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Journal articles on the topic 'Kitchen middens'

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1

Gill, Edmund D. "Aboriginal Kitchen Middens and Marine Shell Beds." Mankind 4, no. 6 (February 10, 2009): 249–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1835-9310.1951.tb00244.x.

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2

Versteegh, E. A. A., M. E. Blicher, J. Mortensen, S. Rysgaard, and T. D. Als. "Oxygen isotope ratios in the shell of <i>Mytilus edulis</i>: archives of glacier meltwater in Greenland?" Biogeosciences Discussions 9, no. 9 (September 5, 2012): 12019–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/bgd-9-12019-2012.

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Abstract. Melting of the Greenland Ice Sheet (GrIS) is accelerating and will contribute significantly to global sea level rise during the 21st century. Instrumental data on GrIS melting only cover the last few decades, and proxy data extending our knowledge into the past are vital for validating models predicting the influence of ongoing climate change. We investigated a potential meltwater proxy in Godthåbsfjord (West Greenland), where glacier meltwater causes seasonal excursions with lower oxygen isotope water (δ18Ow) values and salinity. The blue mussel (Mytilus edulis) potentially records these variations, because it precipitates its shell calcite in oxygen isotopic equilibrium with ambient seawater. As M. edulis shells are known to occur in raised shorelines and kitchen middens from previous Holocene warm periods, this species may be ideal in reconstructing past meltwater dynamics. We investigate its potential as a palaeo-meltwater proxy. First, we confirmed that M. edulis shell calcite oxygen isotope (δ18Oc) values are in equilibrium with ambient water and generally reflect meltwater conditions. Subsequently we investigated if this species recorded the full range of δ18Ow values occurring during the years 2007 to 2010. Results show that δ18Ow values were not recorded at very low salinities (< ~19), because the mussels appear to cease growing. This implies that M. edulis δ18Oc values are suitable in reconstructing past meltwater amounts in most cases, but care has to be taken that shells are collected not too close to a glacier, but rather in the mid region or mouth of the fjord. The focus of future research will expand on the geographical and temporal range of the shell measurements by sampling mussels in other fjords in Greenland along a south-north gradient, and by sampling shells from raised shorelines and kitchen middens from prehistoric settlements in Greenland.
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3

Luby, Edward M., and Mark F. Gruber. "The Dead Must be Fed: Symbolic Meanings of the Shellmounds of the San Francisco Bay Area." Cambridge Archaeological Journal 9, no. 1 (April 1999): 95–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0959774300015225.

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Long viewed as ‘kitchen middens’, the shellmounds of the San Francisco Bay Area have -provided archaeologists of coastal California insight into the subsistence and ecology of precontact native groups. In this article, the authors develop a framework for understanding the cultural significance of these shellmounds which regards them as intentional cultural features, incorporates social context, and builds on earlier subsistence-focused studies of the shellmounds in order to better appreciate the meaning of the numerous human remains interred therein. A structural analysis is then used to show that the concepts of food and ancestors joined together at shellmounds, so much so that ritual attention to the ancestors was very likely regarded as essential to ensuring a continuing supply of food.
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4

Setiawan, Taufiqurrahman. "Sungai Wampu, Pendukung Kehidupan Pemukim Bukit Kerang." Berkala Arkeologi Sangkhakala 11, no. 22 (January 8, 2018): 104–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.24832/bas.v11i22.249.

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5

Callapez, Pedro Miguel, Randi Danielsen, and Ana Castilho. "Occurrences of the amphi-Atlantic brown mussel Perna perna (Linné, 1758) (Mollusca, Bivalvia) in South Portugal since the Atlantic “climatic optimum”." Estudos do Quaternário / Quaternary Studies, no. 8 (December 26, 2012): 13–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.30893/eq.v0i8.70.

