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1
Erickson, Kyle. "ANOTHER CENTURY OF GODS? A RE-EVALUATION OF SELEUCID RULER CULT." Classical Quarterly 68, no. 1 (March 16, 2018): 97–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838818000071.
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This paper proposes that living Seleucid kings were recognized as divine by the royal court before the reign of Antiochus III despite lacking an established centralized ruler cult like their fellow kings, the Ptolemies. Owing to the nature of the surviving evidence, we are forced to rely heavily on numismatics to construct a view of Seleucid royal ideology. Regrettably, it seems that up until now much of the numismatic evidence for the divinity of living Seleucid rulers has not been fully considered. I argue that the evidence from silver coinage produced in the name of the Seleucid kings presents a version of the official image of the reigning king and that images which portray the king as divine reflect central acceptance of the king's divinity. This is clear from the epithets on the coinage of Antiochus IV and his successors, but I will argue that the same principle holds for all earlier Seleucid kings. Thus coinage with divine images of Seleucid kings provided one of the mechanisms through which the royal court transmitted the divine nature of the kings to the population. As we will see, in the case of Antiochus Hierax, local considerations also influenced the numismatic representation of the king. This blurring of boundaries between the local veneration of the king, which has long been accepted as normal civic practice in the Greek city-states and in non-Greek temples, and the royal images of the divine king calls into question the strict division between civic and centralized ruler cults. The reflection of local cults within royal ideology can be seen as a manifestation of a negotiating model of Seleucid power that relied heavily on a dialogue with a wide range of interested groups. This article argues that the inconsistencies in the development of an iconography of divine kingship before the reign of Antiochus IV is a manifestation of the same phenomenon.
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Rollason, D. W. "Relic-cults as an instrument of royal policy c. 900–c. 1050." Anglo-Saxon England 15 (December 1986): 91–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263675100003707.
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A considerable body of evidence shows that the kings of later Anglo-Saxon England concerned themselves very seriously with the cult of relics. No doubt this involvement arose in part from their piety; but as I hope to show there are grounds for thinking that it also derived from the importance of relics and relic-cults as instruments of royal policy, expressing and reinforcing the kings' power and position. I shall consider in turn three aspects of royal activity with regard to relics: firstly the collection and donation of relics by the kings in order to increase their prestige and to symbolize their political status; secondly the use of relics in the processes of government; and thirdly royal patronage of particular relic-cults as an expedient to political influence.
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Verghese, Anila. "Deities, cults and kings at Vijayanagara." World Archaeology 36, no. 3 (September 2004): 416–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1468936042000282726812a.
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Marjanovic-Dusanic, Smilja. "Patterns of martyrial sanctity in the royal ideology of medieval Serbia continuity and change." Balcanica, no. 37 (2006): 69–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc0637069m.
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Especially important for the development of the holy king concept with the Serbs appears to be the early period of Serbian sovereignty, initially in Zeta, and subsequently in Raska under Stefan Nemanja and his descendants. During the eleventh century, cults of royal martyrs arise across the Slavic world, receiving a most enthusiastic response connected with the spread of the martyrial and monastic ideals in Byzantium. The cult of St Vladimir is the earliest royal saint's cult with the Serbs, and it is rightfully set apart from the ideologically consistent whole encompassing the subsequent cults of the Nemanjic rulers. The cult of this royal saint undergoes a change in the twelfth century as regards the image of the exemplary ruler. The martyrial cults of holy kings emerge in medieval Serbia only in the fifteenth century, under the influence of completely different motives. The cults of national royal saints associate domestic dynasties with the Old Testament-based traditions of God-chosenness, which play a central role in the processes of securing political legitimation for ruling houses. At the turn of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, we can see both the national and universal relics being used for raising an awareness of chosen ness observable in expanding the sacred realm as the fatherland's prayerful shield. In that sense, all-Christian relics, especially those of Constantinopolitan provenance, become integrated into domestic traditions.
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Nelson, Richard D., and R. H. Lowery. "The Reforming Kings: Cults and Society in First Temple Judaism." Journal of Biblical Literature 111, no. 4 (1992): 697. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3267443.
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Knoppers, Gary N. "The Reforming Kings: Cults and Society in First Temple Judah." Journal of Jewish Studies 47, no. 2 (October 1, 1996): 356–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.18647/1909/jjs-1996.
