities has substantially decreased since the mid-2000s, while the government has managed to improve or at least maintain its political responsiveness during the same period. Explaining the unnoticed background to this imbalance, this essay sheds light on the myth of the benefactor state in Korean democracy, arguing that this has emerged because neoliberalism has not only placed an increasing number of people in precarious positions but also neutralized them politically. The Korean government has capitalized on this situation to mythicize itself as a benefactor state that possesses an incomparable administrative capacity to take care of precarious people. By investigating the period of Park’s presidency (2013–2017) and the current rule of President Moon Jae-in (2017–), this essay shows how the myth of the benefactor state has emerged and created a unique cycle of Korean democracy.
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Park, Hyong-Shin. "The Emotional Dynamics of Welfare Politics under Conservative Government in South Korea." Society and Theory 20 (May 31, 2012): 225. http://dx.doi.org/10.17209/st.2012.05.20.225.
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Yoo, Hyon Joo. "Domestic Politics in South Korea and the Territorial Issue of Dokdo." Korean Journal of International and Comparative Law 5, no. 2 (December 11, 2017): 196–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134484-12340089.
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Abstract This paper examines why and how political leaders in South Korea are constrained by domestic politics with respect to a territorial dispute with Japan. While Korean leaders desire to employ a low-key position vis-à-vis Japan’s territorial claim, the public in South Korea increasingly demand that their leaders confront Japan more firmly. This creates a dilemma for leaders in Korea. Maintaining a calm diplomacy toward Japan infuriates the Korean public while employing a tough policy toward the neighboring state, in response to the public demand, leads the government of Tokyo into bolder provocations. This makes it difficult for South Korea to foster cooperation with Japan on various issues that are not directly related to the territorial problem.
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CHOO, Jaewoo. "South Korea’s Politics 2018: Unpredictable External Relations and a Slowing Economy." East Asian Policy 11, no. 01 (January 2019): 100–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930519000096.
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South Korea will face enormous challenges on two fronts for 2019. The country’s economic base will collapse because of the government’s inability to counter the trap it has laid on itself with a dramatic elevation of minimum wage and tax rates on property and housing. The government will be diplomatically isolated for its blind love towards North Korea, and confronted with rising friction with Japan over history issues and China on Terminal High Altitude Area Defence.
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Ho, Ming-sho, and Chen-Shuo Hong. "Challenging New Conservative Regimes in South Korea and Taiwan." Asian Survey 52, no. 4 (July 2012): 643–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2012.52.4.643.
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Abstract This article compares anti-American beef politics in South Korea (2008) and Taiwan (2009) to solve the puzzle of why two similar social protests resulted in dissimilar outcomes. Given the highly comparable political contexts of conservative ascendancy, we argue that cultural factors determined the movement trajectories. The presence of anti-Americanism and the centrality of beef in the national diet produced a strong anti-government movement in Korea but not in Taiwan.
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Park, Sungho, and Craig S. Maher. "Government Financial Management and the Coronavirus Pandemic: A Comparative Look at South Korea and the United States." American Review of Public Administration 50, no. 6-7 (July 15, 2020): 590–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0275074020941720.
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The novel coronavirus (COVID-19) is an infectious respiratory illness afflicting people to a degree not seen since the flu pandemic of 1968 when approximately one million lives were lost worldwide. What makes COVID-19 distinct is the rate at which it spread throughout the world, stress-testing health care systems and stymieing global economies. To confront this unprecedented crisis, nearly every country has been developing a wide range of policy responses, including fiscal measures. This study aims to discuss government fiscal responses to the pandemic from a financial management perspective. The core question is, “How does each country’s financial management system support its fiscal responses to the crisis?” We are particularly interested in reexamining commonly accepted norms about fiscal federalism and the fiscal condition of national and local governments heading into this pandemic. This study takes a comparative approach to the question, focusing on South Korea and the United States. Our findings suggest that the ability to respond to this pandemic in a comprehensive and effective manner is challenged by each nation’s financial management system that generates variation in policy coordination and responsiveness.
