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Krzymowski, Adam. "The Visegrad Group countries: The United Arab Emirates Perspective." Politics in Central Europe 17, no. 1 (March 1, 2021): 107–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pce-2021-0005.
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Abstract This manuscript analyses the role and importance of cooperation between the Visegrad Group (V4) countries and the most globally active member of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), which is the United Arab Emirates. In view of the V4+ concept implemented with partners from the Middle East, Israel or Egypt, the presented analysis is important and meets the lack of this element in the scientific debate. This study is based on empirical research and its findings are the result of not only observation but also 10 years of direct participation of the author in many activities related to the cooperation of the Visegrad Group countries and the UAE, including as ambassador, senior advisor to Dubai Expo 2020, especially responsible for strategies and dynamisation relations between Central and Eastern Europe (except Poland) and the United Arab Emirates. According to the author’s opinion, presented in the conclusion, there is now a huge opportunity to present V4 projects, including as a part of the broader strategy of the Three Seas Initiative (3SI) during World Expo Dubai, which will take place from October 2021 to March 2022, and make this initiative a globally recognizable project. However, coordinating and accelerating joint actions is required.
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Priedols, Martins, Girts Dimdins, Viktorija Gaina, Veronika Leja, and Ivars Austers. "Political Trust and the Ultimate Attribution Error in Explaining Successful and Failed Policy Initiatives." SAGE Open 12, no. 2 (April 2022): 215824402211024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/21582440221102427.
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This study examines how the ultimate attribution error (group attribution bias) plays out in the interaction between trust/distrust in a political actor and the success or failure of the actor’s proposed policy initiative. We conducted an experiment where student participants ( n = 222) from Latvian universities evaluated reasons for the success versus failure of a policy initiative proposed by a trusted versus untrusted political party in terms of the perceived benevolence, competence, and integrity of the political party as dispositional factors contributing to the initiative’s outcome, or external circumstances not under the political party’s control. The results showed evidence of the ultimate attribution error in the participants’ answers. The success of a policy initiative was explained more in terms of positive dispositions of the authoring party when the initiative came from a trusted political party than when it came from a distrusted party, and an initiative’s failure was explained more in terms of a lack of these positive dispositions when the initiative came from a distrusted party. There were no indications of the ultimate attribution error when explaining an initiative’s success or failure by external factors not controlled by the party authoring the initiative. The results provide additional insight into how the mechanisms of intergroup attribution play out in the context of political trust and may influence both overall trust in political actors and the evaluation of specific policy initiatives authored by these actors.
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Priedols, Martins, Girts Dimdins, Viktorija Gaina, Veronika Leja, and Ivars Austers. "Political Trust and the Ultimate Attribution Error in Explaining Successful and Failed Policy Initiatives." SAGE Open 12, no. 2 (April 2022): 215824402211024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/21582440221102427.
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This study examines how the ultimate attribution error (group attribution bias) plays out in the interaction between trust/distrust in a political actor and the success or failure of the actor’s proposed policy initiative. We conducted an experiment where student participants ( n = 222) from Latvian universities evaluated reasons for the success versus failure of a policy initiative proposed by a trusted versus untrusted political party in terms of the perceived benevolence, competence, and integrity of the political party as dispositional factors contributing to the initiative’s outcome, or external circumstances not under the political party’s control. The results showed evidence of the ultimate attribution error in the participants’ answers. The success of a policy initiative was explained more in terms of positive dispositions of the authoring party when the initiative came from a trusted political party than when it came from a distrusted party, and an initiative’s failure was explained more in terms of a lack of these positive dispositions when the initiative came from a distrusted party. There were no indications of the ultimate attribution error when explaining an initiative’s success or failure by external factors not controlled by the party authoring the initiative. The results provide additional insight into how the mechanisms of intergroup attribution play out in the context of political trust and may influence both overall trust in political actors and the evaluation of specific policy initiatives authored by these actors.
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Wojtaszak, Andrzej. "Inicjatywa Trójmorza a perspektywy rozwoju państw regionu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej w drugiej dekadzie XXI wieku." Sprawy Międzynarodowe 73, no. 2 (December 21, 2020): 65–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/sm.2020.73.2.06.
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Among the consequences of geopolitical changes in the twenty-first century is the increase in the political and economic activity of the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. Between the Baltic Sea, the Black Sea and the Adriatic lies a group of post-communist countries whose economic development is lower than that of other countries belonging to the ‘old’ European Union (EU). A group of these countries has launched a joint political and economic initiative (Three Seas Initiative) in an attempt to limit the growing energy dependence on the Russian Federation and to create prospects for the region’s development. The beginning of 2020 confirmed the desire to intensify this cooperation, which goes beyond the EU environment, creating transatlantic unions and counting on the support of the United States and inducing interest in China (including the concept of ‘One Belt, One Road’ – OBOR). The Three Seas Initiative is part of the broader context of EU development and is not in competition with the EU.
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Boehmke, Frederick J. "The Initiative Process and the Dynamics of State Interest Group Populations." State Politics & Policy Quarterly 8, no. 4 (December 2008): 362–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/153244000800800402.
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Essam, Sayed, Tim Gill, and Robyn G. Alders. "Dubai Municipality Initiative to Reduce Food Loss." Sustainability 14, no. 9 (April 29, 2022): 5374. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su14095374.
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Dubai has experienced enormous economic and population growth, transforming the city from a small regional business hub in the 1970s to a global business hub of financial and tourism activities in the 21st century. Relevant Dubai Municipality reports were reviewed and semi-structured interviews and focus group discussions conducted with representatives of large food importers and local producers to evaluate the link between the food importation requirements and minimising food loss. Measures taken by the Municipality of Dubai to successfully reduce food loss and improve food security include the diversion of potential food loss to the United Arab Emirates Food Bank and recycling it into animal feed when appropriate. These measures significantly reduced food loss by 93% in the four years from 2016 to 2019. Some political and managerial implications of the study are highlighted.
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Mapa, Joseph, and Gerald P. Turner. "Keys to Effective Regional Health Planning — An Organizational Behaviour Approach." Healthcare Management Forum 6, no. 3 (October 1993): 51–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0840-4704(10)61107-6.
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Given its political appeal, economic logic and community-based focus, regional planning has re-emerged as a significant strategic initiative in our shifting health care system. As regional planning becomes more prevalent in Canada, it is increasingly necessary to establish a framework of sound organizational behaviour principles in which it can succeed. These principles — which relate to human relations and group interactions — are especially relevant in a complex undertaking such as regional health planning which is often encumbered by stakeholder self-interest, philosophical differences and a tradition of autonomy and independent initiative.
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Cabiati, Elena. "Social workers helping each other during the COVID-19 pandemic: Online mutual support groups." International Social Work 64, no. 5 (February 7, 2021): 676–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020872820975447.