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Chen, Frederick Shih-Chung. "In Search of the Origin of the Enumeration of Hell-kings in an Early Medieval Chinese Buddhist Scripture: Why did King Bimbis?ra become Yama after his Disastrous Defeat in Battle in the Wen diyu jing ???? (‘S?tra on Questions on Hells’)?" Buddhist Studies Review 31, no. 1 (July 24, 2014): 53–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/bsrv.v31i1.53.
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The idea of a purgatorial journey to the Ten Kings of the Ten Hells is a distinctive feature of funerals and ancestral worship in Chinese Buddhism and Chinese popular religions. In Indian Buddhism ideas emerged of chief deities presiding over others in a few of many heavens and of various hells with different tortures governed by Yama and his messengers, yet the idea that each hell was governed by a ‘king’ is not found in early Indian Buddhist sources. This article examines what is probably the earliest enumeration of hell-kings, in the S?tra on Questions on Hells. This very early example derives from an extraordinary story about how King Bimbis?ra and his eighteen ministers became Yama and kings of eighteen hells after a disastrous defeat in battle. My analysis will illustrate how this account was probably consciously formulated by an author familiar with two sources: (i) the story of the Buddha’s concern about the fate of his followers in the Shenisha jing (????; Janavasabha Sutta), and (ii) the popular Chinese belief in sacrificial cults of ‘defeated armies and dead generals’.
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Law, Robin. "‘My Head Belongs to the King’: On the Political and Ritual Significance of Decapitation in Pre-Colonial Dahomey." Journal of African History 30, no. 3 (November 1989): 399–415. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700024452.
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The kings of Dahomey in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries claimed to ‘own’ the heads of all their subjects. Contemporary European observers of the pre-colonial period understood this claim in terms of the king's exclusive (and arbitrary) right to inflict capital punishment, decapitation being the normal Dahomian method of execution. More recent Dahomian tradition, however, suggests a ritual aspect to the claim, connecting it with stories that the early king Wegbaja (the second or third ruler of Dahomey, but conventionally regarded as its true founder and the creator of many of its political and judicial institutions) prohibited the decapitation of corpses before burial, supposedly in order to prevent the misappropriation of the heads for use in the manufacture of ‘amulets’, or for ritual abuse by enemies of the deceased. The article argues, drawing upon contemporary European accounts of the pre-colonial period and ethnographic material from the neighbouring and related society of Porto-Novo as well as Dahomian traditions, that unlike many of the supposed innovations traditionally attributed to Wegbaja this prohibition of the decapitation of corpses is probably a genuine Dahomian innovation, even if its attribution specifically to Wegbaja is doubtful, but that its significance and purpose is misrepresented in Dahomian tradition. The decapitation of corpses in earlier times was probably related to the practice of separate burial and subsequent veneration of the deceased''s head as part of the ancestor cult of his own lineage. The suppression of this practice by the kings of Dahomey can be understood in terms of their desire (for which there is other evidence) to downgrade the ancestor cults of the component lineages of Dahomey, in order to emphasize the special status of the public cult of the royal ancestors, and more generally to concentrate or monopolize ritual as well as political and judicial power in the hands of the monarchy.
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Morris, Colin. "San Ranieri of Pisa: The Power and Limitations of Sanctity in Twelfth-Century Italy." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 45, no. 4 (October 1994): 588–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900010770.
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Studies of medieval society in recent years have laid increasing stress on the effectiveness of the power of the saints. They enriched their churches, defended their possessions, created great centres at once of pilgrimage and commerce and provided for the healing of the sick and the care of the poor. The cults of the saints formed a model for secular government. Kings appeared before their people as walking reliccollections and exercised the power of healing, and patron saints (like St Mark at Venice and St Denis in France) helped to define the identity of the political communities over whose well-being they were thought to preside. Often such saints, even those whose cults were rapidly developing in the eleventh and twelfth centuries, were figures from the New Testament or from the ages of conversion: St James at Compostella, Mary Magdalen at Vézelay, and Benedict at Fleury. On occasions, however, a charismatic figure in contemporary society emerged as the centre of a healing cult and a focus for widespread devotion.
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Gerbrandt, Gerald. "Book Review: The Reforming Kings: Cults and Society in First Temple Judah." Interpretation: A Journal of Bible and Theology 47, no. 2 (April 1993): 190–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002096430004700220.
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Jim, Theodora Suk Fong. "PRIVATE PARTICIPATION IN RULER CULTS: DEDICATIONS TO PHILIP SŌTĒR AND OTHER HELLENISTIC KINGS." Classical Quarterly 67, no. 2 (August 22, 2017): 429–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838817000532.
