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Published: 25 July 2024

Last updated: 31 July 2024

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1

Park, Jong Koo. "An analytical study of the contemporary movement of the world mission of the Korean church and a projection to AD 2000 with an illustration of the Mission Right-Way campaign of the Inter-Mission International /." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1994. http://www.tren.com.

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2

Chang, Ik-Seong. "Evangelizing North Korea a comparative study of South Korean mission programs /." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1999. http://www.tren.com.

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3

Moon, Moon Chan. "A world mission counterpart of the Korean church : from the advance of home mission to the partnership of overseas mission." Thesis, University of Wales Trinity Saint David, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.683295.

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4

Han, Kang-Hee. "Empires, missions, and education : mission schools and resistance movements in modern Korea, 1885-1919." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/17074.

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This thesis discusses the emergence of anti-Japanese resistance movements based on mission schools in Seoul and Pyongyang established by American Northern Presbyterian missionaries in turn-of-the-twentieth-century Korea. It examines how Korean elites from the schools, despite Japanese surveillance, took part in national independence activities by orchestrating diverse systematic anti-Japanese organizations at home and abroad. It is also explored how educational missionaries influenced the formation and development of Koreans’ national consciousness and anticolonial activism, thereby unveiling missionary attitudes toward Korean independence and the Japanese colonial regime. This thesis broadly explores three key issues. Firstly, this research demonstrates the subtle interplay between mission education and socio-political dimensions of Korea in the imperialist milieu of East Asia. This issue pays particular attention to hegemonic contest between American missionaries and Japanese colonialists over mission schools, emerged in the imperialist landscape of Western powers. This study traces how the unique but mutually incompatible projects of evangelization and colonization pursued by missionaries and colonialists respectively encountered in a site of mission education. It is also important to note the clash between American democratic ideas and Japanese values, each in their own way trying to civilize the Koreans. Secondly, this study illuminates the connection between Koreans’ expectation of mission education amidst foreign imperialist threats to Korea and their collective vision of making a sovereign nation. Especially, pro-Protestant Korean reformers attributed Korea’s inability to check the imperialist intrusion to Confucian civilization and sinocentrism deeply rooted in Korea. Therefore, under an epoch-making slogan of ‘civilization and enlightenment’, the reformers sought modern Western elements derived from mission education in order to protect Korea from imperialism and simultaneously to develop it into a strong ‘civilized’ nation. For them, mission schools were not simply religious institutions for evangelism, but incubators to produce national leaders for Korean independence and restoration of sovereignty by diffusing liberating knowledge and patriotic sentiment throughout Korea. Mission education thus had multiple objectives and roles in a particular historical condition of Korea. Lastly, this thesis considers the anticolonial discourse and praxis of mission-educated Koreans during Japan’s early colonial era of Korea. The modernizing vision of Korean reformers flowed into the curricula and contents of mission education, Korean students imbibing Western concepts such as democracy, equality, and freedom related to Korean nationalism. This intellectual interaction imbued the students with critical consciousness reflecting their colonial reality, leading them to form anti-Japanese organizations intended to subvert the colonial regime. The anticolonial activism of Korean students reinforced the tense interaction between missionaries and colonialists. The principle of political non-interventionism taken by the missionaries crumbled away when the students engaged in anti-Japanese movements, and the missionary involvement in colonial politics resulted in the colonialists’ policies to eliminate missionary power in mission education. Observing the advent of anticolonial activism in mission schools, this research elucidates the unintended missionary links with Korean resistance movements against Japanese colonialism and for Korean independence.

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5

Cho, Oe-Sun. "Kirche und Recht in Korea : Entstehung, Organisation und Rechtsgrundlagen der katholischen Mission in Korea /." Hamburg : Kovač, 2004. http://www.gbv.de/dms/spk/sbb/recht/toc/365036463.pdf.

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6

Kim, Yang-Tae. "A holistic mission for the Korean Church : considered against the background of the 19th century western missionary movement in Korea." Thesis, University of Wales Trinity Saint David, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.683221.

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7

Lim, Kyung Taeg. "A comparative analysis of programming and budgeting for mission fund development in local churches of Kwangju, Kyunggi Province, Korea." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1999. http://www.tren.com.

