Relevant bibliographies by topics / Korea (South) – Politics and government – 1988-

Academic literature on the topic 'Korea (South) – Politics and government – 1988-'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 19 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Korea (South) – Politics and government – 1988-"

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Kim, Jinwung. "Participating in Nation-Building: The Role of the “Military Government Police” in South Korean Politics, 1946-1948." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 17, no. 2 (2010): 174–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187656110x531989.

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AbstractThis study analyzes the role of the “military government police” in South Korean politics during American military occupation, 1946-48. It stresses that the Korean National Police (KNP), many of whose members had served in the police under the Japanese, was not a mere instrument of the United States Army Military Government in Korea (USAMGIK) but functioned as an active participant in the creation of a rightist regime in southern Korea. More specifically, the police were the undisputed “vanguard” of the rightist Syngman Rhee-Korean Democratic Party (KDP) coalition. The police force also functioned as the “big brother” of the rightist youth organizations which shared values and ideology with them. Finally, the police served as the “midwife” in the creation of the Rhee regime in the Republic of Korea. In sum, the KNP was an important political player actively taking part in the political process during U.S. military occupation.
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KWON, HYEOK YONG. "Targeting Public Spending in a New Democracy: Evidence from South Korea." British Journal of Political Science 35, no. 2 (February 21, 2005): 321–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123405000177.

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Empirical studies of electoral competition and public policy in new democracies have been relatively underdeveloped. This article investigates the election-policy outcome link in a ‘hard case’ setting: South Korea in 1988–97. Contrary to expectations derived from the bureaucratic insulation or fiscal co-ordination argument, this study suggests a systematic impact of electoral competition on levels and distributive patterns of public spending. The analysis finds that levels of government expenditure increased according to the electoral calendar. Also, national subsidies tended to be allocated to ‘swing’ provinces in which electoral contests are competitive. The results of the analysis clearly show that fiscal policies in democratizing Korea are to a significant extent determined by electoral politics.
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Nam, Sanghui. "The Women's Movement and the Transformation of the Family Law in South Korea. Interactions Between Local, National and Global Structures." European Journal of East Asian Studies 9, no. 1 (2010): 67–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156805810x517670.

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AbstractThis paper examines the revision of the family law and the abolition of the head-of-family system in South Korea in 2005. Although the 1948 constitution guaranteed gender equality and women's suffrage, the family law remained male-oriented and discriminatory. Fifty years of struggle for the revision of the family law show that the patrilineal familial hierarchy is not merely a product of 'outdated' values, but deeply rooted and continually practised in Korean society. The landmark reform of the family law will be analysed in connection with the local women's movement, national politics and international organisations. In the beginning, the women's movement was led by pioneer feminists who established local women's organisations and submitted petitions to national lawmakers. In the early 1970s, feminist groups began to continuously mobilise the grassroots. After the transition to democracy in the late 1980s, public approval for the abolition of the head-of-family system began to grow at the local level. At the same time, the government increasingly signed up to international treaties and adjusted to global norms. With expanding political opportunities locally and globally, the women's movement was able to increase the pressure on the national government. Finally, the National Assembly voted for the abolition of the head-of-family system.
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Park, Jeong-Mi. "Liberation or purification? Prostitution, women’s movement and nation building in South Korea under US military occupation, 1945–1948." Sexualities 22, no. 7-8 (November 20, 2018): 1053–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1363460718782968.

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This article investigates postcolonial South Korea’s prostitution policy as a focal point of sexual politics in the undertaking of nation building under US military occupation (1945–1948). It clarifies that the discourse on prostitution served as a forum for competing visions of a new nation: socialism versus nationalism, and women’s liberation versus national purification. It analyzes the paradoxical process by which the women’s campaign to abolish one colonial legacy of prostitution (‘Authorization-Regulation’) eventually resulted in retaining another legacy (‘Toleration-Regulation’) in a new guise. It conceptualizes the postcolonial prostitution policy that combined regulation and prohibition as a ‘Toleration-Regulation Regime,’ arguing that it was a compromise between the US military government and South Korean elites. Finally, this article demonstrates that building the nation was also a process of making female subalterns, prostitutes.
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Shim, Jaemin. "Left is right and right is left? Partisan difference on social welfare and particularistic benefits in Japan, South Korea and Taiwan." Journal of International and Comparative Social Policy 36, no. 1 (March 2020): 25–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ics.2020.2.