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Social workers not only help service users, they also help each other, and they know the group as a space through which opportunities to give and receive help multiply. In Italy, the initiative ‘Social Workers Helping Each Other’ was launched to help practitioners stay resilient and mutually supportive during the COVID-19 pandemic. In these unprecedented and turbulent times, social workers have been called on to face new challenges and new concerns for service users and for themselves. The initiative consisted of online mutual support groups for social workers conducted through a virtual platform. Participants were 45 social workers divided into three groups on the basis of the social workers’ area of intervention. The author facilitated the groups, encouraging the development of reciprocal support dynamics typical of self-help and mutual aid groups. Group sessions were very rich in content, and the discussion focused on several topics following the participants’ needs. The content analysis revealed that the mutual support conversations among social workers focused on three main categories: practical and organizational; methodological and ethical; and personal and emotional. The groups offered supervision and mutual support based on experiential learning processes. The article presents the rationale, methods and outcomes of the experience. This initiative could inspire the development of online mutual support groups for social workers.
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ORZELSKA-STACZEK, Agnieszka, and Piotr BAJDA. "SECURITY ASPECTS OF COOPERATION IN CENTRAL EUROPE: VISEGRÁD GROUP, BUCHAREST NINE, AND THE THREE SEAS INITIATIVE." On-line Journal Modelling the New Europe, no. 37 (December 22, 2021): 4–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/ojmne.2021.37.01.
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Kalyuga, Anton. "Features of Perception of the Belt and Road Initiative in the Slovak Republic." Russian and Chinese Studies 5, no. 4 (December 30, 2021): 215–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2587-7445.2021.5(4).215-222.
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The article is part of the research related to the perception of the Belt and Road Initiative of the PRC in the Visegrad Group countries. It presents results of discourse analysis on perception of the Belt and Road Initiative in the Slovak Republic in government and expert circles and data from a sociological survey on the attitude of Slovaks to the Chinese initiative. The results show that the Slovak perception of the Belt and Road Initiative is pragmatic and focuses on possible economic benefits from participation in the initiative. The experts are not oblivious to the political and economic risks associated with China’s expanding influence in the region, which makes the Slovak discourse rather balanced and utilitarian. The Slovak expert discourse has been found to have a significant influence on the pragmatic sentiments in the Visegrad Group countries regarding the Belt and Road Initiative. The independent think tank of the Central European Institute for Asian Studies (CEIAS) plays a major role in the transmission of these ideas, producing a number of analytical reports and actively engaging researchers from the Visegrad Four countries in its work. As for the governmental discourse, the Chinese theme is present in it to a limited extent; in recent years there have been several cases that have divided the views of the ruling elite regarding Sino-Slovak relations. In general, these have concerned human rights issues and interaction with the Dalai Lama and the resulting problem of whether it is worth raising sensitive issues and criticising the PRC at the state level to the detriment of economic ties. In conclusion, the author describes the main trends and forecasts of the development of the Slovak discourse about the Chinese initiative.
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Carpenter, Daniel. "FDA Transparency in an Inescapably Political World." Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics 45, S2 (2017): 29–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1073110517750617.
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Transparency requires more than disclosure of data. It requires a mechanism and policy for conveying information to the public. In order for the aims of the excellent report of the FDA Transparency Working Group to be realized, a publicity initiative will need to accompany the plan of action. The FDA will need to actively convey information about the evidence concerning benefit-risk profiles of drugs, sometimes pointing out misleading claims by manufacturers or sponsors. In other cases, the FDA will need to make available its procedures, including possible conflicts of interest, not only in drug approval, but also in guidance documents and in rulemaking. Transparency as a process of letting the public see into the agency should be accompanied by a proactive strategy of distributing information about the products regulated by the agency.
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Bacher, Johann, Elisabeth Fiorioli, Robert Moosbrugger, Chigozie Nnebedum, Dimitri Prandner, and Nadine Shovakar. "Integration of refugees at universities: Austria’s more initiative." Higher Education 79, no. 6 (November 7, 2019): 943–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10734-019-00449-6.
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Abstract The so-called refugee wave in the summer of 2015 led to an impressive wave of helpfulness in Austrian society. Universities Austria (uniko)—the umbrella organization of the 22 public universities in Austria—set up and launched an initiative called MORE. MORE provides refugees and asylum seekers with additional opportunities and perspectives that go beyond basic tools for survival. All 22 public universities implemented MORE, albeit in different ways. The article draws on a specific case—the MORE initiative—which aims to integrate refugee students into university life and higher education, as well as on data collected within the scope of evaluating the particular cases at hand. Analysis focuses on whether MORE has contributed to integrate refugee students. Drawing on different integration theories, the findings of this evaluation provide an insight as to how integration is achieved and affected by influencing factors such as personal characteristics, the usage of program elements, etc. Hence, the paper gives insight in the applicability of different integration theories and may be helpful for improving MORE or similar initiatives. The results confirmed the assumptions of modern sociological integration theories. Universities who offer the MORE program can conclude that they should take care of special, vulnerable groups, and that they should offer more than language classes in order to foster integration. Integration depends on the characteristics of the refugee group, the general societal and political climate, and on the specific attitudes towards the group in question.
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Oklobdzija, Stan. "Public positions, private giving: Dark money and political donors in the Digital Age." Research & Politics 6, no. 1 (January 2019): 205316801983247. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2053168019832475.
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Dark money—campaign funds raised by 501(c)(4) designated non-profit corporations whose donors are exempt from disclosure—has become an increasingly large fraction of outside spending in American elections at both the state and the federal level. This paper makes use of the only publicly available donor list for a dark money group in existence today—that of “Americans for Job Security,” who contributed $11 million to two conservative-leaning ballot initiative campaigns in California during the 2012 elections. In comparing the ideological scores of donors of this dark money group to traditional donors to the two conservative propositions, I find a strong liberal tilt of donors to Americans for Job Security—indicating a social pressures motivation behind concealing one’s donation via a dark money group. These results also show disclosure laws have an effect on a donor’s calculus to contribute to a political cause.
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MOŻGIN, Wiktor MOŻGIN. "THE THREE SEAS INITIATIVE – AN ASPECT OF CONTEMPORARY GEOPOLITICAL COMPETITION FOR DOMINANCE IN EUROPE." Ante Portas - Studia nad bezpieczeństwem 2(13)/2019, no. 2(13)/2019 (2019): 45–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.33674/20193.
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Today, Europe is a very dynamic area in which various processes of political, economic, military, and socio-cultural nature occur. One of these processes concerns the establishment in 2015 of the Three Seas Initiative, integrating the area of the countries that joined the European Community after 2004 with one exception, which is Austria, which belongs to the group of the so-called ‘Old Union’. The emergence of a new structure within the European Union has been negated from the very beginning by the most important entities in Europe and beyond because the Russian Federation also did not approve the establishment of the Three Seas Initiative, perceiving it as a direct threat to the implementation of its neo-imperial policy in Central and Eastern Europe. Nevertheless, the establishment of the Three Seas initiative was dictated by many factors of historical, political, economic, and military nature. This article presents the issues related to the process of shaping the subjectivity of Central and Eastern European countries in the context of contemporary challenges caused by the economic crisis and the potential danger of the Russian Federation, which aims is to destabilize this region and pull it back into its sphere of influence. The role which played the Three Seas Initiative within the European Union is an issue that requires constructive analysis. This is possible by indicating the main reasons for establishing this structure and international processes that are implications of its functioning.