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8

Verdier-Shin, Marie-Laure. "Contextualised mission : the South Korean evangelical response to the humanitarian crisis in North Korea (1995-2012)." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2014. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/18435/.

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The task of this research is to examine how South Korean evangelicals construct their mission strategy to North Korea. In order to respond to the humanitarian concerns in North Korea, South Korean evangelicals have established or used already existing humanitarian organisations (also known as faith-based organisations in the secular field) and carried out holistic mission in North Korea. This research seeks to demonstrate how they have responded to the perceived needs of the mission field while respecting the socio-political conditions imposed both by the South and North Korean governments. However, it is also argued that they are ready to challenge South Korean governments when necessary through advocacy and that they desire to transform North Korean society and challenge the state of division. Their aim is to work for the reconstruction and reunification of an imagined Christian nation. By comparing the Korean peninsula to biblical Israel, their goal is to restore God's glory in Pyongyang which was once called the Jerusalem of the East. However, some evangelicals reflect on mission strategies to North Korea and seek to understand the North Korean worldview better, this research suggests that they are considering implementing cross-cultural missiological principles to pursue their mission successfully. This research argues that evangelicals have been shaped by and have engaged with their context: evangelicals have never been apolitical, as they have always been driven by a strong sense of Christian nationalism. Equally, this research argues that in spite of the rhetoric, they have also been concerned to a certain extent with issues of poverty and injustices.

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9

Kim, Paul Jong-Woong. "The development of a church-planting strategy for the Korean Evangelical Holiness Church mission." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1996. http://www.tren.com.

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10

Kim, Hwal-young. "Mission to "Samaria" a history of the China mission of the Presbyterian Church in Korea (1912-1959) /." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1993. http://www.tren.com.

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11

Lee, Yongsoo. "From proto-missional to mega-church : a practical-ecclesiological critique of ecclesial “growth” in Korea." Thesis, University of Pretoria, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/63428.

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12

Hight, Robert Frank Jr. "Reshaping the sword and chrysanthemum: regional implications of expanding the mission of the Japan Self Defense Forces." Thesis, Monterey California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/2272.

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Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited
Since taking office in 2001, Japanese Prime Minister Koizumi has pressed for greater expansion to the mission of the Japan Self Defense Force (JSDF), first by endorsing deployments in support of counter-terrorism operations in the Indian Ocean, and eventually the domestically unpopular decision to deploy to Iraq. Recently, an update to the 1996 National Defense Program Outline was published that accelerated the shift in the mission of the JSDF away from a pure self-defense force capable of operating with the United States in defense of Japan's sovereignty to that of an internationally recognized force capable of conducting operations in varying environments throughout the globe. Japan's accelerated military involvement in world affairs has provoked concerns among neighbors, whose perceptions are often quite different from those of the United States or Japan. Japan's legacy of militarism has created resistance to change among regional partners. In order for changes to succeed without upsetting the regional balance of power, Japan must improve not only the capability, but also the international trust and standing of the JSDF. This thesis provides information to allow policy makers to better understand the challenges that the Government of Japan faces in response to changes in security strategy.
Lieutenant Commander, United States Navy

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13

Hwang, Hong Eyoul. "The mission of the minjung congregation movement in South Korea from 1983 to 1997." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.511482.

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14

Nam, Neung-Hyun. "A disciple-making ministry in the pluralistic world with particular reference to Korea." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1996. http://www.tren.com.

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15

Cho, Ho Seong. "Persecution and martyrdom in the history of Korean church and its implications for the 21st century mission." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN) Access this title online, 2002. http://www.tren.com/search.cfm?p062-0185.

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16

Ahn, K. S. "Mission in unity : an investigation into the question of unity as it has arisen in the Presbyterian Church of Korea and its world mission." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.595396.

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There is an imbalance of literature on church, mission, and unity. It has often been argued the three are so close they can no longer be understood separately; scholars began to use the term ‘mission and unity’ or ‘mission in unity’. However, few, if any, works approach individual national or denominational church history in this comprehensive way. This study is an attempt to fill the gap on the issue of unity in Korean Christianity, particularly the Presbyterian Church of Korea (PCK). The PCK has responded to various foreign challenges in an indigenous way, on the one hand, and has struggled with its own indigenous problems, both ecclesiastical and socio-political, on the other. This study is to examine the process of indigenisation of the issue of unity in the PCK. Centring on the PCK, there have been four simultaneous histories: the church history of the PCK, the mission history of the missions, both expatriate and indigenous, and the ecumenical movement; and the interaction between these histories is indispensable to understand the issue of unity. Through various ecclesiastical and socio-political challenges, the ecumenicity of the PCK continues to grow, although slowly and incompletely, and thus the PCK is expected to play a role of a bridge-builder, as a divided unifier, in the polarised church and the conflict ridden world.

