Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Korea (South) – Politics and government – 1988-'

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1

Kim, Sae Jung. "The political economy of authoritarianism : state-propelled industrialization and the persistent authoritarian state in South Korea, 1961-1979." Thesis, McGill University, 1986. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=74034.

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2

Kang, Kyung-Tae. "Korean Electoral Behavior: The 1992 and 1997 Presidential Elections." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2000. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/53965233.html.

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3

Leung, Lai-sheung. "Comparing government : big business relations in South Korea and Taiwan /." Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1997. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B18736646.

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4

Jung, Chang-Hoon. "A study of the changing state-business relations in South Korea focusing on the Roh Tae Woo regime (1988-1993) /." Seoul, Korea : Graduate Institute of Peace Studies, Kyung Hee University, 1993. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/53805695.html.

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Thesis (Master of Political Science)--Kyung Hee University, 1993.
"Thesis presented to the Graduate Institute of Peace Studies, Kyung Hee University, Seoul, Korea in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the degree of Master of Political Science"--Added t.p. Includes bibliographical references (p. 95-100).
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5

Leung, Lai-sheung, and 梁麗嫦. "Comparing government: big business relations in South Korea and Taiwan." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1997. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31951417.

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6

Hermanns, Heike Dorothee. "The state of democratic consolidation in Korea decentralisation and participation in local politics 1988-1998 /." Thesis, Boston Spa, U.K. : British Library Document Supply Centre, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?did=1&uin=uk.bl.ethos.311169.

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7

Rivenburgh, Nancy Kay. "National image richness in televised coverage of South Korea during the 1988 Seoul Olympia Games /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/6138.

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8

Kwon, Huck-ju. "The welfare state in Korea : the politics of legitimation." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1995. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:0122ba8d-c67d-43c2-a735-a9a5b73349f6.

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This thesis analyses the development of the Korean welfare system since the 1960s within the institutional dynamics of Korean politics. Its aim is to contribute to the understanding of Korean politics through the analysis of the Korean welfare state. The thesis argues that the making of social policy has been determined primarily by the politics of legitimation, in particular before democratisation. This thesis identifies the confined institutional circle responsible for crucial social policy decisions. In this institutional terrain, the President and his ministers and policy experts have played the dominant roles. The democratisation since 1987 brought about institutional changes and enabled institutions such as the National Assembly to exercise effective power in social policy-making. The political rationale of social policy is deeply embedded in the structure of social policy institutions, especially the way in which the state intervenes in the financing of welfare programmes. In the mix of welfare financing, the regulator type of state intervention emerges as the dominant feature in Korea. This thesis assesses the outcomes of social policy from two perspectives: the perspectives of redistribution and of social rights. Social policy intervention has so far had little redistributive effect mainly due to the immaturity of the welfare system. In terms of social rights, the universality of rights to health care was achieved in a relatively short period of time. Rights to protection against industrial accidents have made good progress in terms of compensation and protection for the last three decades, despite the limited coverage. However, the quality of social rights that have so far been implemented is low. In two important respects, the approach of the thesis is characterised by methodological broadness. In the policy analysis, the thesis moves beyond an institutional approach to including also the substantive outcomes of institutional changes. In the analysis of outcomes, the thesis covers both the perspective of redistribution and the perspective of social rights.
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9

Kim, Koo-Hyun. "Prospects of Korean Reunification: Analysis of Factors Affecting National Integration." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1992. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc277979/.