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The large, edible, and near-cosmopolitan brown mussel Perna perna (Linné, 1758) has a history of few and infrequent occurrences in Portugal since the Atlantic “climatic optimum” of the Holocene. Moreover, it is likely that some previous citations of Mytilus spp. from other Holocene deposits, including kitchen middens, may represent true Perna specimens. The species was recently found by Lourenço et al. (2012) in the south Portuguese coastal localities of Ilha do Farol and Vila Moura. Here, we summarize these and other previously published occurrences of P. perna in the areas of Armação de Pêra, Lagos and Aljezur, discussing morphologic, ecologic and biogeographic aspects of this species in the Portuguese fauna. The brown mussel is also known from archaeological records from Padrão I (Sagres – Vila do Bispo, Ancient Neolithic) and Arrifana (Aljezur, XII century). These chronologies are contemporaneous with the climatic warming intervals of the Atlantic Period (circa 8000-5000 BP) and “Medieval Warm Period” (circa 1000- 1200 AD). During these and other related intervals of warmer coastal surface waters, it is very likely that this subtropical “warm guest” colonized open marine rocky areas of the South and Southwest Portuguese coast, with settlement of stable and permanent populations. Ocorrências do mexilhão castanho anfiatlântico Perna perna (Linné, 1758) (Mollusca, Bivalvia) no sul de Portugal desde o “ótimo climático” Atlântico - O mitilídeo Perna perna (Linné, 1758), espécie comestível de dimensão apreciável e repartição quase cosmopolita, apresenta um historial escasso de ocorrências em Portugal desde o “ótimo climático” Atlântico do Holocénico. É provável, também, que algumas das ocorrências publicadas de Mytilus spp. noutros depósitos holocénicos, incluindo concheiros, possam corresponder a espécimes de Perna. Recolhas recentes na costa sul de Portugal, mencionadas por Lourenço et al. (2012) ampliam as ocorrências conhecidas às localidades de Ilha do Farol e de Vila Moura, em paralelo com citações mais antigas para Armação de Pêra, Lagos e Aljezur. Estas ocorrências são sumariadas no presente estudo, assim como discutidos aspetos de ordem morfológica, ecológica e biogeográfica relativos à presença desta espécie na fauna portuguesa. No registo arqueológico, o mexilhão castanho é conhecido nos arqueossítios de Padrão I (Sagres – Vila do Bispo, Neolítico Antigo) e Arrifana (Aljezur, século XII). Estas cronologias são coevas com os intervalos de melhoria climática do período Atlântico (circa 8000-5000 BP) e de finais da IdadeMédia (circa 1000-1200 DC). Durante estes e outros intervalos comparativos de melhoria das condições hidroclimáticas das águas superficiais costeiras, considera-se bastante provável que este “warm guest” subtropical tenha atingido, por diversas vezes, áreas não restritas do litoral rochoso do sul e sudoeste dePortugal, com o estabelecimento de populações estáveis e permanentes.
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6

Chen, Weiju. "On the subsistence types of the Xiantouling Culture." Chinese Archaeology 18, no. 1 (November 27, 2018): 127–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/char-2018-0012.

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Abstract The Xiantouling Culture featured sand dune sites and shell midden (kitchen midden) sites. Through an analysis of the faunal and floral remains and tools unearthed from these sites, with the relevant unearthed pottery wares and paleo-environmental research results taken into account, it can be evidenced that the subsistence types of these sites were mainly plant gathering supplemented by fishing and hunting, instead of relying on marine resources. The subsistence type of the sand dune sites was mainly plant gathering and occasionally rice gathering or farming; that of the earlier kitchen madden sites was gathering freshwater shells, and that of the later ones was more relying on marine resources. From the late phase of Xiantouling Culture, the archaeological cultures in the coastal areas of southeastern China began to utilize marine resources in a large scale.
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7

Tugby, Elise. "An Aboriginal Kitchen-midden near Caloundra, South-east Queensland." Mankind 6, no. 5 (February 10, 2009): 197–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1835-9310.1965.tb00346.x.

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8

Andersen, Søren H. "Aktivitetspladser fra Ertebølletid." Kuml 53, no. 53 (October 24, 2004): 9–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/kuml.v53i53.97366.