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Hellenistic ruler cult has generated much scholarly interest and an enormous bibliography; yet, existing studies have tended to focus on the communal character of the phenomenon, whereas the role of private individuals (if any) in ruler worship has attracted little attention. This article seeks to redress this neglect. The starting point of the present study is an inscription Διὶ | καὶ βασιλεῖ | Φιλίππωι Σωτῆρι on a rectangular marble plaque from Maroneia in Thrace. Since the text was published in 1991, it has been disputed whether the king in question is Philip II or Philip V of Macedon. The question is further complicated by a newly published text from Thasos, plausibly restored to read [Β]ασιλέως Φιλί[ππου] | σωτῆρος. The identity of the king in these texts is a matter of great historical significance: if Philip II is meant, not only would this impinge on the question of his divinity, he would also be the first king called Sōtēr, thus providing the earliest attestation of a cult epithet spreading from the traditional gods to monarchs. The first part of this article will re-examine the king's identity by studying these two texts in connection with other dedications similarly addressed to a ‘King Philip’ and apparently set up by private individuals. The second will move beyond Macedonia: it will draw on potential parallels from the Attalid, Seleucid and Ptolemaic kingdoms and explore the possible contexts in which individuals set up similar objects. It will be demonstrated that, while there is evidence from other Hellenistic kingdoms of seemingly ‘private’ dedications set up according to civic or royal commands, in Macedonia the piecemeal and isolated nature of the evidence does not permit a conclusive answer. But whether set up spontaneously or by civic command, these objects provide important evidence for the interaction between the public and the private aspects of ruler worship.
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Gassman, Mattias. "THE ROMAN KINGS IN OROSIUS’HISTORIAE ADVERSVM PAGANOS." Classical Quarterly 67, no. 2 (November 2, 2017): 617–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838817000702.
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We are ruled by judges whom we know, we enjoy the benefits | Of peace and war, as if the warrior Quirinus, | As if peaceful Numa were governing (Claud.IV Cons. Hon.491–3).With these words the poet Claudian lauds the Emperor Honorius on the occasion of his fourth consulship in 398 by comparing him to Rome's deified founder, Romulus-Quirinus, and to Numa Pompilius, its second king, who was proverbial for wisdom and piety. Claudian's panegyric stands in a long literary tradition in which the legendary Roman kings were depicted as models of statesmanship. This exemplary tradition left its mark on a broad array of late antique works, including historical compendia such as the pseudo-AurelianDe uiris illustribus, which narrates the kings’ deeds as soldiers and statesmen, and the writings of antiquarians such as Macrobius and Servius, who collected information on the kings’ invention of cults and calendars. Servius’ interest in the kings implies that they featured in the teaching provided by other late antiquegrammaticias well, and thus that most literate Latin-speakers would have had some knowledge of their deeds. Advanced education in rhetoric likewise drew on Virgil and other school texts for historicalexemplaincluding Romulus and Numa, who appear in panegyrics and in brief histories, such as Eutropius’Breviary, that probably served as reference texts for the political elite. The kings thus loomed large in Roman perceptions of the founding of their empire, which began with the heroic Romulus, was strengthened by Numa's establishment of the Roman cultic system, and was secured by the later kings’ political and military successes.
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Holloway, Steven W. "The Reforming Kings: Cults and Society in First Temple Judah. Richard Harlin Lowery." Journal of Near Eastern Studies 55, no. 1 (January 1996): 55–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/373788.
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Hayward, Paul A. "The Idea of Innocent Martyrdom in Late Tenth- and Eleventh-century English Hagiology." Studies in Church History 30 (1993): 81–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400011621.
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Kings and princes who were classed as ‘innocent martyrs’ or ‘passion-sufferers’ because they were thought to have been murdered in Christlike circumstances were known in many parts of Europe in the Middle Ages. This paper is about six Anglo-Saxon saints of this type, who are also distinguished by their youth. All of them were thought to have been boys or teenage males when they were martyred. To date, work on these saints has concentrated on questions concerning the origins of their cults, and their relationship to the institution of kingship. The purpose of this paper, however, is to draw attention to the ways in which certain religious communities redefined their sanctity in the late tenth and eleventh century, and to make some tentative suggestions about the possible uses to which these cults were put in this milieu.
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Zhang, Qiong. "From "Dragonology" to Meteorology: Aristotelian Natural Philosophy and the Beginning of the Decline of the Dragon in China." Early Science and Medicine 14, no. 1-3 (2009): 340–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338209x425614.