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17

Kim, Shin Kwon. "Antiseptic religion : missionary medicine in 1885-1910 Korea." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:08a03239-997c-495f-86f2-8454eab35fc3.

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The thesis explores the intersection between medicine and religion in the context of colonisation in Korea in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. I will focus on the work of medical missionaries from Europe and North America that pursued perfect cleanliness in body, mind and society, including total abstinence and spiritual cleanliness, by spreading biomedical concept of hygiene. One of the points that I will articulate is the ways in which medicine as a colonising force in its own right worked in the mission field to produce 'the docile bodies of people' in the Foucauldian sense. I will argue that what mission medicine in Korea utilised and relied on for its work was a new concept of cleanliness based on biomedical knowledge, the germ theory, rather than the power of colonisation. It was because mission medicine in Korea often worked without collaborating with direct colonial powers. In this sense, Protestant Christianity and biomedicine shared a common foundation in 'cleanliness.' Consequently, I will try to emphasise the multi-dimensional and multi-directional role of the use of cleanliness as an efficacious tool for control of the body. In relation to the historiography of medicine in Korea, I will argue that Confucianism served the social and cultural control of bodies as a medicalised form and that Christianity tried to replace it by providing new knowledge concerning body, disease, health, and cleanliness. In the same respect, I will explore the historical relationship between the germ theory and missionary medicine in Korea. The germ theories of disease were not simply a new etiology but also an effective cultural implement to change people's lives. Thus, the theories did not simply remain in the realm of medicine but were introduced, disseminated, and applied to all matters relating to the body, including its mental and spiritual aspects, through the concept of cleanliness.

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18

Oh, Kyung Hwan. "Korean missionaries in Southern Africa a discussion and evaluation of Korean missionary activity in Southern Africa, 1980-2006 /." Thesis, Pretoria : [S.n.], 2008. http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd-11072008-142207/.

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19

Yoo, Young-Sik. "The impact of Canadian missionaries in Korea, a historical survey of early Canadian mission work, 1888-1898." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1996. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/NQ27810.pdf.

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20

MacDonald, Laura. ""Minister of the Gospel and doctor of medicine", the Canadian Presbyterian Medical Mission to Korea, 1898-1923." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/MQ54471.pdf.

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21

Ahn, Sung Ho. "Term question in Korea 1882-1911, and its Chinese roots : a study in continuity and divergence." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/5473.