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Walker, Andrew. "From Legibility to Eligibility: Politics, Subsidy and Productivity in Rural Asia." TRaNS: Trans-Regional and -National Studies of Southeast Asia 3, no. 1 (November 5, 2014): 45–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/trn.2014.17.
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AbstractThroughout Asia, the relationship between the state and the rural sector has shifted from taxation to subsidy. The political tussles over subsistence between resistant peasants and taxing states, eloquently described by James Scott, have been replaced by a more affluent political dynamic focussed on subsidy and productivity. This article explores this transformation by means of a comparative study of Thailand and South Korea. Like many other countries, Thailand and South Korea have followed the path from taxation to subsidy but Thailand has never successfully addressed its legacy of low agricultural productivity. Contemporary South Korean agriculture, by contrast, is a result of a century-long investment in productivity improvement, in both its taxation and subsidy phases. The interaction between government policy and agricultural productivity has important political implications. Whereas South Korea has made a successful democratic transition and achieved a broad consensus on support for the agricultural sector, Thailand has failed to effectively manage the contemporary dilemmas of exchange between rural people and the state.
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Chi, Eunju, and Hyeok Yong Kwon. "Unequal New Democracies in East Asia: Rising Inequality and Government Responses in South Korea and Taiwan." Asian Survey 52, no. 5 (September 2012): 900–923. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2012.52.5.900.
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Abstract This paper explores the growing trend in income inequality in Korea and Taiwan. The two recent East Asian democracies have witnessed rising inequality since the 1990s but with cross-national differences. We find that market inequality is higher in Taiwan than in Korea, yet the Taiwan government’s efforts to reduce this disparity are stronger than similar moves in Korea. By applying the logic of economic, social, and political effects, we find both similar trends and divergent paths in the politics of inequality in the two countries.
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Jaung, Hoon. "Politics, Economy, and Dynamics of Presidential Popularity in the Kim Dae Jung Government in South Korea." Journal of East Asian Studies 2, no. 1 (February 2002): 241–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800000746.
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What determines the public evaluation of South Korean president? Is it a temporal cycle of presidential tenure, the economy or political events? This paper explores these questions by examining the case of President Kim Dae Jung who enjoyed high popularity in the early phase of his tenure but experienced consistent decline of popularity after 18 months in office, much like his predecessors did. The paper argues that the high and low of public support for the president is not simply a function of the temporal cycle and that the fluctuation of public rating is strongly influenced by the public's consideration of economic matters and corruption scandals. In the case of the current South Korean president, one's performance in resuscitating the economy could not rescue a president besieged by one corruption scandal after another. Also, the improved economic conditions did not save Kim Dae Jung's public approval rate from tumbling, because reforms failed to alleviate the economic hardship felt by the lower class. All of this demonstrates that the public does separate economic and political issues and weigh them disproportionately in evaluating presidential performance.
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Son, Byunghwan. "INTERPERSONAL TRUST AND CONFIDENCE IN LABOR UNIONS: THE CASE OF SOUTH KOREA." Journal of East Asian Studies 20, no. 2 (April 15, 2020): 267–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jea.2020.5.
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AbstractHow do ordinary citizens view labor unions? The importance of public opinion about unions has rarely been highlighted in the contemporary literature on labor politics. Using five waves of the World Value Surveys on South Korea, this article suggests that public confidence in labor unions is significantly affected by individuals’ interpersonal trust, conditional on their perception of the political representation of labor. Unlike those with high levels of trust, low-trust individuals view unions as an agent seeking their exclusionary interests at the expense of the rest of the society. The difference between high- and low-trust individuals’ confidence in labor unions is more pronounced when a liberal, rather than a conservative, government is in power because of the public perception that labor interests are already well-represented by the liberal government and union functions are redundant in such a circumstances. The empirical findings are found robust to alternative theoretical arguments and empirical techniques.
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Doner, Richard F. "Approaches to the Politics of Economic Growth in Southeast Asia." Journal of Asian Studies 50, no. 4 (November 1991): 818–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2058543.