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AbstractThis paper investigates elite-level partisan differences along the socioeconomic dimension in three developed East Asian democracies – Japan, South Korea and Taiwan. On the one hand, the mainstream literature in welfare studies and party politics expects left- and right-leaning parties should vary significantly in utilizing social policy promises. On the other hand, the path dependency logic tells us that left–right difference should be found over particularistic benefits, such as agricultural subsidies or construction projects, considering that these were central means for right-leaning parties to maintain their power during the developmental state period in the three countries. Using an original bill-sponsorship data set between 1987 and 2012, we find that there has not been any substantial difference in the agenda setting of conventional social welfare bills between left- and right-wing government periods. However, a clear elective affinity can be observed between established right-wing parties and particularistic benefits. The paper shows that contextualizing key political actors' preferences can lead to a more systematic understanding of political dynamics behind the socioeconomic dimension in non-Anglo-European countries.
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Tun, Sai Khaing Myo. "A Comparative Study of State-Led Development in Myanmar (1988–2010) and Suharto's Indonesia: An Approach from the Developmental State Theory." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 30, no. 1 (March 2011): 69–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810341103000103.

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This article explores the institutionalization of state-led development in Myanmar after 1988 in comparison with Suharto's Indonesia. The analysis centres on the characteristics and theory of developmental states that emerged from the studies of East Asian countries like Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan. In Southeast Asia, Suharto's Indonesia was perceived as a successful case and was studied by scholars in line with the characteristics of the developmental state. The Tatmadaw (military) government in Myanmar was believed to follow the model of state-led development in Indonesia under Suharto where the military took the role of establishing economic and political development. However, Myanmar has yet to achieve its goal of building a successful state-led development. Therefore, this paper argues that implementing an efficient and effective institutionalization is essential for a successful state-led development (developmental state) in Myanmar.
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Kim, Inhan. "Land Reform in South Korea under the U.S. Military Occupation, 1945–1948." Journal of Cold War Studies 18, no. 2 (April 2016): 97–129. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00639.

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The conventional wisdom regarding land reform in South Korea implemented by the United States Army Military Government in Korea (USAMGIK) is that it was a partial and short-term palliative driven by the exigent Communist threat and the free-land program adopted in North Korea. This article offers a new interpretation of the motives, process, and impact of the land reform program under the U.S. military occupation, highlighting three points. First, the United States was serious about conducting a land-to-tiller program because of its desire to stop Communism and pave the way for democracy in South Korea. Both goals were important. Second, the partial reform in March 1948 is explained by volatile political circumstances in South Korea: strong Communist activity at the beginning of the occupation and the rise of intransigent conservatives at the end. Third, the U.S.-sponsored land reform catalyzed further reform by the new South Korean government by setting a precedent and establishing guidelines for land redistribution parcel sizes, prices, and payment schedules.
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Hahm, Sung Deuk, and Sooho Song. "The Impact of the Korean Wave on South Korea–Taiwan Relations." Asian Survey 61, no. 2 (March 2021): 217–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2021.61.2.217.

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Ever since the concept of soft power was introduced, there has been debate about what it is and how it works. We join the debate by studying how the success of Korean cultural products in Taiwan has improved the relationship between South Korea and Taiwan. The two countries normalized their relationship in 1948 and maintained cooperation until the severance of formal ties in 1992 because of South Korea’s rapprochement with China. Beginning in early 2000, however, South Korea’s cultural products have enjoyed great success in Taiwan. Since that time, the relationship between the two countries has significantly improved, including trade and tourism expansion, increased Taiwanese direct investment in South Korea, and policy changes by Taiwan’s government. These changes provide empirical evidence of soft power.
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Patterson, Dennis, and Jangsup Choi. "POLICY AND PRACTICE IN ODA DISBURSEMENTS: AN ANALYSIS OF CHANGES IN SOUTH KOREA'S OFFICIAL DEVELOPMENT ASSISTANCE." Journal of East Asian Studies 19, no. 2 (June 13, 2019): 239–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jea.2019.17.