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This thesis aims to study Western missionaries’ theological debate over the choice of the name of God, known as the Term Question, in the Korean Bible, a controversy which implied a certain theological position in terms of the degree of continuity or discontinuity between existing Korean theistic belief and faith in the God of Bible. This thesis seeks three goals. First, it attempts to analyse the Chinese roots of the Term Question in Korea. In China, the Term Question first arose among Roman Catholic missions from 1637 to 1742 between an indigenous Confucian term, Shangti 上帝 (Sovereign on High), favoured by the Jesuits, notably Matteo Ricci, and a neologism, T’ienzhu 天主 (the Lord of Heaven), used by the Dominicans and the Franciscans. A second phase of the Chinese Term Question involved nineteenth-century Protestant missions, and confronted missions with a choice between Shangti, most notably advocated by James Legge of the London Missionary Society, and Shen 神 (a generic term for god), supported by a majority of American missionaries. These three Chinese theistic terms were imported into the Korea mission field. John Ross of the United Presbyterian Church in Manchuria, in his first Korean New Testament (1877-1887), translated the name of God as Hananim, the Supreme Lord of Korean indigenous religion, on the basis of the Shangti edition of the Delegates’ Version. The first Korean Roman Catholics and later the Anglican missions in Korea adopted Ch’onzhu (Chinese T’ienzhu), following Catholic practice in China. A Korean diplomat in Japan, Su-Jung Lee, adopted Shin (Chinese Shen) from the Shen edition of the Chinese Bible, in his Korean Bible translations (1883-1885). The need to choose between the these three Korean theistic terms, derived theologically from the three corresponding Chinese theistic terms, consequently triggered the Term Question in Korea from 1882 to 1911. Second, the thesis argues that there was a significant theological continuity between the Chinese and Korean Term Questions. The Term Question in both China and Korea proceeded on a similar pattern; it was a terminological controversy between an indigenous theistic term (Shangti and Hananim) on the one hand and a neologism (T’ienzhu and Korean Ch’onzhu) or a generic term (Shen and Korean Shin) on the other hand. Central to both Term Questions was the theological issue of whether a primitive monotheism, congruent with Christian belief, had existed among the Chinese and Koreans. It will suggest that whilst those who adhered to a degeneration theory of the history of religions used either Shangti or Hananim as the name of the God of the Bible, those who rejected the existence of primitive monotheism preferred to use the neologism or the generic term. Third, this thesis suggests that there was, nevertheless, a significant divergence between the Term Question in China and that in Korea. Whereas the Term Question in China became polarised for over three centuries between two equal and opposite parties – between the Jesuits (Shangti) and the Dominicans-Franciscans (T’ienzhu), and later between the Shangti party and the Shen party in Protestant missions, that in iv Korea was a short-term argument for three decades between a vast majority (of the Hananim party) and a small minority (the opponents of Hananim). It is argued that the disproportion in Korea in favour of Hananim was due to the much closer analogy between Hananim and the Christian trinity, as seen in the Dan-Gun myth, than was the case with Shangti in Chinese religion. For this reason, the thesis concludes by suggesting that the adoption of the indigenous monotheistic term, Hananim, in a Christian form contributed to the higher rate of growth of the Korean church compared to that of the church in China.

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22

Kim, Hong Man. "The ministries of piety in the Korea mission of the Presbyterian Church in the United States of America (1884-1907) and their contributions to the Korean Presbyterian revival of 1903-1907 a historical study /." Online full text .pdf document, available to Fuller patrons only, 2000. http://www.tren.com.

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23

Song, Hoon. "American Methodist and Presbyterian mission in Korea in the face of the challenges of the first decade of the Japanese occupation, circa 1910-1919." Thesis, Boston University, 2009. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/19821.

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24

an, Jongchol. "Miguk pukchangrogyo sŏnkyosadŭl ŭi hwaltong kwa hanmikwankye, 1931-1948 [The Activities of American Presbyterian (PCUSA) Missionaries and Korean-American Relations, 1931-1948]." Doctoral thesis, Seoul National University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10278/3729345.