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The pacific rim's record of impressive economic growth over the past twenty years is now well known. While most obvious in Japan, this expansion has been striking in the East Asian Newly Industrialized Countries (NICs): Singapore, Hong Kong, South Korea, and Taiwan. But it has also occurred to varying degrees in four of the original members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN): Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, and Thailand. In addition to increases in overall output, each of these four economies has achieved a considerable degree of restructuring in favor of manufacturing and away from commodity production since the 1970s (e.g., Lee and Naya 1988:S134).
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Kim, Haklae. "Lesson Learned from the Power of Open Data: Resolving the Mask Shortage Problem Caused by COVID-19 in South Korea." Sustainability 13, no. 1 (December 30, 2020): 278. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su13010278.
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COVID-19 is spreading globally and causing severe damage across different sectors including social culture, politics, and economy. Governments worldwide are responding in various ways to prevent the spread of COVID-19 and to protect the health and safety of citizens. South Korea is escaping the crisis through rapid and early inspection with ICT technology, isolation for confirmed cases, and transparency and communication through public–private partnerships. This paper presents how face mask shortages can be managed through the disclosure of government data and with effective online services. This study shows how South Korea enhances government transparency and that combining open data with ICT technologies can effectively solve social problems during the COVID-19 pandemic.
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IIDA, KEISUKE. "Japanese Political Studies and Japanese International Relations in China, Japan, and Korea." Japanese Journal of Political Science 11, no. 3 (October 29, 2010): 275–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109910000113.
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AbstractThis article summarizes the findings of this special issue focusing on five questions: (1) who studies Japanese politics and international relations in China, Japan and the Republic of Korea?; (2) what is being studied in each of these countries?; 3) how are Japanese politics studied in each of these countries?; (3) what determines the nature of the study of Japanese politics and international relations?; and 4) what is the impact of the study of Japanese politics in each of these three countries? The findings on the first questions are that most scholars in each of these countries are concentrated in their forties and fifties, but their educational backgrounds are considerably varied. On the second question, the topics of study are becoming more wide-ranging in recent years, although in China, government policy still puts a constraint on the range of topics studied. Regarding the third question, the approaches that are used are becoming more varied, especially in Japan and South Korea. Concerning the fourth question, domestic politics in each of these countries matter, and financial constraints are a problem in China. Finally, it seems that Korean scholars in this area may have greater impact on the government than in the other two countries.
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Chung, Whan-Sam, and Susumu Tohno. "A Time-Series Energy Input-Output Analysis for Building an Infrastructure for the Energy and Environment Policy in South Korea." Energy & Environment 20, no. 6 (October 2009): 875–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1260/095830509789625338.
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From an average annual growth rate point of view, it might be concluded that the government's efforts in reducing Korea's GHG emission have been making progress; the growth rate of South Korea's GHG emission (4.8%) was less than that of its primary energy consumption (6.2%) during 1990–2000. To cope with a more strict protocol worldwide, South Korea should avoid the usual political rhetoric or declaration of principles and it should launch an effective action. Such a transition from a policy perspective would begin by the analysis of the interrelations among economic activities, energy use, and GHG emissions. The application of an input-output approach, which incorporates a material flow analysis, could be a very useful tool for such an analysis. In this study, four sequential 96 × 96 hybrid units energy IO tables from 1985 to 2000 were generated. Using these four sequential matrices, the energy intensities and the GHG emission intensities, caused by energy use, were estimated for each sector. It was revealed that even though the energy consumption and GHG emissions have increased, the intensities have gradually improved in Korea. The estimated values were compared to national statistics and the differences were found to be acceptable. It was found that the energy input-output analysis can supply useful data for energy and environment policy makers. Some recommendations were made to improve this model.
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Moon, Chung-In, and Seung-chan Boo. "Coping with China’s rise." Asian Journal of Comparative Politics 2, no. 1 (December 21, 2016): 3–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057891116682650.