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AbstractSouth Korea is the only nation to become an important donor nation after being a recipient of Official Development Assistance (ODA) for several decades. In 2010, it became a member of the OECD's Development Assistance Committee, and while it has continued to use its experience as a former ODA recipient to inform its distribution practices, it also has evolved its ODA policies in response to changes in international norms and the imperatives associated with being a DAC-member nation. We know that, while policies may change, actual ODA disbursements—which nations are selected as recipients and receive ODA in what amounts—may lag or even remain unchanged. In this paper, we use the case of South Korea to determine how actual ODA disbursements change in response to policy changes. To accomplish this, we use a selection model to conduct a statistical analysis of South Korea's ODA disbursements using dyadic data from 1987 to 2016. Our results indicate that, while there has been continuity in terms of which nations receive South Korean ODA, there were also notable changes in its disbursements. Specifically, the ODA policy changes the South Korean government enacted did result in an altered profile of nations that were targeted by South Korea as ODA recipients.
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Heo, Inhye. "The Revival of ‘Big Government’ Discourse in South Korea, 2017." Journal of Asian and African Studies 54, no. 6 (May 16, 2019): 913–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909619848075.

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After the democratisation of South Korea in 1987, political discourse on ‘big government’ nearly disappeared, largely because it recalled past authoritarianism. Authoritarian states are highly likely to employ ‘big government’ – exerting policy influence over the distribution of private resources – to sustain their political power, and Korea’s authoritarian state was no exception. Thus, newly inaugurated President Moon Jae-in’s official implication that he would pursue big government is notable, because he claimed to represent pro-democracy groups that opposed both historical authoritarianism and the former president’s undemocratic governance. In this context, this study examines external and internal political-economic factors behind the revival of big government discourse in Korea. Results show that critical factors included the lack of pressure in the global capitalist market and the dominance of governmentalists over marketists in the political-economic discourse influencing the administration’s maintenance and expansion of its political foundation.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Korea (South) – Politics and government – 1988-"

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Kim, Sae Jung. "The political economy of authoritarianism : state-propelled industrialization and the persistent authoritarian state in South Korea, 1961-1979." Thesis, McGill University, 1986. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=74034.

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Kang, Kyung-Tae. "Korean Electoral Behavior: The 1992 and 1997 Presidential Elections." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2000. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/53965233.html.

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Leung, Lai-sheung. "Comparing government : big business relations in South Korea and Taiwan /." Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1997. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B18736646.

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Jung, Chang-Hoon. "A study of the changing state-business relations in South Korea focusing on the Roh Tae Woo regime (1988-1993) /." Seoul, Korea : Graduate Institute of Peace Studies, Kyung Hee University, 1993. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/53805695.html.

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Thesis (Master of Political Science)--Kyung Hee University, 1993.
"Thesis presented to the Graduate Institute of Peace Studies, Kyung Hee University, Seoul, Korea in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the degree of Master of Political Science"--Added t.p. Includes bibliographical references (p. 95-100).
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Leung, Lai-sheung, and 梁麗嫦. "Comparing government: big business relations in South Korea and Taiwan." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1997. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31951417.

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Hermanns, Heike Dorothee. "The state of democratic consolidation in Korea decentralisation and participation in local politics 1988-1998 /." Thesis, Boston Spa, U.K. : British Library Document Supply Centre, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?did=1&uin=uk.bl.ethos.311169.

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Rivenburgh, Nancy Kay. "National image richness in televised coverage of South Korea during the 1988 Seoul Olympia Games /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/6138.

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Kwon, Huck-ju. "The welfare state in Korea : the politics of legitimation." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1995. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:0122ba8d-c67d-43c2-a735-a9a5b73349f6.

