Log in

Relevant bibliographies by topics / Kingship / Journal articles

Journal articles on the topic 'Kingship'

To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Kingship.

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 August 2024

Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles

Select a source type:

Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Kingship.'

Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.

You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.

Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.

1

Nkaka, Raphael, and Charles Kabwete Mulinda. "Sacred Kingship and Political Power in Ancient Rwanda." Rwanda Journal of Social Sciences, Humanities and Business 1, no. 1 (August 5, 2020): 20–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/rjsshb.v1i1.3.

Full text

Abstract:

This article revisits the sacred kingship in ancient Rwanda. The existing literature presented it as either obvious or doubtful. Using local sources and exploring theories related to sacred kingship, we argue that the kingship in Rwanda was sacred. We also identify the role that this sacred kingship played in the processes of unification the territory of Rwanda, creation of material culture, origins and consolidation of the kingship and the kingdom. The most important role of the sacred kingship appears to have been mainly the legitimization of the King’s power. We use documentary research and the historical method to present and discuss the following narratives related to the Rwandan kingdom: the tale of origins or the myth of Kigwa, the royal ideology during the reign of Mibambwe III Sentabyo, Gihanga seen as the Incarnation of the Sacred Kingship, the sacrality of Power as source of legitimacy of King Ruganzu II Ndori, and the role of the sacred kingdom through the rituals of the royal court known as Ubwiru. Key words: Rwandan sacred kingship, power rituals, Rwandan history

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

2

Murath, Antonia. "Invisible Kingship." European Journal of Scandinavian Studies 50, no. 2 (October 25, 2020): 257–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ejss-2020-2002.

Full text

Abstract:

AbstractLike all maiden kings, Nítíða initially rejects her suitors only to accept marriage eventually. Rather than accepting the saga’s ‘happy ending’ as its heroine’s choice, this article argues that her kingship is cast as liminal in Victor Turner’s sense. Her character reflects liminal traits: visual, temporal and sexual ambiguity, mediated through the motif of invisibility, body-thing relations and notions of space. Nítíða’s kingship is structured as a transition to the role of a queen, which she does not take on voluntarily, but because she lacks choice in the face of her increasingly fragile power. Her suitor Livorius ultimately succeeds neither by trickery, military power, nor a courtly approach, but by employing structures Nítíða is excluded from due to her sex. Spared physical violence, she nonetheless suffers structural violence coercing her into a norm-appropriate role and erasing her kingship.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

3

Hanum, Icha Latifa. "Javanese Royal Kingdom Addressing System in Kethoprak." Deskripsi Bahasa 4, no. 2 (October 29, 2021): 103–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/db.v4i2.4735.

Full text

Abstract:

Javanese language in the context of the royal kingdom has a complex system. This hierarchy-based speech slowly disappears as this system is declined nowadays in order to national and international politics (Blust, 2013). However, the pure form of Javanese language system, especially in the term of kingship, remains and is reflected in folk art as the society's response to its existence. Kings, as Weber (1978:294) argues, have to rely on the basis of legitimacy believed by their subordinates or followers as a way that explains their kingships in order to legitimize their rule as kings or leaders over their realms. Thus, this paper tries to briefly reveal the language and power relations in Javanese kingship by examining the system of addressing terms in kethoprak. Through critical sociolinguistics study of kethoprak discourse, the complex Javanese language system that is influenced by the royal kingdom and its structure are revealed. Overall, the use of addressing terms in the royal kingdom context was found to be dynamic, break and complement the related previous studies.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

4

Du Rand, J. A. "Die eskatologiese betekenis van Sion as agtergrond tot die teologie van die boek Openbaring." Verbum et Ecclesia 17, no. 1 (August 2, 1996): 48–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/ve.v17i1.1110.

Full text

Abstract:

The eschatological meaning of Sion as background to the theology of the book of Revelation The core of the theology of the Book of Revelation focuses on the kingship of God. His kingship should be established on earth as it is in heaven. According to the Old Testament eschatological traditions God's kingship is linked with the Davidic dynasty by way of application. And the Davidic kingship is very much focused on Sion and Jerusalem. Through a theological review of the Old Testament meaning of the place and function of Sion within eschatology, linked up with God’s kingship, a necessary background for the theology of the Book of Revelation is sketched.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

5

Schleicher, Frank. "The Caucasian Territorial Churches and the Sāsānid Commonwealth." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 5 (2021): 82. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080017082-7.