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The new emerging hegemonic rivalry between China and the US has placed South Korea in serious adjustment dilemma. Being sandwiched between the two giants, Seoul has been trying to muddle through their conflicting interests. This article aims to explore how China’s rise and rivalry with the US have influenced Seoul’s domestic politics and resulted in policy choices, through the examination of three cases: THAAD (the Terminal High Altitude Air Defense System), the AIIB (Asia Infrastructure Investment Bank), and the South China Sea. Our findings show that South Korea’s adjustment behavior has varied across issue areas. On the issue of security, the Seoul government has taken a pro-American balancing strategy by allowing the deployment of the US THAAD, whereas it has chosen a reluctant pro-China bandwagoning position by joining the AIIB. And it has taken a rather neutral position on the South China Sea dispute. Such variations can be explained by the changing interests and underlying domestic politics and leadership choices in South Korea.
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Kim, Sung-Young. "The Politics of Technological Upgrading in South Korea: How Government and Business Challenged the Might of Qualcomm." New Political Economy 17, no. 3 (July 2012): 293–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13563467.2011.574687.
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Kang, Jiyeon. "Internet activism transforming street politics: South Korea’s 2008 ‘Mad Cow’ protests and new democratic sensibilities." Media, Culture & Society 39, no. 5 (June 8, 2017): 750–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0163443717709444.
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This article examines South Korea’s Internet-born ‘candlelight festivals’ of 2008, with a focus on online movement transforming protesters’ communicative patterns and sensibilities in the street. When the government resumed importation of US beef despite widespread concern about mad cow disease, Korea’s young Internet users criticized the government and mobilized for street protests. In the resulting protests, the festive crowd directly spoke back to authority with irreverent humor and carnivalesque defiance. This novel mode of political participation indicates new democratic sensibilities liberated from authoritarian preconceptions and limits that had dominated Korean politics. The transformation of protest modalities observed in Korea – a nation that has experienced the maturation of Internet activism – suggests that scholars should pay attention to how Internet users traverse online and offline spaces, and to how online politics reshapes local actors’ broader political experiences and expectations.
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Nam, Hwasook. "Progressives and Labor under Park Chung Hee: A Forgotten Alliance in 1960s South Korea." Journal of Asian Studies 72, no. 4 (September 27, 2013): 873–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911813001113.
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Using an unusual case of a democratic and militant shipbuilding union in 1960s South Korea as a window on society, this article explores the politics and ethos of the first decade of Park Chung Hee's rule. Pronounced public support for the union in the region, dense links between the unionists and local progressives, and the surprisingly optimistic and positive expectations of the military government that shipyard workers exhibited in this period all call our attention to the still quite fluid and open terrain of politics before the full-blown authoritarianism of the 1970s. These dynamic aspects of the 1960s, when both elites and non-elites engaged major postcolonial questions of democracy, development, and unification, are mostly hidden from view today, overwhelmed by the power of the dominant minju discourse that became hegemonic in the democracy movement during the 1980s and 1990s. Excavating the forgotten alliance between an important union and the progressives surrounding it thus opens a space for alternative understandings of South Korean development and democratization.
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Keane, Michael, and Joy Danjing Zhang. "Where are we going? Parent–child television reality programmes in China." Media, Culture & Society 39, no. 5 (August 3, 2016): 630–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0163443716663641.
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This article looks at the role of format television in the People’s Republic of China. It juxtaposes two key ideas: the ‘one format policy’ and the One Child Policy. Both are government restrictions intended to kerb reproduction. Formats provide a means for the reproduction of programming ideas, that is, they are generative. When formats ‘fit’ cultural understandings they can be remarkably successful, as with family oriented formats. Yet there is something unusual about China: in comparison to many international markets, China offers a unique demographic – those people born after 1978. The article examines a formatted programme called Where Are We Going, Dad?, introduced into China from South Korea, which illustrates a subgenre known as the ‘parent-child caring’ ( qinzi) format. The article shows how this genre has capitalised on the interest in the health and future well-being of the One Child in China, as well as spinning off its own formatted offspring.
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Han, Dong-Ho. "A Case Study of the Budgetary Politics of the Prime Minister during the Coalition Government of South Korea." International Review of Public Administration 15, no. 2 (September 2010): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/12294659.2010.10805170.