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This thesis analyses the development of the Korean welfare system since the 1960s within the institutional dynamics of Korean politics. Its aim is to contribute to the understanding of Korean politics through the analysis of the Korean welfare state. The thesis argues that the making of social policy has been determined primarily by the politics of legitimation, in particular before democratisation. This thesis identifies the confined institutional circle responsible for crucial social policy decisions. In this institutional terrain, the President and his ministers and policy experts have played the dominant roles. The democratisation since 1987 brought about institutional changes and enabled institutions such as the National Assembly to exercise effective power in social policy-making. The political rationale of social policy is deeply embedded in the structure of social policy institutions, especially the way in which the state intervenes in the financing of welfare programmes. In the mix of welfare financing, the regulator type of state intervention emerges as the dominant feature in Korea. This thesis assesses the outcomes of social policy from two perspectives: the perspectives of redistribution and of social rights. Social policy intervention has so far had little redistributive effect mainly due to the immaturity of the welfare system. In terms of social rights, the universality of rights to health care was achieved in a relatively short period of time. Rights to protection against industrial accidents have made good progress in terms of compensation and protection for the last three decades, despite the limited coverage. However, the quality of social rights that have so far been implemented is low. In two important respects, the approach of the thesis is characterised by methodological broadness. In the policy analysis, the thesis moves beyond an institutional approach to including also the substantive outcomes of institutional changes. In the analysis of outcomes, the thesis covers both the perspective of redistribution and the perspective of social rights.
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Kim, Koo-Hyun. "Prospects of Korean Reunification: Analysis of Factors Affecting National Integration." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1992. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc277979/.

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This study examined the prospects of Korean reunification. The study explores how the factors of integration affect North and South Korea after the country was divided into the two sides despite its millennium of unity. A sample of both North and South Korean newspapers covering a 47-year period of Korean reunificational efforts were analyzed as a major source of data to discover if there is any evidence of Korean national will to integrate among Koreans in the two countries. Content analysis is a major method of this research. The most obvious findings of this study are that the newspapers in North Korea did not show any significant change in their tones or attitudes throughout 47-year period studied. The North Korean regime which controls what is published in the papers is still fiercely ideological and hostile toward South Korea. The South Korean papers, on the other hand, showed marked changes in their tones and attitudes toward reunification during this period. Korean reunification remains a matter of time because the political development of South Korea, combined with remarkable economic progress, can surely heal the broken unity and national will among Koreans. The enormous financial burden to rebuild the North Korean economy which will fall upon South Koreans is a major challenge. The road to Korean reunification and the future of reunified Korea depend upon the willingness, wisdom, patience, freedom and courage of the South Koreans to assume the tremendous burden to rebuild North Korea and to strengthen diplomatic relations with the United States as well as neighboring countries to develop more positive inter-Korean relations based upon their cultural, social and economic contacts, cooperations and transactions between the two sides. If Koreans have such willingness, wisdom, patience and courage to accomplish their freedom and hope of unity, the divided Korean peninsula will be reunified and will become one nation again.
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Kim, Gyongtaek 1964. "A study of the Boseong River Valley culture." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/11763.

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xix, 331 p. : ill., maps. A print copy of this title is available through the UO Libraries under the call number: KNIGHT GN855.K6 K56 2002
This dissertation explores the development of sociopolitical complexity in southwest Korea's Boseong River Valley. One of the main archaeological tasks currently being pursued in Korea is charting the emergence of complex society there. This dissertation comprehensively reviews the issues and history of research on the subject, then embarks on an analysis of the trajectory towards complexity in a selected region of southwest Korea. A large scale archaeological project in the Boseong River Valley during the 1980s rescued a huge corpus of data threatened by the construction of the Juam Dam project, which has remained undigested, never sufficiently organized or analyzed. I draw on this corpus, organizing and analyzing the data it yields on burial practices and settlement distribution, because these categories of information are particularly useful in examining key research issues. The burial excavations were of unprecedented scope, with 38 1 dolmen graves identified and investigated in 23 locations. Many dolmens have been observed and investigated in Korea, but an excavation sample of this size is unique and presents a rare analytical opportunity. A quantitative analysis of burial furnishings from these dolmens identifies five categories that reflect differing social statuses. Charting the distribution of such burials within the region allows the mapping of zones differentially occupied by persons of varying social status, and the places on the landscape where elite personages were situated. Comparing these patterns with the occurrence of large and small settlements strengthens a picture of a class-differentiated society within the region. Based on this analysis, I conclude that the dolmen period society of the Boseong River Valley had advanced to an intermediate level of sociopolitical complexity. In conclusion, the archaeological evidence is discussed with reference to historical events in the region, as these are known from ancient Chinese and Korean chronicles, to propose an interpretation of the growth of cultural development in the Boseong River Valley in relation to broader developments in southern Korea.
Committee in charge: Dr. C Melvin Aikens, Chair; Dr. Song Nai Rhee; Dr. William Ayres; Dr. Hao Wang
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Books on the topic "Korea (South) – Politics and government – 1988-"