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An analysis of American Presbyterian (Presbyterian Church in the United States of America, PCUSA) missionary activities in Korea from 1931 to 1948 allows a better understanding of critical shifts in Korean-American relations. As the largest Protestant missionary denomination in Korea under the Japanese colonial rule (1910-45), the Presbyterian Chosen (Korea) Mission maintained eight mission stations. Four of the eight maintained eight secondary schools. By the mid-1930’s, the colonial government had granted "designated schools" status to the seven schools, thus making them equivalent to government schools. In collaboration with other missionary groups, the Chosen Mission even managed institutions of higher education such as Union Christian (Soongsil) College, Pyungyang Theological Seminary, Chosen Christian (Yeonhi) College, and Severance Medical College. As Protestant missionaries had been active in the areas of education and medical care since the 1880’s, the Japanese Government-General of Korea was inclined to acknowledge their special roles. The fact that the United States, as well as the United Kingdom, had condoned the Japanese take-over of Korea also assured that the colonial regime had no issues with the missionaries. The 1931 Japanese invasion of Manchuria had an adverse effect on their relations. Not only was Japan unable to enlist Western support for its action, worshipping at Shinto shrines was to become a key feature of wartime mobilization, both in mind and body. The Government-General increasingly enforced the worship to commemorate the war dead and to pacify unstable Korean peninsula. Adjacent to Manchuria, the initial target region was none other than Korea’s northwest, the Protestant stronghold where conservative missionaries had already prohibited ancestor worship as an idolatry and viewed the government’s Shinto-related policy with suspicion. All the same, even after beginning to formally require schools to comply, the colonial government did not seek immediate enforcement, though Japanese veteran associations agitated pro-worship demonstrations. In fact, in an effort to maintain good relations with the Chosen Mission, the Government-General did not force any mission school to obey. Seeing no serious problem, the U. S. State Department did not intervene. As the Japanese consolidation of the emperor system shaped colonial policies in the 1930’s in Taiwan and Korea, tension escalated over the worship issue. In November 1935 when the principals of Presbyterian schools in Pyungyang—George S. McCune of Soongsil Boy’s Academy and College and Velma L. Snook of Soongeui Girl’s Academy—refused to comply with the provincial governor’s order concerning the worship, they suffered eviction. The incident effectively marked the end of good relations between the colonial government and the Chosen Mission. At this juncture, the Pyungyang mission station decided to withdraw from educational ministry as the Shinto shrine worship requirement applied to the overall education system in colonial Korea. The 1936 annual meeting of the Chosen Mission backed the decision, but holding on to school properties aroused criticism among Korean Presbyterians. To them, rejecting the Shinto shrine worship was one thing, not offering education to Koreans another. Forming the committees for taking over mission schools from the missionaries, they rushed to effect the transfer, and what resulted was a conflict between Koreans and the Chosen Mission. Similar committees sprang up in Cheolla and South Kyeongsang regions where, respectively, Southern Presbyterians and Australian Presbyterians maintained a mission. Southern Presbyterian Board of Foreign Missions even dispatched its Secretary to Korea to resolve the matter, and this precipitated the withdrawal of missionaries in spite of vehement Korean protests. In contrast, Methodists and Canadian Presbyterians obeyed the Government-General on the Shinto shrine worship issue, and no serious trouble arose. While the Presbyterian Board of Foreign Missions concurred with the 1936 decision by the Chosen Mission, educational missionaries in Seoul, Daegu, and Seoncheon dissented. To be sure, they and other missionaries who advocated continuing missionary schools were in the minority in the Chosen Mission. Led by Horace H. Underwood and Edwin W. Koons, the minority group appealed to the Board of Foreign Missions and argued for the necessity of missionary-managed secondary schools and institutions of higher education in Korea. The American missionaries and diplomats in Japan supported this position, according to which the Shinto shrine worship requirement was a matter of patriotic obligation. After several conferences, the Board of Foreign Missions decided to transfer the mission schools in Korea to Koreans except the schools in Pyungyang—a concession to the minority view. The Chosen Mission’s majority dissented, and some left the denomination for a more "conservative" one. After Korea’s liberation in 1945, some of them would support Koryeo Theological seminary in South Kyeongsang Province. Eventually, Presbyterian mission schools in Pyungyang were closed, and those in other regions were taken by Korean Presbyteries and school boards. Upon commencing its attack on mainland China in 1937, Japan began mobilizing Korea for war. The Government-General found that increasing the Korean people’s access to basic education will be good for securing Korean cooperation. In this milieu, it allowed Koreans to continue running the mission schools as well as even allowing Japanese schools to absorb them. Thus even before the commencement of the Pacific War (1941-45) with the U. S., American missionaries had withdrawn from the area of education in colonial Korea. With bitterness and anger, they returned to America except for a small number that remained in Korea. The latter eventually suffered internment upon the outbreak of the war, but in June 1942 Japan returned them to the U. S. in exchange for interned Japanese nationals. Repatriated Americans produced vivid reports on the conditions in wartime Korea. During the early stage of the war when the Japanese advancement continued and the Republic of Korea Provisional Government (ROKPG) in China sought recognition by Allied powers, Korea-related information from the returning Americans was invaluable to the U. S. government. In spite of the reports stressing Korean zeal for independence, however, returned Americans generally deemed mobilizing Koreans for anti-Japanese activity virtually impossible. And pessimism expressed in the reports about Korean independence and descriptions of divisions among Korean independence activists further strengthened the State Department’s skepticism. Most repatriated missionaries actively cooperated with the American government, and some worked for intelligence agencies. Among them, a new generation of Americans wanted the U. S. government to support the ROKPG and various Korean coalitions in the U. S.—a stance different from that of old Asia hand’s. Even among the older missionaries that had spent decades in Korea, some formed an organization to help the Korean independence movement under Syngman Rhee. The Presbyterian Board of Foreign Missions recognized that the post-war missionary activity in Korea will require Korean cooperation, and the Board’s stance foreshadowed power shift in the Protestant leadership in post-liberation Korea. Horace. H. Underwood in particular wielded strong influence on the Board’s post-war plans for Korea. Upon the end of the war and Korea’s liberation, many missionaries joined the United States Army Military Government in Korea (USAMGIK, 1945-48) which, otherwise without adequate information on Korea, found their service valuable. The missionaries returning to Korea collaborated with the USAMGIK in various ways. As exemplified by Underwood who served as a special advisor to the American Military Governor and the Minister of Education, most missionaries did not differentiate "democracy" and Christianity. Throughout this period, the Board of Foreign Missions considered the missionaries’ participation in the USAMGIK as a part of their normal work. Most missionaries did not explicitly criticize the American occupation authority and the U. S. policy toward Korea, but a small number were outspoken advocates of political and economic reforms necessary for turning Korea into a strong bulwark against Communism. They were to lose ground, however, with the emergence of rival regimes on the peninsula and ensuing hostility between the two. After Korea’s liberation from Japan, missionaries gradually returned to Korea and by 1947 most missions were reestablished. Missions again managed schools and hospitals where Koreans served as principals. Missionaries secured their position of influence by providing increasingly large financial support. Not only did they expand their activity sphere to include radio broadcasting and vocational education, their cooperation with the American occupation authority also facilitated Protestant Korean participation in the governing process, wherein the graduates of mission schools and American universities became especially conspicuous. Unlike the colonial era, now the Protestant elite of Korea enthusiastically welcomed the opportunity to increase their presence in the government, be it the American military government or the succeeding Republic of Korea (1948-present) government. With its Protestant elite regarding government service as an important mission for Christians, Korea faced a new challenge: defining proper relationship between the state and religion.