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AbstractThe cult of the dragon in China, which expressed itself not only in the ritual sacrifices to the dragon kings during drought and floods but also in the rationalization of the dragon's power to make rain by many serious thinkers from diverse intellectual persuasions, was first subjected to sustained criticism during the early modern era as part of an "enlightenment" drive against popular cults and "superstitions" led by some of the Jesuit-inspired Chinese scholars. This paper examines how these critics drew on Aristotelian conceptions of nature and meteorological theories introduced by the Jesuit missionaries to attack the core ideas of the traditional dragon lore and their underlying cosmology. It argues that the de-animated and rigidly stratified view of nature articulated by this small but clearly discernable group of Chinese critics can be seen as marking the beginning of the decline of the dragon, the allegedly semi-divine aquatic animal which swims, walks, flies, and makes rain.
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Harutyunyan, Hakob. "The image of the goddess Artemis in the «History of Armenia» by Moveses Khorenatsi." ΣΧΟΛΗ. Ancient Philosophy and the Classical Tradition 15, no. 1 (2021): 78–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1995-4328-2021-15-1-78-85.
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The reign of the kings of the Artashes dynasty in ancient Armenia from the beginning of the II century B.C. E. was a turning point for the country in many spheres of life, including religion. In Armenia, as in all countries of the Near and Middle East, the cults of Greek gods were widespread. Armenian historian of the 5th century Movses Khorenatsi singles out the goddess Artemis (Artemis) among all Greek gods, who, as demonstrated in the work, not only complemented the functional characteristics of the Armenian gods, but also successfully syncretized with the Armenian pantheon.
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Năstăsoiu, Dragoş Gh. "Royal Saints, Artistic Patronage, and Self-representation among Hungarian Noblemen." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 66, no. 3 (2021): 810–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu02.2021.308.
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During the 1401–1403 political crisis in the Kingdom of Hungary, the magnates who were hostile to the ruling King Sigismund of Luxemburg and supported instead the Angevin King Ladislas of Naples deployed a wide range of propaganda tools for proving the legitimacy of their political cause. In a previous study published in this journal (Vestnik of SPbSU. History, 2021, vol. 66, issue 1, рp. 179–192), I have focused on the Hungarian noblemen’s anti-royal propaganda through the utilizing of political and spiritual symbols (i. e., the Holy Crown of Hungary and the cult, relics, and visual representations of St. Ladislas), symbolic actions (coronations and oath-swearing on holy relics), and heraldic self-representation (the Árpádian double cross). The present study approaches the same topic of anti-royal propaganda in the troubled political context of the early 15th century, but from the perspective of the elites’ self-representation strategies via the cult of Hungarian royal saints, artistic patronage, and heraldic self-representation. The two leaders of the anti-royal movement, Archbishop of Esztergom John Kanizsai and Palatine of Hungary Detre Bebek, repeatedly commissioned works of art (i.e., seals, stained-glass windows, and wall paintings) which featured prominently the images of the three Holy Kings of Hungary (Sts Stephen, Emeric, and Ladislas) or displayed the realm’s coat of arms (the Árpádian two-barred cross). The reliance of John Kanizsai and Detre Bebek on the cults and images of the patron saints of the country blended harmoniously the commissioners’ personal piety with their political ambitions. In the context of the early-15th century political crisis, the appropriation of the ideal figures of the sancti reges Hungariae became the driving force behind the Hungarian noblemen’s political cause.
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Źrałka, Jarosław, Wiesław Koszkul, Bernard Hermes, Juan Luis Velásquez, Varinia Matute, and Bogumił Pilarski. "From E-Group to Funerary Pyramid: Mortuary Cults and Ancestor Veneration in the Maya Centre of Nakum, Petén, Guatemala." Cambridge Archaeological Journal 27, no. 3 (March 22, 2017): 451–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0959774317000075.
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Recent investigations at the Maya centre of Nakum (in Guatemala) enabled the study of the evolution of an interesting complex of buildings that started as the so-called E-Group, built during the Preclassic period (c. 600–300 bc). It was used for solar observations and rituals commemorating agricultural and calendrical cycles. During the Classic period (ad 250–800), the major building of the complex (Structure X) was converted into a large pyramidal temple where several burials, including at least one royal tomb, were placed. We were also able to document evidence of mortuary cults conducted by the Maya in the temple building situated above the burials. The architectural conversion documented in Structure X may reflect important religious and social changes: a transformation from the place where the Sun was observed and worshipped to the place where deceased and deified kings were apotheosized as the Sun Deity during the Classic. Thus the Maya transformed Structure X into one of the most sacred loci at Nakum by imbuing it with a complex solar and underworld symbolism and associating it with the cult of deified ancestors.