Full text

Abstract:

At the beginning of the sixth century, the kingships in Caucasian Iberia and Albania were eliminated by the Sāsānids. Thus, the system of vassal kings that served well for centuries was suddenly replaced by direct rule across the board. In this study, we want to ask why this change suddenly became possible. For the Sāsānian administration always needed a central contact person in the countries who could control the local nobility. It is striking that the establishment of a strong church structure always preceded the end of kingship. This can be seen particularly well in the example of Armenia, whose kingship had already been eliminated a century earlier. It is therefore reasonable to assume that after the end of kingship in Armenia as well as in Iberia and Albania, the regional churches took over its central functions of cooperation with the Sāsānian central administration. Now the church served the administration as an important local power factor, and allowed it he control of the powerful dynastic clans. Despite occasional conflicts, the churches cooperated with the Sāsānids and they were able to benefit greatly from this cooperation. Their advantages consisted in access to financial resources and, above all, in strengthening their position of power vis-à-vis the leaders of the local noble clans. Ecclesiastical power reached its peak when the Katholikoi finally also led their countries politically, as Kiwrion did in the case of Iberia at the beginning of the seventh century. Thus, the church became the state-forming institution in the Caucasian countries.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

6

McConnell, Sean. "Epicureans on kingship." Cambridge Classical Journal 56 (2010): 178–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1750270500000312.

Full text

Abstract:

Diogenes Laertius lists in his catalogue of Epicurus' works (10.28) a treatiseOn Kingship, which is unfortunately no longer extant. Owing to the Epicureans' antipathy to politics, such a work might be viewed with surprise and presumed to be virulently negative in outlook. Indeed, Plutarch reports that the Epicureans wrote on kingship only to ward people away from living in the company of kings (Adv. Col.1127a) and that they maintained that to be king oneself was a terrible mistake (Adv. Col.1125c-d). However, the scattered evidence that remains suggests the Epicurean views on kingship were both nuanced and sophisticated. In this paper I seek to reconstruct a viable account of the Epicurean position on kingship.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

7

Ellison, S. D. "THE DISTINCTIVE SHAPE OF KINGSHIP IN ANCIENT ISRAEL: A CONSIDERATION OF KINGSHIP IN THE PENTATEUCH." Semănătorul 4, no. 1 (October 10, 2023): 114–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.58892/ts.swr4150.

Full text

Abstract:

This article explores the shape of kingship in ancient Israel with reference to the Pentateuch and particularly Deuteronomy 17:14–20. It demonstrates that Israel’s kingship is distinctive from that of the surrounding nations. The distinctive nature is linked, in the first place, to the creation of the nation and, secondly, to the stipulations for kings contained in Deuteronomy 17. It concludes that although there is some similarity between kingship in Israel and the surrounding nations, at root kingship in Israel is fundamentally distinctive. Whereas in the ancient Near East the king was god, in Israel God was king.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

8

Chettry, Aniket Tathagata. "The Textual Representation of Kingship and Authority in the Chandimangal of Mukunda Chakroborty." Medieval History Journal 25, no. 1 (May 2022): 32–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0971945820937595.

Full text

Abstract:

One of the most popular Mangalkavyas of Bengal was the Chandimangal of Mukunda Chakraborty. This article examines the ideas of kingship that were articulated in this text. Mukunda’s fictitious protagonist Kalketu came to represent an ideal king within his narrative. Mukunda’s conception of this ideal king was largely influenced by his personal experiences and aspirations, some of which have been outlined in the first part of this article. The remaining part of this article goes onto claim that the ideal kingship constructed around the figure of Kalketu involved a re-orientation of some of the more conventional norms of kingship; the product being what has been termed by the current author as a ‘pacified kingship’. This pacified kingship ensured that the heroic qualities of valour and martial prowess, so desired as essential in every conception of an ideal king came to be tempered with some of the more ordinary and ‘un-heroic’ qualities within the person of the fictitious Kalketu. This alternative notion of kingship, espoused by Mukunda is also instrumental in exploring some of the varied interactions that went on to constitute the Bengal frontier.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

9

GORDON, DAVID M. "(DIS)EMBODYING SOVEREIGNTY: DIVINE KINGSHIP IN CENTRAL AFRICAN HISTORIOGRAPHY." Journal of African History 57, no. 1 (February 12, 2016): 47–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853715000535.