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Activity sites from the Ertebølle periodDyngby III and Sindholt Nord In order to understand the maritime culture of the Ertebølle period in Denmark (5600-4000 BC), it is necessary to take as many sources as possible into account. In the following, two new aspects of coastal Ertebølle finds, represented by the Dyngby III and Sindholt Nord sites, are described (Figs. 1 and 10). Dyngby III is located at the foot of a hill bordering an area which in the Stone Age was a small bay connected with Kattegat (Fig. 1). Several small sites have been excavated along this prehistoric coastline – both “Køkkenmøddinger” (shell middens), and coastal sites without any shell deposits; to these can now be added a new type of coastal site, which is the central issue of this article. The site is rather small (10 m x 10 m), and the culture layers were encapsulated by tufa deposited by fresh water. Charcoal powder, flint debris, and shells from oysters and cockles define the culture layers. No settlement structures were recorded, but the presence of charcoal, burnt flint, and burnt bones indicate the use of fire on the beach.The find material is very restricted. Apart from worked flint, it comprises just a few potsherds, “pot-boilers”, and small bone splinters. The number of artefacts and the range of types represented are limited (Figs. 4, 5, and 6). The most common artefact types are triangular or discoid flint pieces with irregular scars along the edges (Fig. 7) – types which are rare on other Ertebølle sites. The heavy wear indicates that they were used as hammers on a hard material such as bone or antler, but as there are no artefacts or waste in the find material to support these observations, the explanation for the use and occurrence of these tools at Dyngby III is open to discussion. In addition, the numerous core renovation flakes and blades demonstrate an extensive production of blades on this site. The absence or near-absence of blade-tools (scrapers and borers, as well as a very low frequency of burins, truncated pieces, transverse arrowheads and flake axes) is striking – both in absolute terms and in relation to the excavated area, as well as in comparison with other Ertebølle sites. Apart from this, a small fragment of an ornamented bone knife was found (Fig. 8).The artefacts demonstrate that the activities at Dyngby III were very restricted and specialized.The tool inventory and the few and fragmentary bones clearly distinguish this site from other contemporary and small settlements such as Aggersund (Andersen 1979) and Vængesø, which had a much wider artefact inventory (Andersen 1975b). Unfortunately, the few artefacts and bone splinters offer no clear interpretation as to the exact purpose of visiting this particular location on the coast.The culture layers also contained a thin scattering of marine molluscs, the dominant species of which are oysters, followed by cockles; other marine species are absent or extremely sparsely represented. The molluscs therefore reflect very selective collecting. In general, the shells lay singly and did not form a continuous horizon. In this respect, the Dyngby III site differs from the “Køkkenmødding” (shell midden) category. However, in some cases the shells formed small “heaps”, which probably reflect isolated disposal incidents (Fig. 9). An analysis of the oyster shells demonstrated that they were from very young oysters (2-3 years), and that they had been collected solely during a short period in late March and early April.Dyngby III is C-14 dated to 4840-4257 BC. The dating demonstrates that – despite the impression given by the scattered cultural remains – the site reflects a speci­fic, repeated behaviour, most probably a series of very short visits taking place during several centuries of the Ertebølle Culture (as otherwise one would expect a much thicker and more extensive accumulation of waste). Against this background, the limited number of cultural remains and the scattered distribution of the shells seem even more striking. The lack of settlement structures and the very limited range of tools demonstrate that Dyngby III was not an ordinary settlement, but rather a specialized site with a diffuse distribution of marine molluscs. The preliminary interpretation of the site is that it is a locality where access to good flint and blade production was important, and that the occupants collected marine molluscs during their short stays there in the spring. Dyngby III thus represents a coastal site of a type that has never previously been described in Danish archaeological publications.In connection with the excavations at Visborg (Fig. 10), the surrounding region was reconnoitred. During this process a very small concentration of flint debris and marine shells was discovered on the eastern slope of a shallow hill, which during the Stone Age had been a peninsula stretching towards a narrow sound connected with Mariager Fjord to the south (Fig. 10).The Sindholt site had been disturbed by ploughing, and a test excavation proved that no cultural horizon was left in situ. Only flints, some marine shells, and “pot-boilers” were preserved. All the finds lay on the surface and were later recorded. The area with finds turned out to form an oval (15 x 7 metres), with the most intense occurrence of material situated within an area measuring 10 x 7 metres (Fig. 12). From the investigation of the Stone Age settlement of Bro (S. H. Andersen 1973), we know that ploughing expands the horizontal distribution, but that the relationship between the objects largely remains unaltered. The distribution on the surface is therefore in a crude sense also represen­tative of the primary distribution of cultural remains. The Sindholt Nord site is very small. Settlement structures include a fireplace on the prehistoric beach, indicated by a concentration of “pot-boilers”, and higher up the hillside a concentration of shells, measuring 2 x 2 metres, along with a few “pot-boilers” (Fig. 12). The shell concentration was clearly delimited, and it consisted almost exclusively of oyster and cockleshells. The patch of shells was so limited in extent and contained so few shells that it could represent only a single “episode.” The number of worked flints and artefacts was also very limited (Figs. 13-15) and as in the Dyngby III case, the absence of blade tools (scrapers, borers and trunca­ted blades) was striking. The finds indicate that the production of blades and transverse arrowheads was of importance.The Sindholt site is dated from the tool inventory and a single C-14 dating to 4775-4625 BC, i.e. the early Ertebølle Culture.The few finds, the few settlement structures, and the very limited area involved indicate that the Sindholt site represents a single and very short occupation. The site therefore exemplifies a very small coastal settlement unit from the Ertebølle Culture. If this spot had been used repeatedly or continuously over a long span of time, the quantity of debris and of tool types would have been greater, and the shell layer would have been thicker and more extensive. Sindholt would then have incorporated all the different elements which constitute a typical Danish kitchen midden.The conclusion is that the two sites are unusually small and have a very restricted tool inventory. They thus demonstrate new aspects of the coast-linked activities of the Ertebølle Culture and should be labelled “activity spots” or “find spots” rather than settlements. The two sites have close parallels with the “dinnertime camps” known from ethnographic publications from Australia in particular. It is the restricted artefact inventory which especially distinguishes Dyngby III and Sindholt from other (published) small Ertebølle settlements. At both sites the production of blades seems to have been of major importance, and at Sindholt the repair of broken artefacts was also demonstrated. Dyngby III seems to have been used during a very long period of the Ertebølle Culture, while Sindholt seems to represent only a brief epi­sode, but of the same “specialized” nature. The collecting of marine species took place at both sites, but this activity was limited to oysters and cockles. Sindholt represents a very small kitchen midden, and if the site had been visited several times, it would have developed into a typical kitchen midden, whereas the collecting of molluscs at Dyngby III reflects activity of a much more sporadic character.Since the article was delivered to the editor (in the summer of 2003), the excavation of Dyngby III has been completed. This has in no way altered the above description of the site and its artefact inventory. However, the few animal bones have been identified, and the following species have been recorded: Pig (Sus sp.), Roe deer (Capreolus capreolus), Red deer (Cervus elaphus), Oxen (Bos sp.), Oxen/Elk (Bos sp./Alces alces), Ourochs/Elk (Bos primigenius/Alces alces), Ourochs/Elk/Red deer (Bos/Alces/Cervus). The bones are badly preserved; only the most robust parts of the skeleton are present, and all parts are represented. The bone fragments do not give any information as to the season in which the animals were used. Søren H. Andersen Nationalmuseet
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9

Hollesen, Jørgen, Jan Bruun Jensen, Henning Matthiesen, Bo Elberling, Hans Lange, and Morten Meldgaard. "The Future Preservation of a Permanently Frozen Kitchen Midden in Western Greenland." Conservation and Management of Archaeological Sites 14, no. 1-4 (November 2012): 159–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/1350503312z.00000000013.