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Kim, Sunhyuk. "The Politics of Reform in South Korea: The First Year of the Kim Dae Jung Government, 1998–1999." Asian Perspective 24, no. 1 (2000): 163–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/apr.2000.0040.
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Stapleton, Timothy. "TThe Creation and Early Development of the Zimbabwe Defence Forces (ZDF) 1980-93." Revista Tempo e Argumento 13, no. 32 (April 30, 2021): e0104. http://dx.doi.org/10.5965/2175180313322021e0104.
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Given the 2017 coup in Zimbabwe, a rare event in Southern Africa but sadly common in the rest of the continent, this paper discusses the beginnings of the politicization of the Zimbabwe Defence Forces (ZDF) during the 1980s. At the end of the country’s war for independence in 1980, the ZDF formed as an amalgamation of former Rhodesian state military personnel and insurgents from the liberation movements of the Zimbabwe African People’s Union (ZAPU) and the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU). Personnel from ZANU came to dominate Zimbabwe’s new military given the lack of a specific agreement over the integration process, their numerical superiority, and ZANU’s electoral success that gave it political power. During the ZDF integration exercise of the early 1980s, British advisors attempted to create a Western-style force but acted pragmatically while North Korean instructors helped create an overtly ZANU affiliated brigade and party militia. In addition, South African destabilization and the rapid departure of former Rhodesian officers gave way to the accelerated promotion of former insurgents mostly affiliated with the ZANU government. Lastly, the further ZANU-ization of the ZDF occurred within the context of operations in southwestern Zimbabwe where it eliminated ZAPU as an opposition political movement and committed atrocities, and in Mozambique where Zimbabwean troops cooperated with allies from overtly politicized armies of neighboring states
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Loke, Hoe-Yeong, and S. Gopinathan. "The Policy and Politics of the Cohort Participation Rate in Universities." International Journal of Chinese Education 5, no. 2 (February 24, 2017): 209–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22125868-12340068.
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In the media and policy discourses in Singapore, comparisons have often been made with countries like Taiwan and South Korea to validate the Singapore government’s long time policy approach of maintaining the cohort participation rate (cpr) in public universities at around 25% to 30%. Considering the rates of youth unemployment in Taiwan (12.7%) and South Korea (9.5%), where the cpr in universities has hovered around 80% to 90%, it would appear that the problem is one of an over-supply of graduates. While Singapore has maintained a commitment to skills training and to fostering a well-resourced polytechnic sector and the technical and vocational education sector, the government announced in 2012 its plans to raise the country’s cpr in universities to 40% by the year 2020. It established new public-autonomous universities to fulfill this goal, and expanded study places in existing universities, nevertheless with the proviso that internships would central to the curriculum, and that the degrees on offer would be well-tuned to the job shortages in the economy. What policy and political factors explain this change in Singapore’s long-held approach to the cpr for universities, especially when compared to the cases of Taiwan and South Korea? This paper offers an explanation of the policy and politics that underpinned the issue of the number of university places in Singapore, and also an explanation of the Singapore government’s shift in policy in 2012—albeit a policy move that took place within the context and language of the government’s new SkillsFuture programme, in which the education institutions are expected to continue to be well plugged into the needs of industries.
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이재현. "The Local Politics and Performance of Local Government : Evidence Using Panel Data from 16 Metropolitan Governments in South Korea." Korean Political Science Review 51, no. 2 (June 2017): 23–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.18854/kpsr.2017.51.2.002.
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BOROWIAK, Anna, and Choonsil LIM. "KOREAN LANGUAGE EDUCATION IN THE ERA OF GLOBALIZATION - WITH THE FOCUS ON BOOKS AND TEACHING MATERIALS -." International Journal of Korean Humanities and Social Sciences 4 (January 24, 2019): 7–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/kr.2018.04.01.