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Esther Arulmary, S. N. "Mythology of Tamils in Mullaipattu." Shanlax International Journal of Tamil Research 5, no. 4 (April 1, 2021): 20–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.34293/tamil.v5i4.3866.
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Mullaipattu is one of the Pathupattu. Small book in terms of lines. It also has another name, Nenjatruppadai. The name is derived from the fact that the head of Mullaipattu stands with a relaxed heart. The author of this book is Napputhanar, the son of a gold trader from Kavirippoompattinam. This book is an Asiriapattu composed in terms of alphabetical order. Written in the second century AD, the book is a vivid description of the life of the people of that time. This book explains the biological beliefs of the people of that time, the cults, the warfare of the kings, the methods of protection, the clear view of nature are the background of modern life. The purpose of this article is to explore this.
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Badmaev, A. A. "Traditional Buryat Beliefs About Birds." Archaeology, Ethnology & Anthropology of Eurasia 48, no. 2 (June 26, 2020): 106–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.17746/1563-0110.2020.48.2.106-113.
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This study, based on ethnographic, linguistic, and folk materials, describes and interprets Buryat ideas of birds. The analysis of lexical data reveals the principal groups of birds according to the Buryat folk classification. The bat’s status is indistinct, since bats are not subordinate to the kings of the animal world. Diagnostic criteria underlying the classification of birds are outlined. The main criterion was whether a bird was beneficial or harmful. Ornithomorphic images in Buryat mythology, folklore, and ritual are described. Cult birds and bird totems are listed, and relics of local bird cults (those relating to swan, goose, duck, pigeon, and eagle) are revealed. Birds with positive connotations are the swan, crane, swallow, pigeon, eagle, and eagle-owl. Those with negative connotation are the kite, raven, crow, quail, cuckoo, and hoopoe). The attitude toward ducks, hawks, magpies, and jackdaws is ambivalent. Certain birds (ducks and ravens) were related to cosmogonic ideas; others (swan, goose, eagle, etc.) were endowed with a werewolf capability. The raven, the cuckoo, and the hoopoe symbolized natural cycles, whereas the magpie and the quail were associated with the soul. The role of bird images in the mytho-ritual practices is discussed. The Buryat mythological ideas reflected not only specific ethnic views of certain birds, but also universal ones.
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Korovchinskiy, Ivan N. "Types of Hellenistic Military Settlements in Royal Letters." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 6 (2021): 118. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080017553-5.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of information on Hellenistic military settlements, which can be found in the extant letters of Seleucid and Attalid kings. We mean the letter of Antiochus III preserved by Flavius Josephus in his Judean Antiquities, and three letters extant as inscriptions on stone: ‘Ikadion’s inscription’ from the island of Failaka in the Arabian Gulf (Kuwait, middle of the 3rd – early 2nd centuries BC), Antiochus V’s letter from Jamnia-on-the-Sea (Palestine, 163 BC) and Eumenes II’s letter from Kardakon Kome (Lycia, 181 BC). The material of the letters allows to conclude, that there were at least two different types of aforementioned settlements: 1) military settlements in proper sense, inhabited by warriors, whose duty was permanent military service, and members of their families; 2) specific settlements where people generally lived peaceful lives being engaged mostly in agriculture, cults of local sanctuaries etc., but also in some military activities like defense of fortresses. Both types could be protected by the kings in the form of partial or full tax exemption, land grants etc., although the second type got less royal attention of that kind than the first one. The existence of the second type can be explained by the fact that the oldest type of army, quite actual in the ancient world, was militia of a community. Thence the second type of settlements can be nothing else than communities, whose militias were used by the Hellenistic kings in their military activities alongside the professional army.
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Beig, Ramees Raja. "Guptas and Inclusive Sectarianism: An Epigraphic and Numismatic Study." Scholars Journal of Agriculture and Veterinary Sciences 10, no. 9 (September 3, 2022): 413–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.36347/sjahss.2022.v10i09.003.