Full text

Abstract:

AbstractIn the aftermath of late nineteenth-century conquests, European intellectuals developed social scientific concepts that compared political and religious institutions. ‘Divine kingship’, one such concept, signified a premodern institution that unified spiritual and secular power in the body of a man who ensured the welfare of land and people. By tracing the development of the concept of divine kingship and its application to the Bemba rulers of Northern Zambia, this article explores Western intellectual engagements with changing African spiritual and secular sovereignties. Divine kingship helped scholars, including Godfrey and Monica Wilson, Audrey Richards, Luc de Heusch, and Jan Vansina construct spatial and temporal models of sovereignty amidst struggles over the nature of sovereignty itself. Tracing its evolution sheds light on the historiography of embodied power. The article demonstrates how divine kingship theory helped historians imagine kingship as a key political institution in Central African historiography as well as inform ideas of political secularization and religious change.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

10

Hwang, Jerry. "“The King Whom Yahweh Your God Chooses”: Deuteronomic Kingship in a World of Sacral Kingship." Horizons in Biblical Theology 45, no. 2 (August 29, 2023): 169–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18712207-12341470.

Full text

Abstract:

Abstract Hebrew Bible scholars tend to dismiss Deuteronomy’s “Law of the King” (17:14–20) as a utopian construct that was never realistic and/or historical. Underlying these views, however, are certain assumptions about what is culturally plausible in a world dominated by sacral kingship. Since this is the most common form of government in human history, generalizations about the historicity of Deuteronomic kingship requires an intercultural analysis of theopolitics, divine right of kings, and separation of powers. This article sets Deuteronomic kingship in the larger context of sacral kingship in Asia, Africa, Europe, and the Americas. What then emerges is the bridging of a notable false dichotomy in scholarship – Israel’s form of sacral kingship is both distinctive as well as realistic in nature. This suggests that skepticism about the historicity of the “Law of the King” is beholden to a Eurocentric frame of reference which is also skeptical of Western-style absolute monarchy.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

11

Malek, Jaromir, D. O'Connor, and D. P. Silverman. "Ancient Egyptian Kingship." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 83 (1997): 227. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3822471.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

12

Willis, R. C. "Camoes and kingship." Bulletin of the John Rylands Library 69, no. 1 (September 1986): 294–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/bjrl.69.1.12.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

13

GOSWELL, GREGORY. "Joshua and Kingship." Bulletin for Biblical Research 23, no. 1 (January 1, 2013): 29–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/26424477.

Full text

Abstract:

Abstract In contrast to the common idea that Joshua is modeled on and prefigures Josiah, this article shows that the connection of Joshua is fundamentally back in time to Moses, not forward in time to the latter kings. Joshua is depicted as Moses' successor and a second Moses. None of the key features of Joshua 1 (Joshua meditating on the law, the tribal pledge of total obedience, the military leadership of Joshua, the encouragements given to him, the promises of divine presence) are essentially royal in nature. Unlike subsequent kings, Joshua is a leader without a successor. The usually posited intertextual connections between Joshua and later kings are unconvincing. The book's emphasis on (Canaanite) kings as enemies makes it unlikely that Joshua himself is pictured as a king figure. In line with his nonroyal status, the closing chapter of the book depicts Joshua as head of an Israelite household exhorting other Israelite households and their heads to serve God as King faithfully.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

14

Bleiberg, Edward, David O'Connor, and David P. Silverman. "Ancient Egyptian Kingship." Journal of the American Oriental Society 118, no. 2 (April 1998): 286. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/605910.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

15

Goedicke, Hans, and David O'Connor. "Ancient Egyptian Kingship." Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt 35 (1998): 200. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40000472.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

16

Baines, John. "Ancient Egyptian kingship." École pratique des hautes études. Section des sciences religieuses, no. 121 (December 20, 2014): 103–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/asr.1226.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

17

LEACH, Sir Edmund Ronald. "Kingship and divinity." HAU: Journal of Ethnographic Theory 1, no. 1 (September 2011): 279–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.14318/hau1.1.012.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

18

Lewandowski, Susan J. "Merchants and Kingship." Journal of Urban History 11, no. 2 (February 1985): 151–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009614428501100202.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

19

Année, Magali. "Kingship at Play." Rhizomata 8, no. 1 (November 25, 2020): 1–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/rhiz-2020-0002.