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25

Ho, Yun Kim. "Mission in synoptic gospels a fresh look at the implications that the gospels of Matthew, Mark and Luke had on the mission of the South Korean church in the 21st century /." Pretoria : [s.n.], 2006. http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd-10292007-152203/.

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26

Choi, Gab Do. "A study on the spread of Islam in Korea and the Korean encounter with Islam." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1998. http://www.tren.com.

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27

Gibby, Bryan Robert. "Fighting in a Korean War : the American advisory missions from 1946-1953 /." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2004. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1086202227.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2004.
Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages; contains xiii, 342 p.; also includes graphics. Includes abstract and vita. Advisor: Allan R. Millett, Dept. of History. Includes bibliographical references (p. 333-342).

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28

Lee, Jaekeun. "American Southern Presbyterians and the formation of presbyterianism in Honam, Korea, 1892-1940 : traditions, missionary encounters, and transformations." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/8132.

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The missionary enterprise of the Presbyterian Church in the United States (PCUS, American Southern Presbyterian Church) in Korea was initiated by the arrival of ‘seven pioneers’ in Korea in 1892. By a comity agreement between the three Presbyterian missions, the southwestern region of Korea, known as Honam or Jeolla province, was assigned to the American Southern Presbyterian Mission. Until 1940, when they were forced to end their mission work in Korea and to leave the country by the Japanese colonial administration, the American Southern Presbyterian missionaries contributed to the formation of indigenous Protestant Christianity in Honam by planting churches, and building hospitals and schools. They also encouraged the Korean converts to establish their own churches following the Nevius method which stressed the founding of threeself independent churches. In this thesis, I attempt to analyze the process of the formation of indigenous Protestantism in Honam according to the three themes of traditions, encounters, and transformations. Presbyterians in the South shared with other leading Southern Protestants such as Baptists and Methodists both the warm evangelistic impetus of evangelicalism and an appeal to the Bible to justify racism. In particular, ecumenical missionary movements originating from a series of evangelical revivals helped the Southern Presbyterian workers in foreign lands overcome their inherited identity as the adherents of a geographically, culturally, and theologically sectional organisation to become the advocates of a more pan-evangelical obligation. Southern Presbyterian Korea missionaries already shared many common elements of evangelical theology and middle-class values with other Protestant missionaries even before the initiation of their mission work in 1892. From 1892 onwards, in response to the example of their Northern Presbyterian counterparts in the Korea mission field in initiating a more amicable relationship with their Southern colleagues, their isolated Southern identity gradually began to dissolve. The dominance of the pietistic stream of evangelical Christianity in Honam resulted from the congruence between Southern Presbyterians’ missionary Christianity and the traditional worldview of Honam people. In addition, a series of events, such as the revivals in the 1910s, the March First Movement in 1919, the complete revision of the constitution of the Korean Presbyterian Church in 1922, and the devolution of church and school management administration were the primary landmarks in the successful founding of indigenous Honam Christianity. If mission history is in part about what happens to one Christian tradition when it crosses geographical and cultural frontiers, my primary contribution in this thesis is to show in what ways the evolving Southern Presbyterian tradition at home was further changed and transformed, and then indigenised, in the Honam context. The thesis concludes that the progressive weakening of Southern Presbyterian sectional identity, first in the United States and then in Korea, significantly facilitated the indigenisation of Christianity in Honam. Crucial in this process was the democratising impact of revivals and the implications of wider ecumenical relationships with representatives of other denominations and regions. Honam Presbyterianism today is not a replica of the American Presbyterian tradition in its traditional Southern form. However, it does display many of the same features as the broad pan-evangelicalism to which the Southern Presbyterian mission increasingly adhered.