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1955-, Roehrig Terence, ed. South Korea since 1980. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010.

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Heo, Uk. South Korea since 1980. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010.

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Heo, Uk. South Korea since 1980. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010.

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Hak-chun, Kim. North and South Korea: Internal politics and external relations since 1988. [Mississauga, Ont.]: Society for Korean and Related Studies, 2006.

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88 chʻongsŏn keim. Sŏul Tʻŭkpyŏlsi: Ungbisa, 1988.

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Yi, Chŏng-bok. Hanʾguk ŭi chŏngchʻijok kwaje. Sŏul-si: Sŏul Taehakkyo Chʻulpʻanbu, 1997.

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From transition to power alternation: Democracy in South Korea, 1987-1997. New York: Routledge, 2002.

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Han Yong-wǒn hoegorok: 1980-yŏn pabodŭl ŭi haengjin. Sǒul-si: Sŏnin, 2012.

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Yun, Chʻŏn-ju. Tʻupʻyo haengtʻae mit chʻamyo ŭi pyŏnhwa wa chŏngchʻi palchŏn. Korea: s.n., 1985.

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Parteien und politische Entwicklung Südkoreas: Die Bedeutung der progressiven Parteien für die politische Entwicklung Südkoreas unter der US-Militärbesatzung 1945-1948. Frankfurt am Main: P. Lang, 1988.

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Book chapters on the topic "Korea (South) – Politics and government – 1988-"

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Yap, Fiona. "Term Limits in South Korea." In The Politics of Presidential Term Limits, 451–72. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198837404.003.0022.

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South Korea’s single five-year term limit for the presidency is among the shortest office terms for a head of government. This chapter traces constitutional revisions in the country before and following the 1987 Constitution to show how the term limit represents a hard-fought critical principle of democratic accountability following a history of autocratic authority in the hands of presidents willing to use force to get into office or extend their tenure. At the same time, the unwelcome outcome of the term limit is a political system where the president as leader has few incentives to shift focus to the parties or legislature, which contributes to under-institutionalization in the country and fuels policy gridlock and conflict. The unsatisfactory fit of principle and outcome explains why talk of reforms has surfaced regularly since 1987; while none has been adopted, political and policy progress in the country clearly hinge on mediating principle with better outcomes.
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Graves, Kori A. "Conclusion." In A War Born Family, 223–34. NYU Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.18574/nyu/9781479872329.003.0007.

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Throughout the 1970s and 1980s, Korean transnational adoption would evolve to place more full Korean than mixed-race Korean children with families in Western nations. This shift was a consequence of political, social, economic, and cultural changes in South Korea and the United States that altered adoption priorities in both nations. As Western nations invested more money in orphanages and facilities to care for displaced, poor, and orphaned Korean children in South Korea, the Korean government embraced transnational adoption as an economic and social welfare solution. This transition helped to make invisible the struggles of Korea’s mixed-race populations and the vulnerable Korean women who became entangled in military prostitution. International media scrutiny has brought attention to the tragic circumstances that shape the lives of mixed-race Koreans and the Korean women who continue to relinquish their children for adoption. Events like the 1988 Summer Olympics in Seoul and the return of Korean black NFL football player Hines Ward Jr. to Seoul after he received the Super Bowl MVP in 2006 have forced Korean political leaders to reckon with the historical legacies of gender and racial oppression that have contributed to the marginalization of these populations.
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Bukh, Alexander. "The “Protect Dokdo” Movement in South Korea." In These Islands Are Ours, 96–127. Stanford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.11126/stanford/9781503611894.003.0004.