Full text

Abstract:

AbstractDo the early Greek poets and thinkers really “play” with their language? What sort of “play” should we expect from part of the professional craftsmen they were of a basically sound language? What did imply their awareness of the phono-syllabic nature of Greek language? And what about Heraclitus in particular, who is most concerned among them with the intrinsic virtues of Greek discourse (λόγος)? An analysis of fr. 22 B 52 DK within the melodic and sonic state of archaic Greek language reveals, instead of “play of words”, a rather spontaneous phenomenon of phono-syllabic generation, that is as necessary for the political message of Heraclitus’ fragment as the meaning of each of its words and their superficial syntactic organization.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

20

Quigley, Declan. "Kingship and ‘contrapriests’." International Journal of Hindu Studies 1, no. 3 (December 1997): 565–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11407-997-0023-8.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

21

Mitchell, Lynette. "Political Thinking on Kingship in Democratic Athens." Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek and Roman Political Thought 36, no. 3 (October 14, 2019): 442–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-12340232.

Full text

Abstract:

Abstract Democratic Athens seems to have been the first place in the Greek world where there developed systematically a positive theorising of kingship. Initially this might seem surprising, since the Athenians had a strong tradition of rejecting one-man-rule. The study of kingship among the political thinkers of the fifth and fourth century has not received much scholarly attention until recent years, and particularly not the striking fact that it was democratic Athens, or at least writers directing themselves to an Athenian democratic audience, that produced a positive theorising of kingship. The aim of this essay, then, is not only to show how the political language around kingship became a way of forming definitions of what democracy was and was not, but also (more significantly), among some fourth-century intellectuals, of shaping new ideas about what it could be.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

22

Kanemura, Rei. "Kingship by Descent or Kingship by Election? The Contested Title of James VI and I." Journal of British Studies 52, no. 2 (April 2013): 317–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2013.55.

Full text

Abstract:

AbstractThroughout the reign of Elizabeth I, a steady stream of tracts appeared in English print to vindicate the succession of the most prominent contenders, Mary and James Stuart of Scotland. This article offers a comprehensive account of the polemical battle between the supporters and opponents of the Stuarts, and further identifies various theories of English kingship, most notably the theory of corporate kingship, developed by the Stuart polemicists to defend the Scottish succession. James's accession to the English throne in March 1603 marked the protracted end of the debate over the succession. The article concludes by suggesting that, while powerfully renouncing the opposition to his succession, over the course of his attempt to unify his two kingdoms, James and his supporters ultimately departed from the polemic of corporate kingship, for a more assertive language of kingship by natural and divine law.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

23

Atack, Carol. "Aristotle’s Pambasileia and the Metaphysics of Monarchy." Polis, The Journal for Ancient Greek Political Thought 32, no. 2 (October 1, 2015): 297–320. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-12340054.

Full text

Abstract:

Aristotle’s account of kingship in Politics 3 responds to the rich discourse on kingship that permeates Greek political thought (notably in the works of Herodotus, Xenophon and Isocrates), in which the king is the paradigm of virtue, and also the instantiator and guarantor of order, linking the political microcosm to the macrocosm of the universe. Both models, in separating the individual king from the collective citizenry, invite further, more abstract thought on the importance of the king in the foundation of the polity, whether the king can be considered part of, or separate from, the polis, and the relationship between polis and universe. In addressing these aspects of kingship theories, Aristotle explores a ‘metaphysics of monarchy’, part of the long-running mereological problem of parts and wholes in the construction of the polis, and connecting his account of kingship to his thought on citizenship and distributive justice within the polis.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

24

Sreenivasan, Ramya. "Rethinking Kingship and Authority in South Asia: Amber (Rajasthan), ca. 1560-1615." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 57, no. 4 (September 26, 2014): 549–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685209-12341358.