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A keen interest in the culture and economic development of the Republic of Korea has resulted in establishing business relations between Korea and various countries all around the world. The Korean War (1950-1953) is said to be the catalyst for Korean Studies, since it has generated a considerable interest in Korean history, language and culture. Yet, when the Korean Language Education (henceforward KLE) is being referred to, usually the years when the boom for "everything that is Korean” started, which could be attributed to the successfully organized Summer Olympics in 1988 and co-organized Asian World Cup in 2002, are being mentioned. This was when the world saw a different side of Korea. However, also thanks to the enormous popularity of Hallyu and the support of the South Korean Government given to initiatives, which among others, popularize the Korean language, the interest in various aspects of Korean culture as well as the language itself, has become higher than ever before. Since the turn of the 21st century, South Korea is perceived as one of the world's leading exporters of culture and tourism, and Hangeul became one of the exported goods.The aim of this research is to analyze the situation of KLE in the era of globalization, which along with the spread of lingua franca, among them English, is endangering the language variety of the world. In order to do so, several significant dates and initiatives showing how Korean scholars and the Government have influenced and shaped the language policy and thus have contributed to the popularization of the language all around the world will also be referred to. Government sponsored institutions providing Korean language classes, as well as books and other teaching materials, will be discussed and classified. The article will also try to answer the question concerning the future of the KLE.
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Hwang, In-Young, and J. Hun Park. "Competitive Diffusion of Nuclear and Nonnuclear Energy in Korea." Korean Journal of Policy Studies 29, no. 2 (August 31, 2014): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.52372/kjps29201.
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This study explains the competitive diffusion of nuclear energy and nonnuclear energy, adopting the Lotka-Volterra model of nonlinear dynamics to do so. In this paper, the competitive relationship in the energy diffusion process is treated as a competitive ecosystem in which nuclear energy as an emerging species competes with existing nonnuclear energy. We analyze installed capacity data of each energy source from 1978 to 2012. Using estimated Lotka-Volterra models, we investigate what kind of competitive relationship obtained between nuclear and nonnuclear power in the energy policies of every South Korean government from 1982 to 2012. The result shows that mutualism has largely characterized energy diffusion in Korea. That is, nuclear energy and nonnuclear energy stood in a win-win relationship to each other most of the time, promoting the proliferation of each other in the diffusion process. Between 1988 and 1991, in 1997, and then again 2008, the relationship between the two was a predatorprey one: nuclear energy as a predator inhibited the diffusion of nonnuclear energy as a prey in the diffusion process. This result implies the path dependency of the energy policy in Korea. Taking the current competitive environment as our cue, we forecast the future diffusion scenario using an equilibrium analysis and a numerical simulation. The forecast shows that the proportion of installed nuclear capacity in 2030 will reach to 23.8% of total energy sources, which is about 5% below the energy policy goal set by the Park Keun-hye government recently.
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WHITE, NICHOLAS J. "The Beginnings of Crony Capitalism: Business, Politics and Economic Development in Malaysia, c. 1955–70." Modern Asian Studies 38, no. 2 (April 21, 2004): 389–417. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x0300115x.
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The term ‘crony capitalism’ describes the close relationship between the state and big business in contemporary Southeast Asia. Yoshihara argued in 1988 that cronyism produced an entrepreneurially weak, ersatz capitalism. Crony capitalists were ‘private-sector businessmen who benefit[ed] enormously from close relations’ with leading officials and politicians, obtaining ‘not only protection from foreign competition, but also concessions, licences, monopoly rights, and government subsidies’. Yoshihara's thesis has been subject to some criticism, but, in summarizing that debate, Ian Brown states that ‘there are…substantial areas of the South-East Asian political-economic landscape where government and business remain bound to the protection of inefficient vested interest, to the defence of monopoly and preference, and where speculations and short-term profit-taking are rife’. Entrepreneurial weaknesses in Southeast Asia appeared fully exposed by the financial crisis of 1997, when the economies of the region could not withstand the cruel buffetings of the international economy.
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Park, Gyunghee. "‘Comfort Women’ and the politics of responsibility." Boolean: Snapshots of Doctoral Research at University College Cork, no. 2012 (January 1, 2012): 89–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.33178/boolean.2012.20.