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Dent, Christopher M. "Taiwan and the New Regional Political Economy of East Asia." China Quarterly 182 (June 2005): 385–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s030574100500024x.
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Regional economic relations in East Asia have experienced a period of profound change since the 1997/98 financial crisis. Two developments are particularly notable. The first relates to the ASEAN Plus Three (APT) framework, under which an increasingly coalescent regional economic grouping has emerged in East Asia. Thus far, APT member states (Japan, China, South Korea and the ASEAN group) have devoted much energy to creating new mechanisms of regional financial governance, such as the Chiang Mai Initiative and Asian Bond Market Initiative. The second development concerns the expansion of bilateral free trade agreement (FTA) projects in East Asia and the Asia-Pacific. Many see this as a precursor to forging wider sub-regional or regional trade agreements. Both developments mark a potentially significant shift from regionalization to regionalism in East Asia, and thus “high politics” becomes de facto more important given regionalism is largely founded on inter-(nation-)state agreements. Beijing's continued ardent contestation of Taiwan's nation-statehood has hence limited Taiwan's ability to engage as it would like in East Asia's new regional political economy. This article considers the nature of regional political economy and applies it to the recent East Asian experience, which in turn provides an analytical framework for examining the significance of the APT framework and new FTA trend, and Taiwan's position in relation to them. Special attention is paid to Taiwan's prospects in East Asia's new regional political economy.
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Bovino, Emily Verla. "Curation-as-branding and the problem with cultural diplomacy: The case of Q Art Group." Journal of Contemporary Chinese Art 10, no. 3 (November 1, 2023): 389–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jcca_00091_1.
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Founded in 2018 by Hong Kong heiress Queenie Rosita Law of the Law family apparel brand Bossini fame, Q Art Group is a private art initiative between Hungary and China that, in the words of its Hungarian artistic director, promotes Central and Eastern European art ‘within the dynamics of the Belt and Road Initiative’ (BRI). Hungary was the first European country to sign onto BRI cooperation, and it leads the 14 + 1 initiative promoting investment between China and Central and Eastern Europe. The country’s national-conservative Prime Minister Viktor Orbán uses Hungary’s position as a BRI gateway to bolster an ‘illiberal’ agenda within the European Union. Meanwhile, Hong Kong’s Q Art Group – comprising the Budapest private museum, Q Contemporary, the Hong Kong gallery Double Q and Q Studio, an art studio that works with luxury properties – is rebranding both Central and Eastern Europe and China in a mix of cultural diplomacy and art market strategy between Hong Kong and Budapest. The article considers the co-constituting images of the Greater China and Central and Eastern Europe that Q Art Group presents in Hungary and Hong Kong by positioning itself as a discourse maker in Central and Eastern European art. What is the ‘post-communist landscape’ – as Q Art Group calls Central and Eastern Europe – mobilized in this endeavour and how does it serve China’s cultural diplomacy and nation-branding? Mapping the social, economic, juridical and political conditions that Q Art Group negotiates, this article asserts there is no ‘good’ way of curating art for cultural diplomacy, but that the exchange of what is called ‘culture’ and ‘identity’ under cultural diplomacy is but an operation of mutual branding among privileged forms of state capital that use art to circulate the violent philosophical logic behind cultural difference.
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Horvath, Robert. "Breaking the Totalitarian Ice: The Initiative Group for the Defense of Human Rights in the USSR." Human Rights Quarterly 36, no. 1 (2014): 147–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hrq.2014.0013.
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Corabian, Paula, David Hailey, Christa Harstall, Don Juzwishin, and Carmen Moga. "Mentoring a developing health technology assessment initiative in Romania: An example for countries with limited experience of assessing health technology." International Journal of Technology Assessment in Health Care 21, no. 4 (October 2005): 522–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266462305050737.
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Objectives: The aim of this study was to assist and facilitate introduction and development of a health technology assessment (HTA) program in Romania.Methods: Mentoring of an initiative group in Romania was provided by an HTA program in Canada. Mentoring activities included provision of HTA materials, participation in local seminars, facilitating contact with HTA and funding organizations, and in-house training of a professional from Romania.Results: Since 1998, when the relationship was initiated, the Romanian group has been successful in developing an understanding of HTA and awareness of its utility among various decision-makers in the health system. Currently, although the need for HTA in Romania exists and interest in developing this activity has been officially expressed, HTA is still early in its development phase. The mentoring support helped to identify and define the need for HTA in Romania. Continuation of the existing relationship can be expected to strengthen the expertise in this country. However, while mentoring has been a valuable activity, it is not, by itself, sufficient to ensure development of an HTA program in Romania. The actions and decisions that could lead to implementing HTA in Romania depend on the local context.Conclusions: Mentoring services assisted the initiative group in promoting HTA in Romania. The implementation of HTA in Romania has not happened yet, and efforts need to continue to sustain the existing momentum. However, success in implementing an HTA program will depend on essential factors such as local political, economical, and educational support for this initiative and others like it.
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Biddau, Fulvio, Alessandra Armenti, and Paolo Cottone. "Socio-psychological aspects of grassroots participation in the Transition Movement: An Italian case study." Journal of Social and Political Psychology 4, no. 1 (May 24, 2016): 142–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/jspp.v4i1.518.
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In this article, we present a case study investigating the socio-psychological aspects of grassroots participation in a Transition Town Movement (TTM) community initiative. We analyzed the first Italian Transition initiative: Monteveglio (Bologna), the central hub of the Italian TTM and a key link with the global Transition Network. A qualitative methodology was used to collect and analyze the data consisting of interviews with key informants and ethnographic notes. The results provide further evidence supporting the role of social representations, shared social identities, and collective efficacy beliefs in promoting, sustaining, and shaping activists’ commitment. The movement seems to have great potential to inspire and engage citizens to tackle climate change at a community level. Grassroots engagement of local communities working together provides the vision and the material starting point for a viable pathway for the changes required. Attempting to ensure their future political relevance, the TTM adherents are striving to disseminate and materially consolidate inherently political and prefigurative movement frames – primarily community resilience and re-localization – within community socio-economic and political frameworks. However, cooperation with politics is perceived by most adherents as a frustrating and dissatisfying experience, and an attempted co-optation of the Transition initiative by institutions. It highlights a tension between the open and non-confrontational approach of the movement towards institutions and their practical experience. Corresponding to this tension, activists have to cope with conflicts, contradictions, and ambivalence of social representations about community action for sustainability, which threaten the sense of collective purpose, group cohesion and ultimately its survival.
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Gosling, Helena. "A critical insight into practitioners’ lived experience of payment by results in the alcohol and drug treatment sector." Critical Social Policy 38, no. 2 (February 1, 2017): 244–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0261018317695492.