Full text

Abstract:

The literature on South Asian kingship has typically explored the idioms in which kingship—a king’s assertion of his right to rule—was articulated, while assuming ready consent to such assertions of royal authority among a king’s subjects, vassals, peers, and overlords. This paper re-examines the nature and limits of South Asian kingship by investigating the modes in which Man Singh Kachhwaha, a prominent regional chief in the Mughal Empire, claimed royal status. I examine how target audiences—consisting of literati, peers, rivals, and the Mughal overlord—may have received an ambitious chief’s claims to kingly status in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. This essay reinterprets the abundant evidence from Man Singh’s reign to reveal the character of kingship in South Asia as much more circumscribed and contingent than has often been assumed, and as continually open to challenge and contestation.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

25

Ali, Osman Mohamed. "The Divine Kingship of The Tagoi OF The Nuba Mountains—Sudan." Journal of Arts and Social Sciences [JASS] 10, no. 3 (December 31, 2019): 17. http://dx.doi.org/10.24200/jass.vol10iss3pp17-33.

Full text

Abstract:

This article traces history of the formation of a divine kingship among the Tagoi people of the north-eastern Nuba Mountains. This historical backdrop provides a context for investigating change and continuity in the Tagoi political system. Concentrating on actual processes, the article gives some accounts on how the divinization of Tagoi kingship could be a political move to bolster the legitimacy of personalized powers. Relevance of the comparatively old evolutionist, diffusionist, structuralist and neo-evolutionist theories of divine kingship to the Tagoi case is discussed. Here, the main conclusion was that the Tagoi’s concept of “divine king” does not exactly apply to any of the definitions that are embedded in these theories, as it portrays—in a measure—a distinct and genuine type of divine kingship. The analyses and interpretations are also supported by the relatively modern concepts of galactic polity, mimesis, perspectivism, and mutlinaturalism.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

26

Ali, Osman Mohamed. "The Divine Kingship of The Tagoi OF The Nuba Mountains—Sudan." Journal of Arts and Social Sciences [JASS] 10, no. 3 (December 31, 2019): 17–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.53542/jass.v10i3.3594.

Full text

Abstract:

This article traces history of the formation of a divine kingship among the Tagoi people of the north-eastern Nuba Mountains. This historical backdrop provides a context for investigating change and continuity in the Tagoi political system. Concentrating on actual processes, the article gives some accounts on how the divinization of Tagoi kingship could be a political move to bolster the legitimacy of personalized powers. Relevance of the comparatively old evolutionist, diffusionist, structuralist and neo-evolutionist theories of divine kingship to the Tagoi case is discussed. Here, the main conclusion was that the Tagoi’s concept of “divine king” does not exactly apply to any of the definitions that are embedded in these theories, as it portrays—in a measure—a distinct and genuine type of divine kingship. The analyses and interpretations are also supported by the relatively modern concepts of galactic polity, mimesis, perspectivism, and mutlinaturalism.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

27

Giszczak, Mark. "The quest of the king in the Wisdom of Solomon." Journal for the Study of the Pseudepigrapha 31, no. 1 (September 2021): 62–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/09518207211032890.

Full text

Abstract:

Historians largely agree that Hellenistic kingship was founded, not primarily on heredity, but on military achievement (MacDonald, 2015). The right to rule was thus militarily meritocratic, but philosophically unsteady, so kings felt the need to propagandize by commissioning writings peri basileias. Diogenes Laertius gives evidence that this type of kingship literature was widely produced in this era, though only fragments of these texts survive. The tracts attributed to Ecphantus, Diotogenes, and Sthenidas, along with the Letter of Aristeas, reveal that Hellenistic kingship was supported by a mythos that viewed obtaining kingship as a kind of moral achievement. The king’s virtues are emphasized as godlike and worthy of imitation by his subjects, as he embodies the law in his person. The Wisdom of Solomon reworks this kingship tradition by “democratizing” kingship (Newman, 2004) to all to call his readers to imitate Solomon’s choice of wisdom over folly. Solomon’s search for and embrace of wisdom (7:7; 8:2) takes the place of militaristic emphases and establishes a universalizable pattern for the moral quest of the individual. Wisdom domesticates a Hellenistic pattern of seeking wisdom and thus achieving kingly rule, which eventually allows one to be a benefactor of others. Wisdom is beneficent (7:23) and, rather than becoming a god, the wise Solomon benefits others with his wise and just rule (Wis 8:10–15; 9:12). Even the wise Israelites become benefactors to others (19:14). Thus, the quest of the king for wisdom follows a familiar outline of the journey of a king from obscurity, to conquest, to rule, to beneficence.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

28

Henderson, Ruth. "A Scriptural Model for the Song of Tobit (Tobit 13.1–18)." Journal for the Study of the Pseudepigrapha 27, no. 1 (September 2017): 47–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0951820717735712.