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10

Fischer, Anders, Anne Birgitte Gotfredsen, John Meadows, Lisbeth Pedersen, and Mike Stafford. "The Rødhals kitchen midden – marine adaptations at the end of the Mesolithic world." Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports 39 (October 2021): 103102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jasrep.2021.103102.

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11

Sriwigati, Nfn. "PEMANFAATAN GUA-GUA ALAM DI KABUPATEN MOROWALI UTARA SEBAGAI BUKTI AKTIVITAS MANUSIA MASA LALU." Tumotowa 1, no. 2 (December 1, 2018): 95–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.24832/tmt.v1i2.14.

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Human life in the past, especially in the late Pleistocene and early Holocene are very dependent on the availability of natural resources around them. One of adaptation to an environment that does is use the cave as a shelter. The location was chosen with consideration of the cave near the water source, easy to get the food needed and is safe from the threat of wild animals. Natural caves scattered Morowali district is used as a shelter and burial with the remains of stone-tool artifacts flakes, blades and waste product; kitchen midden and animal bones: skull, bones and human teeth; rock painting in the form of hand stencils.
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12

Elberling, Bo, Henning Matthiesen, Christian Juncher Jørgensen, Birger Ulf Hansen, Bjarne Grønnow, Morten Meldgaard, Claus Andreasen, and Shfaqat Abbas Khan. "Paleo-Eskimo kitchen midden preservation in permafrost under future climate conditions at Qajaa, West Greenland." Journal of Archaeological Science 38, no. 6 (June 2011): 1331–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jas.2011.01.011.

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13

Jerardino, Antonieta. "Excavations at Pancho's Kitchen Midden, Western Cape Coast, South Africa: Further Observations into the Megamidden Period." South African Archaeological Bulletin 53, no. 167 (June 1998): 16. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3889258.

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14

Wiradnyana, Ketut. "Hoabinhian and Austronesia: The Root of Diversity in the Western Part of Indonesia." European Scientific Journal, ESJ 12, no. 32 (November 30, 2016): 131. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2016.v12n32p131.

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The western part of Indonesia mentioned in this paper includes the provinces of North Sumatera and Aceh, in the northern part of Sumatera. The two provinces are rich in archaeological remains, particularly those from Early Holocene up to the megalithic culture. Human activities during the Early Holocene were characterized by the presence of Kitchen Midden sites and Austromelanesoids with Hoabinh culture. This culture is commonly found along the east coast of the two provinces, and some of them are on highlands. The Neolithic culture, which contributes highly significant Austronesian data, are found at the sites on highland area, while other cultures from later period contribute the Megalithic culture that continues until now and becomes the living tradition. The entire depiction is the achievement from a series of archaeological researches, which in turn describes the mixing process among humans and their cultures. The result is a diversity of Indonesian people, particularly in the western part of Indonesia.
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15

Denholm, Peter C., E. McCartney, M. C. Jarvis, J. Davis, and J. H. Dickson. "Excavations at Levan Castle, Gourock, 1966 & 1970-72." Glasgow Archaeological Journal 16, no. 1 (January 1989): 55–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/gas.1989.16.16.55.

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Summary In 1970 Renfrewshire Planning Authority were concerned with proposals to develop part of the Levan estate for new housing, and wished to know the probable extent of the former barmkin and outbuildings. A three-season excavation was arranged and supervised by the writer, with the advice in the first year of Eric J. Talbot, then lecturer in medieval archaeology at Glasgow, and thereafter with the advice and support of the late Mrs. Anne Halifax-Crawford, Hon. Vice-President of this society and a member of the Renfrewshire Heritage Committee. The writer however claims any mistakes herein as his own. Apart from identifying two sides of the barmkin, the operation produced an interesting range of late medieval pottery, including continental imports, and a large collection of animal bone from the kitchen midden, indicating contemporary diet (Appendix I). The report is prefaced by a brief history of the building and its owners as far as is ascertainable from documentary sources, which in this case provide as much tentative dating information as the excavation.
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Robson, Harry, Soren H. Andersen, Oliver Craig, and Kenneth Ritchie. "Eel Fishing in the Late Mesolithic and the Early Neolithic: A Preliminary Report from the Stratified Kitchen Midden at Havnø, Denmark." Archaeofauna, no. 22 (October 1, 2013): 167–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.15366/archaeofauna2013.22.013.