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Since former Chancellor George Osborne described reducing public spending as ‘the great national challenge of our generation’ (Her Majesty’s Treasury, 2010: 12) the UK Government have demonstrated a profound interest in Payment by Results (PbR) as a mechanism to improve service quality, value for money and innovation (Audit Commission, 2012). Although PbR is not a new initiative, it has been rebranded and sold as a vehicle that can steer ongoing strategies for reform, particularly in the field of criminal justice and drug/alcohol treatment (Her Majesty’s Government, 2010; Ministry of Justice 2013). Despite such assertions, the initiative has become synonymous with budget cuts (Community Links, 2015), the privatisation of public services (Policy Exchange, 2013) and controversy. Drawing upon the findings of a focus group with staff who work in a Therapeutic Community, this article highlights the lived experience of practitioners as PbR takes hold of the alcohol and drug treatment sector. The findings suggest that outcome-orientated incentives, such as PbR, hold the potential to transform welfare-orientated sectors into a financial, market-focused milieu.
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Sindbæk, Søren M. "Networks and nodal points: the emergence of towns in early Viking Age Scandinavia." Antiquity 81, no. 311 (March 1, 2007): 119–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00094886.
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Did towns return to early medieval Europe through political leadership or economic expansion? This paper turns the spotlight on a particular group of actors, the long-distance traders, and finds that they stimulated proto-towns of a special kind among the Vikings. While social and economic changes, and aristocratic advantage, were widespread, it was the largely self-directed actions of these intrepid merchants which created what the author calls ‘the nodal points.’ One can think of many other periods and parts of the world in which this type of non-political initiative may well have proved pivotal.
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Roy, Martin, and Juan A. Marchetti. "The TISA Initiative: An Overview of Market Access Issues." Journal of World Trade 48, Issue 4 (August 1, 2014): 683–728. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2014022.
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The plurilateral negotiations on a Trade in Services Agreement ( TISA) have attracted much attention in trade policy circles. Policy and economic implications are intensely debated given the number and economic importance of participants. This article aims to provide insights into the market access issues arising in such negotiations. Should TISA negotiations result in participants exchanging the best commitments they have so far undertaken in their preferential trade agreements (PTAs) - a reasonable starting point -,TISA market access commitments would go well beyond commitments under the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS) and services offers tabled in the Doha Round. While this would be in itself a significant outcome (especially in terms of predictability and stability), we also highlight, however, that the real economic benefits would be reduced by the fact that a number of participants have already exchanged significant concessions amongst themselves through bilateral PTAs. Further, and more importantly, exchanging 'best PTA' commitments would not meet the participants' most important export interests. These have often remained unaddressed in many of the previous bilateral negotiations or involve countries not currently participating in TISA. Addressing better these export interests would require going beyond an exchange of 'best PTA' commitments among TISA participants - with the more difficult policy and negotiating decisions that this implies - and/or seeking to expand the group of participants. We also discuss the different forms that such a plurilateral agreement may take vis-à-vis the WTO framework.
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Rogozhina, N. "The Countries of Southeast Asia and the Chinese Initiative Belt and Road: a Model of Interaction." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 10 (2021): 91–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-10-91-102.
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The choice of the countries of Southeast Asia as an example for analyzing the nature of interaction between developing countries and China within the framework of the Belt and Road Initiative is not accidental. The very logic of China’s stated goals of gaining dominant positions in the world economy and politics makes it inevitable that the countries of Southeast Asia located in geographic proximity to it are included in its long-term economic and political plans. The question, however, is to what extent do they meet the interests of the Southeast Asian countries themselves? The solution to this question is the main subject of research in the article. There are objective prerequisites for mutually beneficial cooperation. The Belt and Road projects are viewed by China as a tool for economic expansion into the region with the prospect of taking a leading position there, using the interest of Southeast Asian countries in the inflow of foreign investment to create modern infrastructure, the lack of which narrows their opportunities for further economic growth, maintaining competitiveness and developing integration ties within ASEAN Community. Expert assessments made by international organizations confirm the positive impact of OBOR projects on the economic development of Southeast Asian countries and although today it is too early to draw any conclusions, since the initiative is only at the initial stage of its implementation in the region, nevertheless the case studies presented in the article indicate a mismatch in the positions of the parties on a number of issues related to the financing of projects, their lack of transparency. non-compliance with environmental and social requirements. The support of the initiative on the part of the Southeast Asian countries does not automatically mean their acceptance of the terms of the agreements proposed by China, which are far from always consistent with their national interests and give rise to fears in society about its expansionist intentions. Therefore, in many Southeast Asian countries, participation in OBOR projects is turning into a subject of political discourse, which reflects the presence of disagreements in society and confrontation of interests regarding the advisability of rapprochement with China, given the associated economic and political risks. The countries of Southeast Asia can be conditionally divided into two groups according to their relation to the Belt and Road initiative. The first group includes Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, the Philippines, Thailand, Vietnam and Myanmar, whose position can be described as national pragmatism. While supporting the Chinese initiative in general, they nevertheless assess the possible risks of their participation in projects and seek to reduce them. The second group is represented by Laos and Cambodia, whose leadership unconditionally supports the Chinese initiative, guided by the interests of their own survival, which largely depends on Chinese assistance. Therefore, the prospect of falling into a debt trap and increasing economic dependence on the PRC and even the threat of losing sovereignty does not deter them from participating in highly controversial projects from a commercial point of view. Based on the analysis made, the author comes to the conclusion that, given the existing alignment of political forces in Southeast Asia, China can count on promoting its initiative in the region, which, however, does not automatically lead to an increase in its political influence and to the creation of a China-centric model of regional order. Acknowledgements. The article was prepared within the project “Post-crisis world order: challenges and technologies, competition and cooperation” supported by the grant from Ministry of Science and Higher Education of the Russian Federation program for research projects in priority areas of scientific and technological development (agreement № 075-15-2020-783).
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Malay, Joshua, and Matthew R. Fairholm. "How Ideological Divides Serve to Limit Bureaucratic Autonomy: A Case Study of the BLM." American Review of Public Administration 50, no. 4-5 (March 13, 2020): 375–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0275074020911783.
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The main question this article seeks to address is how the Bureau of Land Management’s (BLM) bureaucratic autonomy is affected by deep ideological divides over public lands management policy. Daniel Carpenter’s theory of bureaucratic autonomy serves to provide the definition and method for evaluating the research question. The case study identifies that the bureaucratic autonomy afforded the BLM is intrinsically bound to interest group politics. There exists little room for initiative not supported by specific interests. Actions required by the multiple use mandate, but not supported by interests, will be suppressed. But, of greater interest in understanding the BLM, once support shifts for an initiative, all previous action is undone or at least mitigated to a point of inconsequence. Hence, limited bureaucratic autonomy is afforded either way, as the multiple use requirement will not satisfy all parties and does not allow the BLM to ignore other potential uses of the public lands.
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Boehmke, Frederick J. "Using Auxiliary Data to Estimate Selection Bias Models, with an Application to Interest Group Use of the Direct Initiative Process." Political Analysis 11, no. 3 (2003): 234–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pan/mpg013.