Full text

Abstract:

The aim of this study is to look afresh at the scriptural sources underlying the Song of Tobit in Tobit 13 and to suggest a scriptural model for the authorial/editorial shaping of this Song in terms of the Kingship of YHWH Psalms in the Psalter. The study proceeds with an investigation of the group of psalms commonly designated Kingship of YHWH Psalms, with particular emphasis on the collection of these psalms in Book IV of the Psalter (Pss. 93, 95–99). This is followed by an overview of the complex textual situation and structure of the Song of Tobit (Tob. 13.1–18). Finally, a comparison of the features of Tobit 13 and those of the Kingship of YHWH Psalms is made. The study concludes with the suggestion that Tobit 13, in the earliest form known to us, has been modelled on what appears to be a generic modulation of the Kingship of YHWH Psalms found in the collection of Psalms 93, 95–99. It is suggested that in Tobit 13 the admonitory and eschatological elements found in germinal form in the Kingship of YHWH collection have been creatively extended and developed in a manner suggestive of a synagogue, rather than Temple locus for the song.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

29

Morenz, Ludwig D. "Soldatenkönige, Königsakklamation und eine neue Göttin. Zum Beginn des Zweiten Thebanischen Kleinstaates im 17. Jh. v.Chr." Journal of Egyptian History 3, no. 2 (2010): 293–320. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187416610x541736.

Full text

Abstract:

AbstractThe late Middle Kingdom and the so-called Second Intermediate Period is characterised by substantial changes in the socio-economic, the political, as well as the ideological field. The role and function of kingship shifted and royal ideology was modified and adopted to the changing circumstances. In this article stela Cairo CG 20533 coming from Gebelein is discussed in detail. It is especially interesting insofar as it proves the acclamation of a certain Dedu-mose to kingship. Furthermore, this practice of acclamation is analysed in the context of kingship and royal ideology of the new Theban state in the 17th century BCE.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

30

Kidd, Fiona J. "Rulership and Sovereignty at Akchakhan-kala in Chorasmia." Ancient Civilizations from Scythia to Siberia 24, no. 1-2 (November 5, 2018): 251–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700577-12341332.

Full text

Abstract:

AbstractStarting from the fall of the Seleucid Empire, scholars have noted changes to the practice of kingship manifest in the emergence of what has been described as a ruler cult based on a blending of Iranian and Greek or Hellenistic practices. The mix of indigenous Iranian ideas of kingship and (“Zoroastrian”) religion with Greek and Hellenistic ideas is key to understanding the practice of Central Asian rulership after the arrival of Alexander the Great. Chorasmia has not traditionally been part of this conversation: here the issue of a post-Seleucid transformation of Iranian kingship is nuanced by the fact that Alexander never visited the region, and the remains of Hellenism are rather scant. Nevertheless, the most recent findings at the mid 1st century BC – mid 1st century AD Ceremonial Complex at Akchakhan-kala suggest new practices of rule also in this region. This paper examines these new ideas against the background of changing practices in kingship across eastern Iran, the Caucasus and Central Asia.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

31

Day, J. F. R., and Sydney Anglo. "Images of Tudor Kingship." Sixteenth Century Journal 24, no. 2 (1993): 475. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2541981.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

32

Emerton, J. A., and J. H. Eaton. "Kingship and the Psalms." Vetus Testamentum 39, no. 1 (January 1989): 123. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1518483.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

33

강승일. "Kingship in Kassite Babylonia." Journal of Classical Studies ll, no. 27 (December 2010): 149–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.20975/jcskor.2010..27.149.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

34

Roberts, J. J. M., and John H. Eaton. "Kingship and the Psalms." Journal of the American Oriental Society 110, no. 1 (January 1990): 159. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/603960.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

35

Caquot, André. "Kingship in ancient Israel." History and Anthropology 4, no. 1 (September 1989): 31–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02757206.1989.9960792.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

36

Feeley-Harnik, G. "Issues in Divine Kingship." Annual Review of Anthropology 14, no. 1 (October 1985): 273–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev.an.14.100185.001421.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

37

Polzin, Robert, and Helen A. Kenik. "Kenik's "Design for Kingship"." Jewish Quarterly Review 78, no. 1/2 (July 1987): 148. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1454095.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

38

Pattison, George. "Violence, Kingship and Cultus." Expository Times 102, no. 5 (February 1991): 135–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001452469110200503.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

39

Mendels, Doron. "The ethics of ruling: Unearthing an ethical code of a Hellenistic king (embedded in Arrian, Anabasis 1–7) and its affinity to the symposia “On Kingship” in the Letter of Aristeas to Philocrates." Journal for the Study of the Pseudepigrapha 33, no. 2 (November 17, 2023): 140–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/09518207231168819.