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This study examined the prospects of Korean reunification. The study explores how the factors of integration affect North and South Korea after the country was divided into the two sides despite its millennium of unity. A sample of both North and South Korean newspapers covering a 47-year period of Korean reunificational efforts were analyzed as a major source of data to discover if there is any evidence of Korean national will to integrate among Koreans in the two countries. Content analysis is a major method of this research. The most obvious findings of this study are that the newspapers in North Korea did not show any significant change in their tones or attitudes throughout 47-year period studied. The North Korean regime which controls what is published in the papers is still fiercely ideological and hostile toward South Korea. The South Korean papers, on the other hand, showed marked changes in their tones and attitudes toward reunification during this period. Korean reunification remains a matter of time because the political development of South Korea, combined with remarkable economic progress, can surely heal the broken unity and national will among Koreans. The enormous financial burden to rebuild the North Korean economy which will fall upon South Koreans is a major challenge. The road to Korean reunification and the future of reunified Korea depend upon the willingness, wisdom, patience, freedom and courage of the South Koreans to assume the tremendous burden to rebuild North Korea and to strengthen diplomatic relations with the United States as well as neighboring countries to develop more positive inter-Korean relations based upon their cultural, social and economic contacts, cooperations and transactions between the two sides. If Koreans have such willingness, wisdom, patience and courage to accomplish their freedom and hope of unity, the divided Korean peninsula will be reunified and will become one nation again.
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10

Kim, Gyongtaek 1964. "A study of the Boseong River Valley culture." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/11763.

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xix, 331 p. : ill., maps. A print copy of this title is available through the UO Libraries under the call number: KNIGHT GN855.K6 K56 2002
This dissertation explores the development of sociopolitical complexity in southwest Korea's Boseong River Valley. One of the main archaeological tasks currently being pursued in Korea is charting the emergence of complex society there. This dissertation comprehensively reviews the issues and history of research on the subject, then embarks on an analysis of the trajectory towards complexity in a selected region of southwest Korea. A large scale archaeological project in the Boseong River Valley during the 1980s rescued a huge corpus of data threatened by the construction of the Juam Dam project, which has remained undigested, never sufficiently organized or analyzed. I draw on this corpus, organizing and analyzing the data it yields on burial practices and settlement distribution, because these categories of information are particularly useful in examining key research issues. The burial excavations were of unprecedented scope, with 38 1 dolmen graves identified and investigated in 23 locations. Many dolmens have been observed and investigated in Korea, but an excavation sample of this size is unique and presents a rare analytical opportunity. A quantitative analysis of burial furnishings from these dolmens identifies five categories that reflect differing social statuses. Charting the distribution of such burials within the region allows the mapping of zones differentially occupied by persons of varying social status, and the places on the landscape where elite personages were situated. Comparing these patterns with the occurrence of large and small settlements strengthens a picture of a class-differentiated society within the region. Based on this analysis, I conclude that the dolmen period society of the Boseong River Valley had advanced to an intermediate level of sociopolitical complexity. In conclusion, the archaeological evidence is discussed with reference to historical events in the region, as these are known from ancient Chinese and Korean chronicles, to propose an interpretation of the growth of cultural development in the Boseong River Valley in relation to broader developments in southern Korea.
Committee in charge: Dr. C Melvin Aikens, Chair; Dr. Song Nai Rhee; Dr. William Ayres; Dr. Hao Wang
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11

Jun, In Organisation &amp Management Australian School of Business UNSW. "Korea employers' federation and Korean industrial relations." 2007. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/40642.

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This thesis examines and explains the development of the KEF between its formation in 1970 and 2003. Using a historical and case study approach, the thesis analyses the strategic behaviours of the KEF. The guiding questions shaping this thesis are drawn from the intersection of resource dependence theory and the literature on employer associations. In response to these questions, chronological narrative explains the development of Korea's political economy and industrial relations between 1970 and 2003 as it affected the KEF. It pays particular attention to the growth of the chaebols -- family-owned and controlled business conglomerates -- as political as well as economic forces, their changing relations with government and their labour management strategies. This thesis argues that when Korea's chaebol owners formed their association, the KEF, they did so in the absence of immediate clear or concrete challenges to their business interests. Instead, they evaluated the likelihood of some future external challenges and chose to act on these perceptions. In particular, they strategically chose to prepare for the possible re-emergence of an independent labour movement many years into the future rather than trust forever in governments? repressive systems of labour control. Resource dependence theory proved useful for examining the KEF's internal dynamics. The KEF and its chaebol members were linked through asymmetric inter-dependence. The chaebols dominated KEF membership, took financial responsibility for KEF operations and formally ruled through its governance structure. The KEF's high dependence on the chaebols inhibited any shift away from its chaebol-dominated profile. This also meant that the KEF leadership found it extremely difficult to exert control over member firms' behaviour. However, as the relationship between the chaebols and their external environment changed, internal power resources (industrial relations expertise) and external ones (a militant union movement, tripartite arrangements) helped the KEF Secretariat increase its authority. This allowed it to achieve greater discretionary power in its internal and external domains.
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12

Makau, Kongko Louis. "Aspects of the experiences of 10 women in MK : 1976-1988." Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10210/3842.