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Recent work in survey research has made progress in estimating models involving selection bias in a particularly difficult circumstance—all nonrespondents are unit nonresponders, meaning that no data are available for them. These models are reasonably successful in circumstances where the dependent variable of interest is continuous, but they are less practical empirically when it is latent and only discrete outcomes or choices are observed. I develop a method in this article to estimate these models that is much more practical in terms of estimation. The model uses a small amount of auxiliary information to estimate the selection equation parameters, which are then held fixed while estimating the equation of interest parameters in a maximum-likelihood setting. After presenting Monte Carlo analyses to support the model, I apply the technique to a substantive problem: Which interest groups are likely to to be involved in support of potential initiatives to achieve their policy goals?
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Novianto, Efri, and Salehuddin Salehuddin. "STUDI TENTANG PELAKSANAAN HAK INISIATIF DPRD KUTAI KARTANEGARA PERIODE 2014-2018." NATAPRAJA 7, no. 1 (May 1, 2019): 19–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.21831/jnp.v7i1.24989.
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As an element of local government organizers, the DPRD is demanded to play an active role in carrying out its functions. One of the important functions of the DPRD is the formation of regional regulations together with the Regional Head. For the implementation of this function, the DPRD was given the right of initiative to submit a draft Regional Regulation. From the results of the study, the implementation of the DPRD Kutai Kartanegara initiative rights for the period 2014-2018 has been implemented well, but it is not optimal because on average only 14.63% has been passed into a Regional Regulation. In theory, the factors that influence the implementation of the DPRD initiative rights are education, experience and data / information factors, but this has been overcome by the existence of an Expert Team / Expert Group, workshops or training to increase the capacity of the DPRD and the Academic Script in each Design Regional Regulation submitted to the DPRD, so that it is no longer a limiting factor. The obstacles to the implementation of the DPRD's role are more due to political factors, budget support and consistency of regulations.
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Sallin, Lena. "Vulnerability and capacity assessment in Europe." International Review of the Red Cross 34, no. 301 (August 1994): 333–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020860400078657.
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The Swedish Red Cross initiative to organize a workshop to exchange experience on vulnerability and capacity assessment in Europe and discuss the feasibility of conducting the assessment in a consistent manner was sparked by the report of the Working Group on the Implementation of the Strategic Work Plan for Europe (formed at the Fourth European Regional Conference in The Hague, in May 1992), which recommends that the European National Societies proceed with identifying vulnerable groups in their respective countries and initiate a discussion on future cooperation on vulnerability and capacity assessment.
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Jamil, Badar, and Muhammad Tahir. "Facts and Figures: Minorities, Human Rights Violation in Pakistan, and Government Initiative to Counter Such Violations." Global Political Review IX, no. I (March 30, 2022): 37–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2024(ix-i).05.
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In the instant Article, we will analyze the reports, articles, and surveys conducted in Pakistan regarding Human Rights Violation to the Minorities groups, although Pakistan is known for its liberal thoughts and cultural diversity, some extremist groups all over Pakistan target minority group some time due to religious sentiments, some time due to political reason and some time for their own personal needs. Human Rights Watch and HRCP highlighted the Rights violations of such individual groups in their yearly reports each year. We have mentioned the recommendation with figures, wherein it was seen that the High Numbers of Population group is fleeing away from the country, whereas the role of Government in tackling the issue is also commendable by various press releases, they have made their positive contribution in fighting against violations.
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Kavanagh, Peter V., Marie Laffoy, Niall Sheehy, Michael Turner, Arleen Folan, and Vivion Crowley. "National Ovarian Cancer pathway initiative in collaboration with National Cancer Control Programme (NCCP), Obstetrics/Gynaecology group (Obs/Gynae) and General Practice (GP) group." International Journal of Integrated Care 17, no. 5 (October 17, 2017): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.5334/ijic.3344.
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Wijesiriwardena, Subha. "Queerness, Sex Work, and Refugee Status in Nairobi: A conversation with Queer Sex Workers Initiative for Refugees." Anti-Trafficking Review, no. 19 (September 27, 2022): 134–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.14197/atr.2012221911.
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In this interview, the author speaks with Queer Sex Workers Initiative for Refugees: a Nairobi-based grassroots service-provision and advocacy group formed by queer refugees in Kenya who are engaged in sex work. The interview explores the question of how queer identity experiences interact with the policing of borders, labour issues, and refugee status. It teases out the ramifications of the compounding factors of migration and criminalisation of sex work and gender diversity, across borders, to show how these produce discrimination, loss of livelihood, and vulnerability to violence.
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Kuo, Tony, Noel Barragan, Mariana Reyes, Mateeha Zafar, Cinthie Lopez Paz, and Ariane Thomas. "LOS ANGELES COUNTY BOLD INITIATIVE: LAYING THE GROUNDWORK FOR STRATEGIC PLANNING ON DEMENTIA." Innovation in Aging 6, Supplement_1 (November 1, 2022): 451. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/geroni/igac059.1761.
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Abstract Funded by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention’s Building Our Largest Dementia Public Health Program through U.S. Congressional appropriations for the BOLD Infrastructure for Alzheimer’s Act, the Los Angeles County BOLD initiative (LA BOLD) was established in 2021 with the goal of addressing the silent but burgeoning epidemic of Alzheimer's disease and related dementias (ADRD) in Los Angeles County (LAC). In 2019, approximately 166,857 LAC residents were living with Alzheimer’s disease; this number is expected to increase 150% by 2040. The initiative brings together a diverse group of multi-sector stakeholders, including two Area Agencies on Aging, two major academic centers, the largest Medicaid health plan in the region, the county’s safety net health agency (Public Health, Health Services, Mental Health), and other key community partners. The primary objectives of LA BOLD are: (i) establish a countywide coalition to address ADRD locally, and (ii) develop a strategic plan to guide the coalition’s efforts. The present study describes the first year of this initiative, highlighting the formation of the coalition’s steering group, identifying the three focus areas for strategic planning – risk reduction, early detection, advance care planning – and sharing lessons learned from navigating the contextual realities of ADRD care and prevention in LAC’s diverse communities. Data and program accomplishments for this early phase of LA BOLD are discussed within the context of medical advancement, the financial realities of ADRD programming and services, and the geo-political factors that are being considered as part of the strategic planning and implementation processes.
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Boone, Catherine, and Leonard Wantchekon. "Africa Project Workshop Leader Reports." PS: Political Science & Politics 41, no. 04 (October 2008): 946. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096508221311.