Full text

Abstract:

On the basis of a newly discovered ethical code of a Hellenistic king, the Symposia that deal with kingship in the Letter of Aristeas get a new perspective. It is suggested that the two treatises “On Kingship” originated in the Ptolemaic court in the first quarter of the third century B.C.E.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

40

Mayer, T. F. "Tournai and Tyranny: Imperial Kingship and Critical Humanism." Historical Journal 34, no. 2 (June 1991): 257–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00014138.

Full text

Abstract:

Almost from the first, the reign of Henry VIII witnessed high views of kingship. Some instances in the first decade of his rule have attracted much attention, but one critical episode has been overlooked. In the course of the occupation of Tournai between 1513 and 1519, Henry developed and successfully tested a complete theory of imperial kingship, partly cast in a new language of sovereignty. Drawing in part on the French models liberally strewn about the English cultural landscape, Henry asserted all the prerogatives of a rex imperator not only against the Tournaisiens but more significantly against Leo X. This new model kingship and its implications for royal relations with the church alarmed some of Henry's agents, especially Ralph Sampson. Sampson contented himself with expostulating about the threat to his conscience to his chief, Thomas Wolsey, but others showed more alarm. One of Sampson's friends, Thomas More, a similarly junior but rising functionary, offered two meditations on the potential dangers of Henry's kingship, going much beyond the abstract admonitions against tyranny of his Latin epigrams.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

41

Huang, Yidan. "This is I, Hamlet the Dane: Hamlet and Kingship in Hamlet." Lecture Notes in Education Psychology and Public Media 35, no. 1 (January 3, 2024): 186–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7048/35/20232103.

Full text

Abstract:

Hamlet is Shakespeares most famous play. Scholars have engaged in extensive debates regarding the themes of revenge and procrastination in Hamlet. However, existing research falls short in fully exploring Hamlets thoughts on kingship and his relationship with power. Despite the extensive examination of Hamlets complex character, a more in-depth analysis from this perspective is warranted. This paper, therefore, aims to further explore the connection between Hamlet and political power from three key angles. Firstly, it examines Hamlets reflections on kingship as presented through the drama and his humanistic education. Secondly, it focuses on the political aspects of Hamlets self-generated philosophical musings about life. Lastly, it conducts a deep analysis of the father-son relationship. Through a collective analysis of these three aspects, this research seeks to unravel Hamlets thoughts on kingship and their influence. It reveals how Hamlet himself and significant figures in his life, such as his father and uncle, shape his political ideology and attitudes, as well as how Hamlets self-identity shapes his understanding of kingship issues.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

42

Goswell, Gregory. "‘David their king’: Kingship in the Prophecy of Hosea." Journal for the Study of the Old Testament 42, no. 2 (November 28, 2017): 213–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0309089216677671.

Full text

Abstract:

The anticipation of a future Davidide is present but not prominent in the Book of the Twelve, with the prophecy of Hosea introducing this theme in two key verses (Hos. 1.11 [Heb. 2.2]; 3.5) and setting thematic trends for the Twelve as a whole. Nothing subsequent to the prophecy of Hosea amends or corrects the main features of the Hosean portrait of kingship. Despite a general negativity toward contemporary kings, kingship is viewed as a viable model for government, and it is anticipated that restored kingship will be Davidic in character. The Davidic king has a circumscribed domestic role in the kingdom of God, for it is YHWH who will deliver his people and rule the nations from Jerusalem.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

43

Branch, Robin. "“The Messianic Dimensions of Kingship in Deuteronomy 17:14-20 as fulfilled by Jesus in Matthew”." Verbum et Ecclesia 25, no. 2 (October 6, 2004): 378–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/ve.v25i2.275.