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Havnø es un conchero danés bien estratificado que discurre desde la cultura Ertebølle del Mesolítico tardío y la cultura de los vasos de embudo del Neolítico inicial (5.000- 3.500 cal a.C.). Este trabajo presenta los resultados de un estudio llevado a cabo con los huesos de peces recuperados en una columna completa de muestreo que incorpora todos los niveles del conchero estratificado. El material fue cuantificado y se proporcionaron estimaciones sobre las longitudes totales de los especímenes. La interpretación se centra sobre la tafonomía y la importancia relativa de los peces aparecidos. Entre éstos, destaca la anguila (Anguilla anguilla), la relevancia del espinoso (Gasterosteus aculeatus) así como la distribución de los restos de peces, los posibles métodos de pesca utilizados y la(s) estación(es) de captura.
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17

Wiradnyana, Ketut. "BUDAYA PRASEJARAH PADA BUKIT KERANG PANGKALAN, AKAR PLURALISME DAN MULTIKULTURALISME DI PESISIR TIMUR PULAU SUMATERA." Patanjala : Jurnal Penelitian Sejarah dan Budaya 2, no. 2 (June 2, 2010): 325. http://dx.doi.org/10.30959/patanjala.v2i2.221.

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AbstrakUpaya meningkatkan pemahaman masyarakat akan Pluralisme dan multikulturalisme di pesisir timur Pulau Sumatera dapat dilakukan dengan penyebarluasan hasil penelitian arkeologis. Metode penelitian arkeologis yang holistik dalam satu kawasan yang disertai pemanfaatan hasil penelitian arkeologis di kawasan lainnya melalui perbandingan data di antaranya akan memberikan informasi proses plural dan multikultural yang telah terjadi pada suatu masyarakat. Akar pluralisme dan multikulturalisme dari sejak masa prasejarah terungkap melalui hasil penelitian di Situs Bukit Kerang Pangkalan yang menunjukkan adanya migrasi yang disertai tiga budaya besar yang berlangsung di daerah tersebut yakni budaya prahoabinh, hoabinh dan pasca hoabinh. Data arkeologis pada situs-situs di sekitar Bukit Kerang Pangkalan menunjukkan adanya migrasi kelompok manusia beserta budayanya dari budaya besar lainnya, seperti budaya Neolitik dengan kapak persegi dan gerabahnya dan budaya Dongson dengan artefak perunggunya. AbstractDisseminating the result of archaeological research in the east coast of Sumatera would make a better understanding of pluralism and multiculturalism. A holistic archaeological approach and a comparative study were conducted in this research. We came into conclusion that the root of pluralism and multiculturalism traced back to prehistoric times was revealed through our research in the bukit kerang (kitchen midden) of Pangkalan. From this site we know that there was a human migration that brought three great cultures to the site: the pre-hoabinhian, the hoabinhian, and the post-hoabinhian cultures. Archaeological records from the vicinity has shown us that there were migrations of another human group who brought neolithic culture as well as bronze artifacts of Dongson culture.
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18

Arneborg, Jette, Jan Heinemeier, Niels Lynnerup, Henrik L. Nielsen, Niels Rud, and Árný E. Sveinbjörnsdóttir. "Change of Diet of the Greenland Vikings Determined from Stable Carbon Isotope Analysis and 14C Dating of Their Bones." Radiocarbon 41, no. 2 (1999): 157–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0033822200019512.

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Bone samples from the Greenland Viking colony provide us with a unique opportunity to test and use 14C dating of remains of humans who depended upon food of mixed marine and terrestrial origin. We investigated the skeletons of 27 Greenland Norse people excavated from churchyard burials from the late 10th to the middle 15th century. The stable carbon isotopic composition (δ13C) of the bone collagen reveals that the diet of the Greenland Norse changed dramatically from predominantly terrestrial food at the time of Eric the Red around AD 1000 to predominantly marine food toward the end of the settlement period around AD 1450. We find that it is possible to 14C-date these bones of mixed marine and terrestrial origin precisely when proper correction for the marine reservoir effect (the 14C age difference between terrestrial and marine organisms) is taken into account. From the dietary information obtained via the δ13C values of the bones We have calculated individual reservoir age corrections for the measured 14C ages of each skeleton. The reservoir age corrections were calibrated by comparing the 14C dates of 3 highly marine skeletons with the 14C dates of their terrestrial grave clothes. The calibrated ages of all 27 skeletons from different parts of the Norse settlement obtained by this method are found to be consistent with available historical and archaeological chronology. The evidence for a change in subsistence from terrestrial to marine food is an important clue to the old puzzle of the disappearance of the Greenland Norse, obtained here for the first time by measurements on the remains of the people themselves instead of by more indirect methods like kitchen-midden analysis.
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19

Ebbesen, Klaus. "En højgruppe ved Kvindvad, Vestjylland." Kuml 53, no. 53 (October 24, 2004): 79–127. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/kuml.v53i53.97371.