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The APSA Africa Initiative brought diverse group of about 25 scholars to Dakar to discuss research on political participation. Our working language was French. All participants were interested in some aspect of party politics or political participation. The conference-length research papers or research proposals that participants worked on over the course of our three-week workshop centered on questions about the weakness of opposition parties in some countries, the improbable strength of the opposition in others, regional patterns of party mobilization and voting, the role of traditional authorities in voter mobilization, the role of teacher and student unions in politics, political mobilization outside the party system (as inmotions de soutienfor ruling parties), the role of the press in shaping political preferences, women's movements and party politics, civil society and election monitoring, historical legacies that shape political culture, and the possible impact of ethnic identity on regional patterns of political behavior. There was plenty to talk about. The participants appreciated the four-tome reading packet of articles and book chapters that we prepared for the workshop and used as the launching point of our seminar and break-out group discussions.
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Borkowski, Paweł. "Europejski Zielony Ład jako narzędzie modernizacji i legitymizacji projektu europejskiego." Sprawy Międzynarodowe 74, no. 3 (December 30, 2021): 17–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/sm.2021.74.3.02.
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Covid-19 pandemic created a new environment to New Green Deal - flagship initiative of European Commission and crucial element of Ursula von der Leyen political manifesto. Author argues, that faced with the possibility of weakening or postponing ambitious environmental programme because of new challenges the commission, backed by important group pf member states decided to build a direct link between reconstruction after pandemics and greening of the economy. The result was a push forward with decarbonisation commitments - the stimuli for change should be bound together to strengthen their interdependence and build a momentum for modernization of EU in both economic and political dimensions. Conditionality of Next Generation Europe financial instrument is one of the links between these two dimensions.
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Borkowski, Paweł. "Europejski Zielony Ład jako narzędzie modernizacji i legitymizacji projektu europejskiego." Sprawy Międzynarodowe 74, no. 3 (December 30, 2021): 17–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/sm..2021.74.3.02.
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Covid-19 pandemic created a new environment to New Green Deal - flagship initiative of European Commission and crucial element of Ursula von der Leyen political manifesto. Author argues, that faced with the possibility of weakening or postponing ambitious environmental programme because of new challenges the commission, backed by important group pf member states decided to build a direct link between reconstruction after pandemics and greening of the economy. The result was a push forward with decarbonisation commitments - the stimuli for change should be bound together to strengthen their interdependence and build a momentum for modernization of EU in both economic and political dimensions. Conditionality of Next Generation Europe financial instrument is one of the links between these two dimensions.
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Liang, Jiarui. "China in the Pacific Islands: Shaping a Community of Shared Future." China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies 04, no. 03 (January 2018): 419–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2377740018500227.
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Separated by the vast Pacific Ocean, China and Pacific Island countries have been interlinked through vigorous ocean diplomacy which helps strengthen their political, economic and cultural relations. Based upon common perceptions and with new momentum generated under China’s “Belt and Road Initiative (BRI),” both sides can join hands in building a community of shared future for their mutual benefits. With regard to the cultural diversity, colonial history, group identity and various legitimate concerns of Pacific Island countries, China needs to adopt a more comprehensive and pragmatic approach in order to achieve win-win cooperation.
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Topp, Stephanie M., Anjali Sharma, Clement N. Moonga, Chisele Chileshe, George Magwende, and German Henostroza. "Evaluation of a health system strengthening initiative in the Zambian prison system." BMJ Global Health 3, no. 1 (January 2018): e000614. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmjgh-2017-000614.
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IntroductionIn 2013, the Zambian Correctional Service (ZCS) partnered with the Centre for Infectious Disease Research in Zambia on the Zambian Prisons Health System Strengthening project, seeking to tackle structural, organisational and cultural weaknesses within the prison health system. We present findings from a nested evaluation of the project impact on high, mid-level and facility-level health governance and health service arrangements in the Zambian Correctional Service .MethodsMixed methods were used, including document review, indepth interviews with ministry (11) and prison facility (6) officials, focus group discussions (12) with male and female inmates in six of the eleven intervention prisons, and participant observation during project workshops and meetings. Ethical clearance and verbal informed consent were obtained for all activities. Analysis incorporated deductive and iterative inductive coding.ResultsOutcomes: Improved knowledge of the prison health system strengthened political and bureaucratic will to materially address prison health needs. This found expression in a tripartite Memorandum of Understanding between the Ministry of Home Affairs, Ministry of Health (MOH) and Ministry of Community Development, and in the appointment of a permanent liaison between MOH and ZCS. Capacity-building workshops for ZCS Command resulted in strengthened health planning and management outcomes, including doubling ZCS health professional workforce (from 37 to78 between 2014 and 2016), new preservice basic health training for incoming ZCS officers and formation of facility-based prison health committees with a mandate for health promotion and protection. Mechanisms: continuous and facilitated communication among major stakeholders and the emergence of interorganisational trust were critical. Enabling contextual factors included a permissive political environment, a shift within ZCS from a ‘punitive’ to ‘correctional’ organisational culture, and prevailing political and public health concerns about the spread of HIV and tuberculosis.ConclusionWhile not a panacea, findings demonstrate that a ‘systems’ approach to seemingly intractable prison health system problems yielded a number of short-term tactical and long-term strategic improvements in the Zambian setting. Context-sensitive application of such an approach to other settings may yield positive outcomes.
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Bisset, Alison. "And then Two Came Along at Once: Inter-State Cooperation on Core Crimes, the ilc and the Group of Core States." International Criminal Law Review 20, no. 3 (May 28, 2020): 551–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718123-02003001.
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Despite their fundamental importance in the effective prosecution of international crimes, inter-state judicial cooperation regimes have long been overlooked. However, two new initiatives have recently emerged. The first is the International Law Commission’s Draft Articles on Crimes against Humanity (Draft Articles), which aims to create a global convention on prevention, punishment and inter-State cooperation with respect to crimes against humanity. The second initiative, the Mutual Legal Assistance Treaty for core crimes (mla Treaty), is wider in scope. It encompasses genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity and seeks the conclusion of a multilateral cooperation treaty to enable the effective provision of mutual legal assistance and extradition of suspects in relation to these crimes. The aim of this article is to critically assess the merits and shortcomings of these two initiatives in the effort to enhance inter-state cooperation in the prosecution of international crimes and their abilities to remedy current problems.
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Ciavolella, Riccardo. "Gramsci in and beyond resistances." Focaal 2018, no. 82 (December 1, 2018): 49–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2018.820104.
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Stemming from a Gramscian approach, this article engages with the anthropological debate about subaltern groups’ forms of resistance by using the case of marginalized Fulani groups of pastoral and nomadic origins in northwest Benin. Their experiences seemingly confirm contemporary theories on resistance, which emphasize subaltern people’s capacities to tactically circumvent exploitation and exclusion and to handle contradictions between different “moral economies.” Nevertheless, one should question the impact of small-scale reactions that remain on the infrapolitical level and the emancipatory role that political theories give to tactical forms of resistance of dispersed subjectivities while refusing collective strategies. Grounding Gramscian theories in ethnography, this article wonders about the possibilities and limits of margins to turn into the scene of an “autonomous political initiative” of a subaltern group.
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Griffiths, Tom G., and Jack Downey. "“What to do about schools?”: The Australian Radical Education Group (RED G)." History of Education Review 44, no. 2 (October 5, 2015): 170–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/her-12-2013-0025.