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Japan’s brutal military occupation of Korea from 1910 until the end of the Second World War is generally remembered as a period of grave injustice which has defined a large part of what it means to be Korean. Though the list of crimes is vast, today it seems that one of the most barbaric offences committed at the time was the formation of ‘comfort stations’ – a euphemistic term used to describe the sexual exploitation of mostly Korean women by the Japanese military and government. After a decisive end to Japan’s military conquest of control over the Asia Pacific with the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, former ‘comfort women’ were silenced for over half a century by a deeply systemic sense of shame. Korean patriarchy pressed many survivors to hide their plight or even back into different sectors of the sex industry. However, South Korea’s democratization in the late-1980s ...
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Freysen, C. A. J. H. S. "Government by the people? The politics of local government in South Africa, by G Tötemeyer & C Heymans (eds), Juta & Co, Ltd, Cape Town, 1988." Development Southern Africa 5, no. 4 (November 1988): 594–600. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03768358808439434.
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Hong, Suk-Hoon, and Yun-Young Cho. "Consistent pattern of DRPK’s policy on ROK: What shapes North Korea’s foreign policy?" International Area Studies Review 20, no. 1 (December 21, 2016): 57–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2233865916683602.
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Identity is the basis of North Korea’s regime legitimacy. As a divided country, North Korea’s legitimacy is forged in the inter-Korean comparison. This paper starts with the question of what factors influence whether North Korea chooses to implement risky or cooperative policies toward South Korea, as well as what role domestic politics and ideology play in The Democratic People’s Republic of Korea’s (DPRK) formation and enactment of foreign policy. This paper confirmed that the Pyongyang leadership’s policy priority has mostly depended on identity need. Also, we infer that Pyongyang tends to take a hostile stance whenever the South government is willing to infringe Pyongyang’s legitimacy and dignity regardless of the South’s economic assistance. This research attempts to explain how historical and cultural contexts play in the DPRK’s formation of its policy toward the Republic of Korea, and also examines Rodong Sinmun, the official newspaper of the Pyongyang regime, through the lens of content analysis in order to determine the DPRK’s perception and policy preferences toward the The Republic of Korea (ROK).
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Kim, Andrew Eungi. "Citizens' Coalition Movement and Consolidation of Democracy: 2000 General Elections in South Korea." Journal of East Asian Studies 1, no. 2 (August 2001): 243–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800000515.
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For the General Elections in 2000, nearly one thousand civic groups in South Korea joined forces to stage so-called “defeat campaign” against allegedly corrupt, incompetent or “ill-mannered” politicians. While sociologists and political scientists are still engaged in debates as to the success of the campaign, there is no denying that it played a significant role in thwarting many politicians from getting nominated or elected. It is also true that the defeat campaign has heralded a new era of Korean politics in which civic groups have emerged as a major political force, capable of challenging government or party policies and pending bills as well as influencing agenda setting in a diverse array of policy areas. The paper shows that the enthusiastic public support, effective strategies of the campaign and attentive mass media, among others, contributed to the campaign's “success.” The paper also shows that a complex political calculation was involved in the parties' differing reaction to the alliance's effort, which increasingly constrained the latter's manoeuvrability. It is also argued that greater political involvement by civic groups is likely to lead to more pluralistic, open and competitive form of democracy in which voters become more aware of political issues and participate more actively in political processes.
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Ilin, Mykhailo. "The Search for the Peaceful Development of Humankind: How South Korea’s Experience Can Be Useful for Ukraine." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XX (2019): 729–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2019-48.