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Having its roots in the democratization movement, the “Protect Dokdo” movement in South Korea was shaped by the post-1987 socio-political and economic developments which that culminated in the 1997 financial crisis. The “Protect Dokdo” movement was a response to this critical juncture, a discursive attempt to re-create Korean national subjectivity by replicating but also modifying the national identity construct of the democratization movement. The eEmbracement of the Dokdo cause by the central government from 2005 onwards, impacted influenced both the movement’s structure and its narrative. From the symbol of the Korean nation juxtaposed with the perceived symbiosis of the domestic ruling elites and Japan, “Dokdo” transformed into a symbol of the Korean “‘self’” juxtaposed solely with the Japanese “other.”
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Barany, Zoltan. "After Military Rule in Asia: South Korea, Thailand, and Indonesia." In The Soldier and the Changing State. Princeton University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691137681.003.0007.

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This chapter discusses three Asian states: South Korea, Thailand, and Indonesia. The “good” case, South Korea, has been remarkably successful in consolidating democracy and carving out a proper place in the new institutional architecture for its armed forces. The “bad” case is Thailand where, after a promising though difficult fifteen-year democratization process, the military overthrew the elected government in 2006. Finally, the “interesting” case is Indonesia, the world's most populous Muslim-majority state, where, against the expectations of most experts, the armed forces' political presence and influence have gradually diminished since 1998. The chapter explains why Korean officers have become the servants of the state, why their Indonesian colleagues have more or less given up their intention to run their country, and why members of the Royal Thai Armed Forces (RTAF) have been far more reluctant to relinquish their political role.
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Macdonald, Donald Stone. "Politics and Government of the Republic of Korea (South Korea)." In The Koreans, edited by Donald N. Clark, 115–63. Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429492808-4.

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Rock, Michael T., and David P. Angel. "East Asia’s Sustainability Challenge." In Industrial Transformation in the Developing World. Oxford University Press, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199270040.003.0009.

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Since the 1960s, developing Asia has been going through a historically unprecedented process of urbanization and industrialization. This process, which began in East Asia with Japan after World War II (Johnson 1982), then spread first to Korea (Amsden 1989; Rock 1992; Westphal 1978), Taiwan Province of China (Wade 1990), Hong Kong, China (Haggard 1990), and Singapore (Huff 1999) and subsequently to Indonesia (Hill 1996), Malaysia (Jomo 2001), Thailand (Pongpaichit 1980; Rock 1994), and China has spawned enormous interest. While most of the debate surrounding the East Asian development experience has centered on the proximate causes of its development trajectory and the economic and political consequences of this trajectory for the East Asian newly industrializing economies (NIEs), because Asia looms so large in the global economy and ecology, interest has belatedly turned to the environmental consequences of East Asia’s development path and to the political economy of governmental responses to deteriorating environmental conditions in the region (Brandon and Ramankutty 1993; Rock 2002a). The focus on the environment came none too soon. Rapid urbanization, industrialization, and globalization in the East Asian NIEs, when combined with ‘grow first, clean up later’ environmental policies, have resulted in average levels of air particulates approximately five times higher than in OECD countries and twice the world average (Asian Development Bank 1997). Not surprisingly, of the 60 developing country cities on which the World Bank (2004: 164–5) reports urban air quality, 62% (10 of 16) are in developing East Asia, all but one of the rest are in South Asia. Measures of water pollution in East Asia, such as biological oxygen demand (BOD) and levels of suspended solids are also substantially above world averages (Lohani 1998). With the prospect for further rapid urban-industrial growth rooted in the attraction of foreign direct investment and the export of manufactures in East Asia, the rest of Asia, and the rest of the developing world as the East Asian ‘model of development’ spreads, local, regional, and global environmental conditions may well get worse before they get better (Rock et al. 2000). At the core of this environmental challenge in East Asia is rapid urban industrial growth.
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