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A group of mounds near Kvindvad in Western Jutland The group of mounds in question is situated near Kvindvad in Western Jutland, a little more than ten kilometres from the town of Herning (Figs. 1-3). It is the only known group of mounds from the late Neolithic Age in Denmark. It consists of four mounds situated close together on the western side of a ridge. All the graves are dagger graves, and two of them are tiered graves.In mound no.1 (Figs. 4-6), a rectangular east-west orientated tiered grave was identified. It had been dug 0.6 metres into the subsoil and had a filling of earth and stones. The grave structure was covered by a stone paving. Grave A, which contained a flint dagger of type IA, was dug 0.4 metres into the subsoil. Grave B, also containing a flint dagger of type IA, was found at the bottom of grave A. This grave had faint traces of a wooden coffin.Mound 2 (Figs. 7-8) had been built over just one burial. This grave had a northeast-southwest orientation and was filled with stones. Colouring of the earth showed that the grave had contained a wooden coffin. The grave contained a flint for striking fire, recycled from a flint dagger of type Ix.Mound 3 (Figs. 9-10) had a diameter of 8 to 10 metres and a height of 0.25 to 0.30 metres. It had been constructed above a deep dagger grave with the faint remains of a wooden coffin. The grave was filled in with earth and stones. In the southwestern corner of the grave, a small heap of cremated bones and a pottery sherd were found a little above the bottom of the grave.Mound 4 (Figs. 11-15) had a diameter of 10 metres and a height of 0.25 to 3.0 metres. It had been constructed over a stone paving, which covered a tiered grave. The grave had a northwest-southeast orientation and was filled with stones. At a depth of 0.4 metres were the faint remains of a wooden coffin (grave A). It contained a flint dagger of type IA/B and a slate whetstone pendant. At the bottom of the grave (grave B) was a carefully made stone paving, on top of which yet another coffin had been resting. Two arrowheads with a concave base belong to this grave. The construction of the mounds corresponds to the older mounds known from the single grave culture. All four mounds contained so-called “deep dagger graves,” i.e. graves dug at least 1 metre into the subsoil. Almost all deep dagger graves are found in Northern and Central Jutland, with a marked concentration in Northwestern Jutland. Almost all deep dagger graves date from the late Neolithic Age A, with just a few dating from the late Neolithic Age B.The structures in two of the mounds are so-called tiered graves, which are characterized by having two burials in the same hole, one on top of the other. This is a very special burial custom, which occurs sporadically in the early and the late Neolithic Age across large parts of North and Central Europe.As is the case in the mounds at Kvindvad (Figs. 16-18), flint daggers are in general the most common grave goods in late Neolithic male graves. Slate pendants, on the other hand, occur only sporadically. The arrowheads with a concave base probably represent yet another weapon, i.e. the bow and arrow. These arrowheads are defined by a length not exceeding 8 cm, and by their concave base. This type occurs at the beginning of the late Neolithic Age and continues until period V of the Bronze Age (2400-600BC). So far, no one has succeeded in creating a typological and chronological classification of them. Generally, the arrows have a length of 2 to 6 cm and a thickness of 5 mm.Arrowheads with a concave base often occur in graves (some may even be the cause of death). Their numbers vary from one to twelve (Fig. 21). They occur in at least 57 late Neolithic closed graves. In 31 cases they occur together with flint daggers of type I, in seven cases in combination with daggers of type II.The burial custom of sending the dead to the grave with a bow and arrows thus seems to be primarily from the late Neolithic period A, but it continues into period B. In the later periods, the arrows occur more sporadically as grave goods. Graves containing arrows with a concave base show a clear concentration in Northern Jutland, where they occur mainly in the area surrounding the western Limfjord (Figs. 19-20).Ebbe Lomborg (1973 – cf. 1959 and 1968) divided the country into two geographic zones. Zone I comprised Northern Jutland and the islands, zone II comprised Southern Jutland and Schleswig-Holstein. The boundary between the two areas ran across Central Jutland.The grave types and burial customs described here occur across this boundary and in both zones. Moreover, neither the distribution nor the use of late Neolithic jewellery provides any evidence to support the traditional zone division.The same applies to grave forms and burial customs.The most frequently found burial custom in the late Neolithic Age is the burial of the dead in the old megalith graves. This burial custom is known from all over the country and throughout the age.Stone cists can be divided into at least two different types, which can be separated chronologically and geographically: 1. Small, north-south oriented stone cists (“stenkister” in Danish), which occur only in Northern Jutland during the early part of the late Neolithic Age. They probably originate from the early Neolithic stone cists, and were also built during the late Neolithic Age. 2. The so-called “Zealandic stone cists”, which are known only from Eastern Denmark, with a marked concentration in Northern Zealand. Almost all date from period C of the late Neolithic Age. These stone cists should be regarded as part of a larger context including Western Sweden and other areas of the Scandinavian Peninsula. They are connected to the late Western European megalith tradition, which became widespread in Western Sweden primarily during the end of the late Neolithic Age, but which also involved nearby parts of Denmark. It is noteworthy that these Western European contacts passed directly from Western Europe to Western Sweden – for the most part without passing through Denmark.Late Neolithic burial mounds are almost exclusively a Jutland phenomenon, although primary mound graves are rare. Among these, the deep dagger graves have an important position, as shown above.Among the “secondary” mound graves, the so-called “upper graves” are the most frequent form. In these, the coffin is surrounded by stone packing and is placed in the upper part of an old burial mound, usually an old single grave mound. The type is therefore almost exclusively found in the area where single grave mounds occur.Flat burials occur sporadically all over the country, with a characteristic concentration in Eastern Zealand.Late Neolithic cremation graves occur only randomly in Northern Jutland, and in an early part of the age.As neither the grave types nor the burial customs support Ebbe Lomborg’s zone grouping, this has to be rejected as regards the late Neolithic Age. As regards the early Bronze Age, the division of Denmark into zones has been justified by the fact that Southern Jutland had connections with the Sögel-Wohlde-circle and the western mound grave culture, whereas the rest of the country had direct contacts to Central Europe. The regional differences known from Northern Germany, as recognized from the bronze objects, thus applied in Denmark as well during the Bronze Age. In relation to the period prior to this they must be rejected.During the late Neolithic Age, Denmark consisted of small geographical ­areas, each with its own characteristics, just as was the case during the early and middle Neolithic Age. By the beginning of the late Neolithic Age, the area surrounding the Limfjord was the most important of these local ­areas. This is mainly expressed in the pottery, which is decorated in the Myrhøj style. It is possible that important elements of the late Neolithic culture came into existence in the area by the beginning of this age.The late Neolithic Age spans a very long period of time with a very rich and versatile source material. According to the C-14 datings, this age lasted for approximately 700 years, from c.2400 to c.1700 BC.The flint daggers which appear at the beginning of this age dominate. They are used as a stabbing weapon, as a stone for striking fire, and as a knife. The spearheads also represent a new weapon type. Other new items by the beginning of the age are spoon-shaped scrapers, and food knives. Crescent-shaped flint sickles (type I is symmetrical, type II is asymmetrical, i.e. they have their widest point near one of the tips) replace flint flake sickles. An important novelty by the early Neolithic Age is also the vertical loom and a general change in style of dress. By and large, the early Neolithic houses are unknown, and so it is impossible to determine whether the large longhouses from the late Neolithic Age also represent a novelty.The evidence suggests that the changes at the beginning of the late Neolithic Age happened very quickly, probably within a generation. After that, late Neolithic society was marked by conservatism that was extreme, even in the context of Stone Age peasant society. The changes during the nearly 700 year long period are few and insignificant.Denmark in the late Neolithic Age must be characterized as a tribal society. No decisive social differences are recognizable. The basic occupation was farming, primarily animal husbandry. Apart from this, a small late-Neolithic element known from the old kitchen middens from the Ertebølle culture provides indications of some sea hunting and fishing. The very large late-Neolithic houses indicate that all inhabitants of a settlement lived under the same roof.Most likely, power within the society lay in the hands of the old men, which would explain the extreme conservatism. Development was slow and kept within the framework already created during period A of the late Neolithic Age. Bronze Age phenomena from Western and Central Europe were adopted with huge delays and adapted to local traditions.These conditions only changed slowly during C/Per I of the late Neolithic Age. It was not until Bronze Age period II that the old pattern was broken and Danish society developed into a new society ruled by chieftains.Klaus EbbesenHørsholmTranslated by Annette Lerche Trolle
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20