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29

Lee, Minjoo. "Le bon samaritain dans l'action humanitaire d'aujourd'hui : histoire de World Vision Korea (1950-2008) et son engagement dans la famine nord-coréenne." Paris, EHESS, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010EHES0058.

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Cette thèse porte sur la nature de la motivation et sur les activités des humanitaires chrétiens, en l'occurrence, protestants évangéliques, qui sont étudiées à travers une étude historique sur World Vision Korea, ONG humanitaire protestante. Bien que les principes de l'humanitarisme contemporain soient partagés par tous, la motivation d'origine inspirant les chrétiens à s'engager dans l'action humanitaire est profondément différente de la conviction de leurs collègues laïques. Les principaux objectifs de cette étude sont d'identifier les différences de conviction et d'inspiration des humanitaires chrétiens, différences profondes et inapparentes sauf indirectement, lors d'une crise, comme la famine nord-coréenne. Il s'agit de cette différence qu'a révélée la réponse pratiquée apportée, durant la famine nord-coréenne, à ces questions: «Pourquoi on s'engage?» et «qui est mon prochain?» C'est le message de la parabole du Bon Samaritina qui inspire en effet l'action humanitaire de ceux qui voient dans leur engagement la responsabilité, impérative, du chrétien
This thesis is a research on the motivation and the activities of the Christian humanitarian workers, in this particular case, evangelical Protestants, studied through a monographie study on World Vision Korea, a Protestant humanitarian NGO created during the Korean War. Although the principles of the contemporary humanitarianism are universally respected, the motivation that inspires Christians to commit themselves in the humanitarian aid is profoundly different from the conviction of their secular colleagues. The main objectives of this study are to identify the differences of conviction and inspiration of the Christian humanitarian workers, those profound differences !bat remain impercitible except indirectly, during a crisis, as NK famine case demonstrates. It is about this difference which was revealed during the North Korean famine, the answer to the following questions: "why do we commit ourselves to humanitarian action?" and "who is neighbor?” It is the message of the parable of the Good Samaritan who indeed inspires the humanitarian aid of those who see in their commitment the Christian responsibility and imperative towards humanity

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30

Lee, Yongsoo. "A Korean perspective on megachurches as missional churches." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/46158.

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The megachurch and the missional church are on-going global phenomena. Under the premise that the church has to be missional, this dissertation analyses and describes if a megachurch can be missional in both theoretical and practical ways from a Korean perspective. The megachurch is not simply a very large church in membership or size of its building. It, by the influence of interaction of socio-cultural, historical and theological backgrounds, has its own missiological and ecclesiological perspectives. The megachurch understands that the growth of an individual church is the expansion of the kingdom of God, so that the church must be functional and structural to fulfil the church growth efficiently. Thus, it is a powerful tendency that can be found not only in large size churches, but from all churches trying to achieve by all means the quantitative growth of the church and world evangelisation, through the power and material obtained from growth. The Korean megachurches represented by the Poongsunghan Church obviously display the characteristics of this tendency. The missional church is not simply a mission-driven church sending many missionaries to other countries. It believes that all churches are sent to the world by God who wants to reconcile the whole universe to Him, so that the church has to restore its missional essence to participate in the mission of God wherever it is as the early church did. Thus, the missional church is a reforming movement to witness to God’s rule by recovering its apostolic nature. The characteristics of the movement is clearly activating in the Bundang Woori Church, one of the Korean missional churches. In this line of research, any churches that are not resisting the megachurch tendency cannot be missional. The Korean church, which is in crisis being marginalised from society, has to join the missional movement.
Dissertation (MA)--University of Pretoria, 2014.
tm2015
Science of Religion and Missiology
MA
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31