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Purpose – The Australian Radical Education Group (RED G) was created in June 1976, which in turn launched a magazine for radical(ising) teachers, the Radical Education Dossier (RED), that would be published for the next 30 years. The purpose of this paper is to characterise the emergence and first phase of RED’s publication up to its name change in 1984. Design/methodology/approach – The authors draw on interviews with key members of the magazine’s editorial collective, and a review of RED’s contents, to identify the major political ambitions as manifest in RED in historical context. The authors contextualise this radical education project in the post-1968 world context of social and political upheaval, rejecting the Cold War options of either Soviet style Communist or US-based capitalist pathways. Findings – In this context RED generated powerful critiques of dominant educational policy in multiple areas. The critique was part of a project to promote a socialist understanding of mass education, and to promote the transformation of Australian society towards socialism. The authors argue that the debates and struggles within RED in this period, seeking to define and advance a socialist educational project, reflected a broad and consistent critique of progressive educational reforms, rooted in its radical political foundations. Originality/value – This paper provides an historical review of a 30-year radical education publishing initiative in Australia, about which no accounts have been published. It connects directly with contemporary educational issues, and offers insights for interviews with those directly involved in the historical project.
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Hobden, Tanya, Mary Swallow, Charlotte Beer, and Tom Dening. "Swimming for dementia: An exploratory qualitative study: Innovative practice." Dementia 18, no. 2 (March 30, 2018): 776–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1471301218768372.
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Swimming is a non-weight bearing form of exercise that can be enjoyable and promote physical fitness. This qualitative study investigated a local group established as part of a national dementia swimming initiative. Semi-structured interviews with people with dementia (N = 4), carers or companions (N = 4) and the organisers and facilitators of the group (N = 6) were analysed using thematic analysis. This revealed four main themes: (1) the pleasure of swimming and its benefits as a form of exercise and for building confidence and empowering participants, (2) the importance of insight and empathy in creating a safe and secure experience, (3) the impact of dementia and (4) how participants valued being part of a group ‘all in the same boat’. ‘Dementia friendly swimming’ appears to be a valuable form of exercise, but it requires considerable preparation and support to make it happen.
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Jagannath, Harish P. "Street-level collaboration: perception, power, and politics on the frontlines of collaboration." International Journal of Public Sector Management 33, no. 4 (April 6, 2020): 461–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijpsm-07-2019-0194.
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PurposeTo examine the implementation processes and outcomes of collaborative governance initiatives through the lens of bureaucratic politics.Design/methodology/approachAn in-depth single case study research design with 28 embedded cases to study the implementation of a collaborative governance initiative. This paper uses the analytical technique of process tracing to explicate necessary and sufficient conditions to uncover causal mechanisms and confirm descriptive and causal inferences.FindingsThis study finds that when street-level bureaucrats perceived the collaborative initiative as a health intervention (and not as a collaborative initiative), it resulted in low levels of stakeholder participation and made the collaborative initiative unsuccessful. This paper finds that bureaucratic politics is the causal mechanism that further legitimized this perception resulting in each stakeholder group avoiding participation and sticking to their departmental siloes.Research limitations/implicationsThis is a single case study about a revelatory case of collaborative governance implementation in India, and findings are analytically generalizable to similar administrative contexts. Further research is needed through a multiple case study design in a comparative context to examine bureaucratic politics in implementing collaborative initiatives.Practical implicationsPolicymakers and managers need to carefully consider the implications of engaging organizations with competing institutional histories when formulating and implementing collaborative governance initiatives.Originality/valueThis study's uniqueness is that it examines implementation of collaborative governance through a bureaucratic politics lens. Specifically, the study applies Western-centric scholarship on collaborative governance and street-level bureaucracy to a non-Western developing country context to push the theoretical and empirical boundaries of key concepts in public administration.
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KLESSMANN, MARIA. "Intersecting religion and ethnicity: Drawing boundaries in talk-in-interaction." Romani Studies 31, no. 2 (December 1, 2021): 231–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/rs.2021.12.
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People of Romani background are usually labelled as members of an “ethnic minority” and identified along dominantly ethnicized notions and markers. Discursively, this neglects individuals’ different self-perceptions and multiple belongings. This contribution looks at interactional data and material from workshops conducted in Germany as part of the EU-wide initiative RoMed (Mediation for Roma). The initiative aimed to strengthen opportunities for local participation by people of Romani background in various European cities and communities between 2011-2017. A conversation analytical approach (e.g. at practices of categorization) is used to examine excerpts from group discussions ahead of a meeting with public officials. From an intersectional perspective I look at how boundaries are drawn, blurred, or destabilized between issues of religiosity and ethnicity. The article discusses boundary-drawing as a symbolic ordering process, highlighting the hegemonic discourses which are reproduced and challenged in the investigated linguistic material. The boundaries drawn and negotiated show the delicate balance between the staging of ethnic and religious affiliations and concerns and their political mobilization.
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Bell, Linda, and Carmel Clancy. "Postgraduate students learning about research." Social Work and Social Sciences Review 16, no. 2 (May 29, 2013): 37–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1921/swssr.v16i2.533.
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Initial findings from a pedagogic initiative and research project show how two cohorts comprising 105 postgraduates undertaking social work or mental health educational programmes responded to learning about research methods in one UK university. Few studies have looked specifically at postgraduate students’ attitudes towards research / research methods. Previous research suggests students may express anxiety when learning about research, particularly quantitative methods. Using an existing validated rating scale with 5 subscales (Papanastasiou, 2005), we explored students’ attitudes before and after taking a research module and possible significance of gender, professional group and being college or employment based. Project data was used by students to complete a quantitative module assignment. Results showed these students had a ‘positive’ attitude towards research pre-module; this was generally maintained but did not increase post-module. Students were rated as having overall research ‘anxiety’ pre-module; this lessened post-module although the change was not statistically significant. A significant change (decrease) in ‘usefulness to career’ subscale was recorded post-module. We consider factors that could have impacted on these research findings such as reduced follow up sample sizes, but report how combining a pedagogic initiative with a research project offers opportunities to explore this complex area, with positive outcomes for student learning.
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Carvalho, Eleonora De Magalhães, Afonso Albuquerque, and Marcelo Alves Santos Júnior. "Brazilian Blogosfera Progressista: Digital Vanguards in Dark Times." tripleC: Communication, Capitalism & Critique. Open Access Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society 18, no. 1 (January 13, 2020): 219–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.31269/triplec.v18i1.1126.
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This article explores the Brazilian Blogosfera Progressista (Progressive Blogosphere, hereafter BP), a leftist political communication initiative aiming to conciliate an institutionalized model of organization with a networked model of action. Despite the disparity of resources existing between them, BP proved able to counter effectively the mainstream media’s political framings, thanks to wise networking strategies, which explored the communicative opportunities offered by social media. The Centro de Estudos de Mídia Alternativa Barão de Itararé – Barão de Itararé Alternative Media Studies Center – is an essential piece in this schema, as it works as a coordinating agency for BP members and trains new participants. Our article intends to discuss this and other characteristics of BP as a group, and the challenges it faces at the present, after the rise of Jair Bolsonaro to Brazil’s presidency.