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M.A.
The year 1976 will always go down the history of South Africa as the pinnacle and turning point in the country’s politics by the unwavering stand took by the students, males and females alike in the education field to fight apartheid in all its forms. It was during this time that the borders of South Africa became sieve to its youth when they fled to neighbouring states to join the outlawed ANC in a special and only mission to unseat apartheid by way of military action, which, by then seemed the only option. In this mission, these women had to be like any liberation soldier whose main intention was to fight for his/her country and liberate its people from all forms of oppression. The entry and active participation of women who, largely were in their teens and of school going age, in MK was a great contribution and sacrifice that the South African women ever ventured into in a quest to liberate their country politically. This was a watershed in the history of the military or army in this land, because, for the first time, such a step of joining an army did not go along with remuneration package whatsoever attached as an incentive. These women saw MK as their last option and a difficult choice to make in the face of the suppression, torture and cold blooded killings they had to deal with regularly from the apartheid security forces. It was the peaceful mass protest actions by students, residents and workers against the unjust apartheid policies that finally led to the adoption of the armed struggle which women joined in an attempt to make a contribution. Their involvement in the liberation struggle was sacrifice in any definition in the sense that most of them had to abandon their schooling, their dreams, families, comfort of their homes to venture and forage into the unknown foreign lands to prepare to take part in a war or open confrontation against the well trained, well equipped and sophisticated SADF. These women ventured into this with the full knowledge of the repercussions and risks that went along with their actions that they stood to suffer greatly. Yet, they saw that as the only viable solution to their own circumstances they faced rather and opted to take the risk than to stay in the highly unsafe townships and locations which were supposed to be their safe homes.
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13

Kim, Chi Wook. "Investable politics: political institutions, international diffusion, and global stock markets." Thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/2905.

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14

Kang, Wha In. "The media-government relations comparative analysis of the United States, South Korea and North Korea's media coverage of foreign policy." 2007. http://hdl.rutgers.edu/1782.2/rucore10001600001.ETD.17108.

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15

Muller, Marlene. "A theopolitical study concerning the interrelation between the Government of National Unity and religion in post-apartheid South Africa (1988-1999) with specific reference to the Dutch Reformed Church and the Anglican Church." Thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10530/324.

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Submitted in accordance with the requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in the Faculty of Arts in the subject ETHICS at the University of Zululand, 2008.
The year 2004 marked South Africa's celebration of ten years of democracy as encapsulated by guaranteeing a better life for all. The gap between the rich and the poor as well as moral degradation challenges the euphoria of our young democracy. The South African government's commitment to non-racism, justice, democracy and non-sexism constitutes a centre of values that challenges us all to live better lives. This social-democratic society is a secular expression of a Biblical social vision. Within the juxtaposition of Theopoiitics and secularism, this research explicates the challenges of liberal and secular laws as imposed on a fervently religious country. Theopoiitics, as described as the continual interrelationship between government and church, is firmly cemented in South Africa. Nevertheless, how far would the secular, socialist-inclined government go in distancing itself from religious interference? How willing are churches to move away from a marginalised social agent to become a re-energised moral watchdog? Consequently, South Africa's transformative democracy needs to rediscover its spiritual heritage, while churches and Christianity need to invigorate Theopoiitics to participate in and guarantee the realisation of a just democratic order. This study therefore examines the level of interaction between church and state, specifically the Anglican Church and the Dutch Reformed Church. Furthermore, the degree of representation of church attendants and the electorate, as linked to transformation and their leaders in church and government respectively, are scrutinised. In conclusion, it becomes apparent that Theopoiitics will continue to play a role in the secular South Africa. Church-state relationships will be united in their shared vision of a fair, just and socio-economically viable South Africa.
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