Laurie, Eva. "Cockle Conversations: An investigation of the cockle collection practices at two Danish kitchen midden sites." Internet Archaeology, no. 22 (2007). http://dx.doi.org/10.11141/ia.22.5.

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21

Petersson, Bodil, and Jes Wienberg. "Tid, arkeologi och konst." META – Historiskarkeologisk tidskrift, May 1, 2022, 7–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.59008/meta.vi.10690.

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Time, Archaeology and Art – the Pillar of Culture in Lund. The article is an investigation into how archaeologists and artists may relate to time departing from the so-called “Pillar of Culture” at The Cultural Museum in Lund. The pillar is a six meter high stratigraphical section from an excavation in Lund 1913. It was exhibited in 1932 in a context of artifacts from the actual excavation. The pillar was relocated to the Medieval Hall in 1959, where the section was supplemented with a series of pottery and a wooden sculpture by the artist Torsten Treutiger. The pillar was moved again later in time and became a part of the Metropolis exhibition that opened in 1999. Stratigraphic thinking and methodological practice are followed from the 17th century to the present. An excavated section of a “kitchen midden” exhibited at the National Museum of Copenhagen is identified as a possible model. The pillar is analyzed as a visualization of the history of Lund based on different types of sources, which are combined – soil, artifacts, written documents and monuments. From the beginning the pillar was supposed to represent 10.000 years, later a period of only 658 years, the “long Danish Middle Ages”.
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22

Mollerup, Lene. "På munkenes bord." Kuml 69, no. 69 (April 29, 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/kuml.v69i69.126094.