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Nepali, Binita. "Opportunities and Challenges in Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, and Nepal (BBIN) Initiative for Nepal." Prashasan: The Nepalese Journal of Public Administration 55, no. 1 (July 5, 2023): 71–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/prashasan.v55i1.56441.
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In simple term, sub-regionalism refers to cooperation and integration among a group of countries within a larger region. Over the past few years, there has been a shift towards sub-regional groupings within the larger multilateral, regional grouping. One such sub-regional grouping in South Asia is Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, and Nepal (BBIN). BBIN, formed in 2014, aims to foster greater cooperation among the member countries on various issues, including trade, transportation, energy, and the environment. The paper attempts to study how Nepal's participation in the BBIN can result in a much-needed resolution to Nepal's connectivity-related issues. The sub-regional cooperation promises to ease Nepal's connectivity issues and aid in the country's economic integration with the rest of the world. To reap these benefits, Nepal needs to be free from political issues and work on implementing high-priority infrastructure and connectivity projects. Nevertheless, Nepal should not be overly optimistic given its own capacity constraints on implementing big connectivity projects and the fact that such regional arrangements haven't offered Nepal with many benefits in the past.
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McGarry, Julie, Basharat Hussain, and Kim Watts. "Exploring primary care responses to domestic violence and abuse (DVA): operationalisation of a national initiative." Journal of Adult Protection 21, no. 2 (March 28, 2019): 144–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jap-10-2018-0025.
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Purpose In the UK, the Identification and Referral to Improve Safety (IRIS) initiative has been developed for use within primary care to support women survivors of domestic violence and abuse (DVA). However, while evaluated nationally, less is known regarding impact of implementation at a local level. The purpose of this paper is to explore the effectiveness of IRIS within one locality in the UK. Design/methodology/approach A qualitative study using interviews/focus groups with primary care teams and women who had experienced DVA in one primary care setting in the UK. Interviews with 18 participants from five professional categories including: general practitioners, practice nurses, practice managers, assistant practice managers and practice receptionists. Focus group discussion/interview with seven women who had accessed IRIS. Data were collected between November 2016 and March 2017. Findings Five main themes were identified for professionals: Team role approach to training, Professional confidence, Clear pathway for referral and support, Focussed support, Somewhere to meet that is a “safe haven”. For women the following themes were identified: Longevity of DVA; Lifeline; Face to face talking to someone; Support and understood where I was coming from; A place of safety. Practical implications IRIS played a significant role in helping primary care professionals to respond effectively. For women IRIS was more proactive and holistic than traditional approaches. Originality/value This study was designed to assess the impact that a local level implementation of the national IRIS initiative had on both providers and users of the service simultaneously. The study identifies that a “whole team approach” in the primary care setting is critical to the effectiveness of DVA initiatives.
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Cetinski, Vinka, and Sanda Weber. "Strategic tourism marketing of C.E.I. countries - basic framework." Tourism and hospitality management 2, no. 1 (July 15, 1996): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.20867/thm.2.1.1.
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Political changes in Europe at the end of the 80's have resulted in the establishment of the Central European Initiative as an international regional association. Interests in cooperation in the field of tourism can be explained by the fact that the majority of Central European countries have significant cultural, historical and natural resources which are not sufficiently used. The Working Group for Tourism, which has been led by Croatia since 1993, made a decision to conduct research with the main aim of determining basic tourism indicators as a basis for developing a common tourism marketing strategy. This paper presents the research methodology and discusses the main survey results.
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Levitt, Morris J., and Ronald James. "Simulations: National Policy Making." News for Teachers of Political Science 51 (1986): 15–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0197901900003640.
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This simulation sets up a presidential and congressional structure and demonstrates the various institutional and political factors that exist in the law making process on the American national level. We have designed a role-playing framework for presidential initiative, congressional action/reaction, and interest group and media activity. Students will become aware of agenda setting, the budget as a policy instrument, and the forces and strategies of influence that affect lawmaking. It can be inserted into a semester course to diversify routine lectures and discussion. It is flexible, easily adjusted to class size and time available to highlight the executive-legislative process (it may take three to eight class sessions).
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Kiss, Simon. "Where Did All The Baby Bottles Go? Risk Perception, Interest Groups, Media Coverage and Institutional Imperatives in Canada's Regulation of Bisphenol A." Canadian Journal of Political Science 47, no. 4 (December 2014): 741–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423914001127.
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AbstractAs part of a multi-year, $816 million initiative to assess the risks posed by thousands of commonly used chemicals and compounds, Canada became the first country in the world to declare that bisphenol A (BPA) was toxic and justified regulation in April 2008. The process set up to conduct this risk assessment differed from the previous Canadian experience with the regulation of hazardous substances in that it was more formal, systematic and more pluralistic with much greater participation from interest groups. This case study explores the politics and process behind this decision and argues that the government's decision went beyond what scientific evidence could justify. The decision resulted from long-term institutional factors such as the incentive structure of Canadian federalism and values embedded in legislation as well as short-term factors such as media coverage, public opinion and interest group pressure.
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Hernandez, Alison, Anna-Karin Hurtig, Miguel San Sebastian, Fernando Jerez, and Walter Flores. "‘History obligates us to do it’: political capabilities of Indigenous grassroots leaders of health accountability initiatives in rural Guatemala." BMJ Global Health 7, no. 5 (May 2022): e008530. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmjgh-2022-008530.
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Growing interest in how marginalised citizens can leverage countervailing power to make health systems more inclusive and equitable points to the need for politicised frameworks for examining bottom-up accountability initiatives. This study explores how political capabilities are manifested in the actions and strategies of Indigenous grassroots leaders of health accountability initiatives in rural Guatemala. Qualitative data were gathered through group discussions and interviews with initiative leaders (called defenders of the right to health) and initiative collaborators in three municipalities. Analysis was oriented by three dimensions of political capabilities proposed for evaluating the longer-term value of participatory development initiatives: political learning, reshaping networks and patterns of representation. Our findings indicated that the defenders’ political learning began with actionable knowledge about defending the right to health and citizen participation. The defenders used their understanding of local norms to build trust with remote Indigenous communities and influence them to participate in monitoring to attempt to hold the state accountable for the discriminatory and deficient healthcare they received. Network reshaping was focused on broadening their base of support. Their leadership strategies enabled them to work with other grassroots leaders and access resources that would expand their reach in collective action and lend them more influence representing their problems beyond the local level. Patterns of representing their interests with a range of local and regional authorities indicated they had gained confidence and credibility through their evolving capability to navigate the political landscape and seek the right authority based on the situation. Our results affirm the critical importance of sustained, long-term processes of engagement with marginalised communities and representatives of the state to enable grassroots leaders of accountability initiatives to develop the capabilities needed to mobilise collective action, shift the terms of interaction with the state and build more equitable health systems.