Park, James S. "A mission strategy for the Korean immigrant churches in America." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1986. http://www.tren.com.

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Ahn, Chang Sub. "Preparing the Korean missionary for Africa." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1995. http://www.tren.com.

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Ahn, Jong-Mook. "The Anglican Church's missionary work in Korea 1890-1910 as revealed in its missionary magazine The Morning Calm." Thesis, University of Wales Trinity Saint David, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.683314.

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Cho, Hyun Chul. "The effect of mission trips on mission-mindedness." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 2005. http://www.tren.com/search.cfm?p049-0459.

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35

Lee, Byung-Soo. "The Korean Revival, 1907-1910 a Korean missio-theological perspective /." Theological Research Exchange Network, 1996. http://www.tren.com.

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36

Chung, Jin Kwon. "Chosŏnjok kyohoe wa tʻalbukcha sŏnʼgyo ŭi pangnyak (pangnyak) A mission strategy for the Korean-Chinese church and North Korean exiles /." Seoul : [s.n.], 2001. http://books.google.com/books?id=Jd5EAAAAMAAJ.

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37

Kim, Jung Woong. "Third World mission-church relationship : a Korean-Thai model /." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1985. http://www.tren.com.

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38

Kang, Seok Hyoung. "Between mission policy and mission ideology : The great revival movement of 1907 in Korean Protestantism." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.511475.

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39

Kang, Yung Sik. "Adoption of the Arakan people of Myanmar by the Kaumjung Church of Korea." Online full text .pdf document, available to Fuller patrons only, 1996. http://www.tren.com.

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40

In, Byung Koog. "A study of the Korean-Chinese Church and a projection of mission strategies." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1999. http://www.tren.com.

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41

Shin, Kwang Sup. "Samuel A. Moffett's evangelism and training ministry in Korea (1890-1907)." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN) Access this title online. Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN) Access this title online, 2006. http://www.tren.com.

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42

Ryoo, Gyoung-ae Lydia. "Discovering a set of core values for Korean missionary training in Korean context for effective ministry in cross-cultural missions a case study of Global Missionary Training Center in Seoul, Korea /." Online full text .pdf document, available to Fuller patrons only, 2002. http://www.tren.com.

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43

Mormino, Amy E. "Intercultural Victorians : the challenge of modern South Korean Protestant Mission." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/30541.

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44

Lee, Sung Han Peter. "Korean mass short-term mission case study and analysis of Jerusalem Peace March 2004 /." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 2007. http://www.tren.com/search.cfm?p006-1548.

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Lee, Seong Jin. "A history of the Korea Baptist Bible Fellowship." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 2000. http://www.tren.com.

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Shin, Wah Rang. "The role of prayer houses in Korean immigrant church growth." Online full text .pdf document, available to Fuller patrons only, 2004. http://www.tren.com.

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Pak, Ung Kyu. "The significance of Bruce F. Hunt's ministry in Korea and Manchuria (1928-1952) with particular attention to Shinto shrine worship /." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1992. http://www.tren.com.

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Park, Heu-Gyu (Dave). "Cooperation in missions in the formation and development of the Korean Presbyterian Church, 1884-1912." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1998. http://www.tren.com.

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Kim, Tae Kyoon. "A missiological ethnography a descriptive study on the worldview and socio-cultural religious profile of Christian college students of the Youngnak Presbyterian Church of Tong-Hap, Seoul, Korea /." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 2008. http://www.tren.com/search.cfm?p002-0819.

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Kim, Dal Soo. "A comparative study of the mission policies of Korean churches and a paradigm for beyond AD 2000." Online full text .pdf document, available to Fuller patrons only, 1996. http://www.tren.com.

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