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On the monks’ tableThe food and culinary heritage of the Cistercians in Medieval Denmark An investigation of the food and culinary heritage of the Cistercians in Medieval Denmark, involving a range of multidisciplinary sources, has revealed new connections and relations. These sources work together and support each other in areas where others are silent. This has made it possible to follow the food culture of a specific population group through almost 400 years. The monks in Cistercian abbeys ate two daily meals during the summer half of the year, while they only ate one meal a day in winter. At these mealtimes, each monk was served two hot dishes and half a kilo of bread. There was also the opportunity for young and hardworking monks and lay brothers to take a light breakfast of water/beer and bread. To tame their carnal desires, the monks refrained from eating the meat of four-legged animals. Their diet was primarily based around cereal and vegetable products with some fish, eggs and dairy products. Our knowledge of the food on the monks’ table comes from written sources and the archaeological record. We can see that their meals could be served on, and eaten from, locally produced pottery. The monks had their own personal tankards and jugs, and their dinner knives resembled those of the time. It is possible that the fine carving knife found at Øm Abbey, with a handle carved into the figure of a bishop, was used at the abbot’s table.Bread and porridge were made from barley, oats and rye, and buckwheat also found its way into the gruel pot. We know virtually nothing about the vegetables on the monks’ table. The archaeological record is silent on this point, but it seems likely there was a good mixture of commonly cultivated vegetables such as cabbage, onions, leeks and pulses, as revealed by foreign sources. The third course of fresh fruit and salad would consist of apples, pears, plums, bullaces, cherry plums, figs, peaches and a wealth of berries such as raspberries, blackberries, strawberries and blueberries. Elderberries were similarly known and used, as well as hazelnuts and walnuts. Fresh salads could contain young leaves of ground elder, black mustard and endive (leaves of chicory).Part of the monks’ protein-rich diet consisted of dairy products such as milk and cheese as well as eggs in the time outside Lent. Milk was a seasonal and easily perishable product that could be converted into butter and cheese to increase its keeping qualities. Cheese was made from cow’s, goat’s and sheep’s milk.At Lent, the monks were not allowed to eat animal fat, but they knew how to make plant-based “butter” and other “dairy products” with for example walnuts and probably also almonds. Perhaps they also used linseed oil. There is a 14th century cookbook from Sorø Abbey containing recipes for sauces, dressings and egg- and milk-based dishes, as well as dishes with poultry, all of which could be served at the monks’ table. The cookbook could give the monks some ideas for a little variation in their diet without the rules being broken.The monks received gifts of meals called pittances, which are mentioned in written sources from the period 1200-1400. These give us an idea about what was considered as extra provisioning in the abbey and what they were permitted to accept because it took the form of a gift. We hear about well-prepared and well-seasoned milk and fish dishes, for example using stock fish, as well as dishes with aspic and rice, spiced with pepper, and wheat bread, too. Meat from four-legged animals is not mentioned.Fish was eaten in great quantities in the monasteries, especially during Lent. Finds of fish scales and bones from Øm Abbey’s kitchen floor tell us that it was especially freshwater fish species that were consumed here.Animal bones from Øm’s kitchen midden (which is undated) bear witness to the consumption, in some form or other, of cattle, pigs, sheep, goats and horses, as well as wild boar, roe deer and red deer. When and by whom these were eaten is unclear.We can see from the written sources that the sick were permitted to eat meat and that they were served offal and other by-products from the butchering of four-legged animals, while the prohibition on meat for others was strictly maintained.Dated sources, in the form of analyses of preserved plant macro-remains and pollen and deeds of gift with detailed contents, cannot tell us when meat dishes made their entry into the Danish Cistercian abbeys. Other written sources are, however, very consistent in this respect: From 1439 onwards, Cistercians were permitted to eat meat from four-legged animals during specific periods of the year, and from 1475 they were all allowed to eat meat several times a week. These sources suggest that meat dishes apparently did not find favour on the tables of the Cistercians until late in the Middle Ages, but the archaeological record can unfortunately neither confirm nor refute this. Isotope analyses of human bones from Øm Abbey suggest, on the other hand, that the monks consumed increasing amounts of animal protein during the Middle Ages.Sources relating to the Cistercians’ food and culinary heritage indicate that the Danish Cistercians were long-term members of an international order with the same codes of practice, but in the Late Middle Ages they adapted themselves to a changing society. But what was the monks’ attitude to moderation in relation to food? Is there evidence of well-fed bons vivants? The sources suggest that the Cistercians persistently and consistently stood their ground against gluttony, luxury and meat consumption – longer than the other monastic orders. This was probably easier when the food was produced, cooked, served and eaten communally. Food and the settings for the consumption of meals became increasingly profane with time, and it appears that some enjoyment and pleasure eventually found its way to tables of the fat-averse monks, especially in the form of donated food gifts. But well-fed and hedonistic they are probably unlikely ever to have been.The Cistercians, who began as a reform order and created a unique European monastic culture, were forced to see themselves defeated by the times. The order did, however, reform itself again in the 17th century and returned to “the eternal abandonment of meat”, but then it was too late for the Danish Cistercian abbeys. They had all been abolished at the Reformation in 1536.
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