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The article deals with the summit held in Seoul, South Korea, in February 2019. The author outlines the issues of peaceful development of humanity, which were submitted for discussion by the summit participants, lists the speakers and highlights their main messages. At the summit, representatives of different nations and religions have expressed their concern about the challenges our societies are facing, especially in the context of the crisis on the Korean Peninsula. The author traces the common and distinctive features between South Korea and Ukraine. Korea was divided into South and North by a secret agreement between the USA and the USSR. Subsequently, two states were created, while the Korean War cemented the division of the country. The situation is very similar to the conflict in the Donbas, but in this case, no one consented that another country would control part of our territory. The experience of Korea proves that if the conflict situation is not solved immediately and results in the emergence of a new globally recognized state, the unification of the country may take decades. Now Korea is drawing on global expertise of public organizations, members of the government, religious figures and media to unify the country. The author summarizes the positive experience of the development of Korea, which may be projected to Ukraine. Korea is putting in a lot of effort into the education of the population. Culture of the nation has become the main policy line of the state, which is heavily investing in the development of its citizens’ potential. The ability to master cutting-edge technologies depends on the level and quality of education in a country. South Korea’s market economy encourages private business to invest in technological advancement. The author emphasizes that South Korea has achieved great success in science and technology thanks to the development of human resources. It is the development of human potential that contributes to scientific and technological progress, and as a result, to the economic growth of the country. Keywords: South Korea, scientific and technical development, culture, politics, summit.
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Munir, Kashif, and Mahnoor Bukhari. "Impact of globalization on income inequality in Asian emerging economies." International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy 40, no. 1/2 (November 21, 2019): 44–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijssp-08-2019-0167.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine the impact of three modes of globalization, i.e. trade globalization, financial globalization and technological globalization, separately on income inequality on the Asian emerging economies. Design/methodology/approach The study uses Hecksher–Ohlin and the Stolper–Samuelson theorem as a theoretical model for the relationship between globalization and income inequality. The study uses pooled least square (POLS) and instrumental variable least square (IVLS) estimation technique but prefers the IVLS over POLS due to the problems of omitted variable biased and endogeneity. Due to unavailability of data for all the Asian emerging economies, the study uses the following 11 countries, i.e. Bangladesh, China, India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Pakistan, Philippines, Sri Lanka, Singapore, South Korea and Thailand, from 1980 to 2014 for the trade and technological globalization model and from 1990 to 2014 for the financial globalization model. Findings Trade globalization significantly contributes to reduce income inequality in the Asian emerging economies. The impact of financial globalization on income inequality suggests that financial integration causes an increase in income inequality. Therefore, the benefits of financial globalization are not evenly distributed among the rich and the poor. The impact of technological globalization significantly contributes in the reduction of income inequality. Practical implications Government has to invest in research and development activities, establish efficient financial system, reduce trade restrictions and provide subsidies that help to increase the volume of trade. Originality/value This study contributes in the existing literature by analyzing the impact of trade globalization, financial globalization and technological globalization on income inequality in Asian emerging economies. The study provides useful guidelines to policy makers and governments to make effective policies in relation to globalization and income inequality that lead toward economic growth and reducing income inequality.
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Batakova, A. A. "DIFFERING APPROACHES OF THE JAPANESE GOVERNMENT TOWARDS THE “HISTORY ISSUES”." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 1(46) (February 28, 2016): 106–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2016-1-46-106-117.
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The beginning of the 1990s saw a prevailing understanding in Tokyo that restoration of trust and reconciliation with East Asian countries should be the first step to a larger role of Japan in the international politics. This understanding manifested itself in so far the most successful attempts to apologize for the policies of Japan in the first half of the XX century, including Prime Minister T.Murayama's statement, issued in 1995, as well as measures to address the so-called"historical issues". By contrast, incumbent Prime Minister S.Abe, who is also striving to increase the role of Japan in the international arena, shows a gradual departure from the above-mentioned strategy on presumption that a "masochistic" view of Japanese history runs counter to its national interests. His statement on the occasion of the 70th anniversary of the end of World War II promoted a thesis on importance to lift "the burden of apologies". Given the fact that it was nevertheless received positively by Tokyo's main ally Washington and did not become an obstacle to political dialogue with Seoul and Beijing, the author suggests that S.Abe will continue step-by-step efforts to remove "historical issues" from the bilateral political and economic agenda with China and South Korea, as well as to erase the link between the necessity to issue apologies, characteristic of the Japanese diplomacy of the 1990s, and a strategy to a larger Japan's role in international politics and security.