Full text

Abstract:

This article examines a brief statement made by Patrick D Miller in his commentary on Deuteronomy, namely that scholars quite likely have missed the most important Old Testament passage relating to the kind of kingship Jesus manifested in his earthly ministry.Deuteronomy 17:14-20 gives a job description for an upcoming, earthly king; it carries messianic dimensions. Christian scholars, however, primarily have pointed to Isaiah and the messianic passages of the royal psalms to provide indication from the Old Testament that Jesus indeed fulfilled the promises therein of the promised king and the Messiah. Reading like a modern “Position Available” advertisement, the qualifications for kingship in Deuteronomy begin by saying the coming king must be God’s choice, an Israelite and not a foreigner; frugal, not prone to displays of wealth and military might; and careful to keep his heart faithful to the Lord. Furthermore, a king’s first duty is to write for himself a copy of the law and to read it throughout his life. The kind of kingship Jesus displayed during his ministry indeed exemplified his personal knowledge and careful following of the law, his total obedience to the law, his reverence for the law, and his humility before his disciples—all qualifications for earthly kingship “advertised” in the pericope. The Gospel of Matthew resonates with passages showing that Jesus answered the advertisement, met the job description, and fulfilled the qualifications for kingship outlined prophetically by Moses in Deuteronomy.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

44

Brack, Jonathan. "Theologies of Auspicious Kingship: The Islamization of Chinggisid Sacral Kingship in the Islamic World." Comparative Studies in Society and History 60, no. 4 (October 2018): 1143–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417518000415.

Full text

Abstract:

AbstractThis article explores the fashioning of a new discursive realm of Islamic kingship in thirteenth–fourteenth-century Mongol-ruled Iran (the Ilkhanate). It examines how literati, historians, and theologians ingeniously experimented at the Ilkhanid court with Persian and Islamic concepts and titles to translate and elaborate their Mongol patrons’ claims to govern through a unique affinity with heaven. The fusion of Mongol and Islamic elements formulated a new political vocabulary of auspicious, sacred, cosmic, and messianic rulership that Turco-Mongol Muslim courts, starting in the fifteenth century, extensively appropriated and expanded to construct new models of imperial authority. A comparison with Buddhist and Confucian assimilative approaches to the Mongol heaven-derived kingship points to a reciprocal process. Mongol rulers were not simply poured into preset Muslim and Persian molds; symbols and titles were selectively appropriated and refashioned into potent vessels that could convey a vision of Islamic kingship that addressed Chinggisid expectations. From their desire to collect and assume local religious and political traditions that could support and enhance their own legitimizing claims, the Mongols set in motion a process that led to their own integration into the Perso-Islamic world, and also facilitated the emergence of new political theologies that enabled models of divine kingship to inhabit the Islamic monotheistic world.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

45

Willis, Michael. "Later Gupta History: Inscriptions, Coins and Historical Ideology." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland 15, no. 2 (July 2005): 131–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s135618630500502x.

Full text

Abstract:

AbstractThis article argues for a radical revision of later Gupta chronology based on a review of the primary evidence. The paucity of dated material has meant that historical reconstructions of the period have been based on late-Victorian assumptions about the nature of society and kingship. Removing this ideological framework allows not only for a revision of chronology — a traditional historical concern — but for a new understanding of Gupta kingship and the constitution of state.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

46

Pearson, Richard, and Joan R. Piggott. "The Emergence of Japanese Kingship." Journal of Japanese Studies 25, no. 1 (1999): 173. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/133368.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

47

Claessen, Henri J. M. "Sacred Kingship: Cases from Polynesia." Social Evolution & History 17, no. 2 (September 2018): 3–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.30884/seh/2018.02.01.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

48

Mason, Roger A. "Burns, True Law of Kingship." Scottish Historical Review 80, no. 2 (October 2001): 267–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/shr.2001.80.2.267.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

49

Chul-Hyun Bae. "Divine Kingship in Ancient Mesopotamia." Journal of Classical Studies ll, no. 24 (June 2009): 35–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.20975/jcskor.2009..24.35.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

50

Lexton. "Kingship in Malory's Morte Darthur." Journal of English and Germanic Philology 110, no. 2 (2011): 173. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/jenglgermphil.110.2.0173.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

We offer discounts on all premium plans for authors whose works are included in thematic literature selections. Contact us to get a unique promo code!