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The fourth, fifth, and first half of the sixth centuries of the Christian era—the period known as the Imperial Guptas in India—present a religious landscape with intricate vertical and horizontal linkages. The Vedic rituals and gods are depicted in one section of this as standing at the pinnacle of several Brahmanical religious systems that are horizontally connected to one another. The non-Brahmanical systems are similarly depicted in a horizontal relationship with one another, but without the Vedic vertex, and running antagonistically opposite the Brahmanical ones, sharing in the new options provided by the prevalent element of folk and local cults involving the Yaksas, the veneration of sacred trees and rivers, etc. in the care of those who revere holy rivers and forests, etc. The Gupta kings used this perplexing substance to paint a harmonious scene on the canvas.
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Márkus, Gilbert. "Dewars and relics in Scotland: some clarifications and questions." Innes Review 60, no. 2 (November 2009): 95–144. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e0020157x09000493.
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The deòradh in medieval Scotland has nothing to do with the crown official called the toschederach, nor does the word ever refer to a relic. The deòradh is a hereditary relic-keeper. The scattered surviving records include charters and annals, but also – when read with this in mind – the literature of saints' cults. These show that the relic, and therefore sometimes (but not always) a deòradh, could be involved in representations of ecclesiastical authority, for cursing and blessing, for raising tribute, enforcing laws and inaugurating kings, for bringing battle victory or preventing battle altogether, for the swearing of oaths, for the protection of private property, for healing the sick and for the protection of the dead and dying. The record also reveals something of the economic position of the deòradh and his land-holding, and how this position began to change in the sixteenth century.
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Izosimov, Denis. "THE Priesthood and Administrartion of Abydos during the Saite Period (based on the Data from Private Monuments)." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 5 (2023): 20. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080027709-6.
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The article deals with the main composition of the Abydos’ elite during the Saite Period (664–525 B.C.). The aim of the article is to analyze the changes in Abydos’ elite after the unification of Egypt under the rule of Psamtik I. The author analyzes the data from private inscriptions, mostly the lists of different positions of the monuments’ owners. The vast majority of private stelae and statues belonged to local priests, associated with cults of the VIII (Thinite) nome of Upper Egypt. The data shows the existence of other sacerdotal ranks and titles that can be regarded as superior or inferior in the sacerdotal hierarchy. However, the exact position of the most common priestly titles cannot be determined due to the lack of data on their specific functions. A small part of private monuments, dating back to the reign of last Saite kings, preserved information about the non-priestly positions of their owners that held different military or administrative offices. The absence of data on any sacerdotal posts of these nobles can be explained by the gradual isolation of priesthood from other social groups of Ancient Egypt. The author suggests that this disproportion between priestly and civil offices reflects the development of the royal administration during the Saite Period. Due to Psamtik I’ policy, local priests retained their power over their nomes in exchange for swearing their loyalty to the Saite king. The emergence of civil offices in private inscriptions of the VI century B.C. denotes the strengthening of royal power.
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Dirven, Lucinda. "Selina O’Grady, And man created God. Kings, cults and conquests at the time of Jesus (Atlantic Books; London 2013) 416 p., € 15,49 ISBN 9781843546979." Tijdschrift voor geschiedenis 127, no. 3 (September 1, 2014): 503–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/tvgesch2014.3.dirv.
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Thiel, Winfried. "R.(ichard) H. Lowery, The Reforming Kings. Cults and Society in First Temple Judah (JSOT.Suppl. Series 120), Sheffield (JSOT Press) 1991, 236 Seiten, Ln. £ 27.50; $ 50.00." Biblische Zeitschrift 38, no. 1 (September 22, 1994): 125–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25890468-03801023.
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Eze, Ekenedirichukwu, Christian I. Nnadi, Collins I. Ugwu, and Christopher O. Okwor. "Gender Autonomy in Contemporary Ezenwanyi Cult of Northern Igbo." IKENGA International Journal of Institute of African Studies 24, no. 3 (September 30, 2023): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.53836/ijia/2023/24/3/007.
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The increasing spiritual consciousness in Igboland since the end of the civil war has created conditions for the emergence of several cult groups. One of such cults is the Ezenwanyi practice. It has in recent times gained more prominence. What started as a call to serve the spiritual needs of the people, has grown to include other interests. The cult’s uniqueness, as the name literally implies (woman king), is that its membership is an exclusive reserve of women. This has raised a number of questions: Why this female chauvinism? Is it a counter to other male cults? Do the gods also recognise gender speciality in discharging certain spiritual functions? Is it possible in a supposedly patriarchal society such as the Igbo, to have a spiritual cult group that excludes the male folk? Is it part of female empowerment? Apparently, these questions have not been adequately addressed in the literature. Therefore, in this study, the authors explored the notion of gender autonomy in the Ezenwanyi cult in Enugu-Ezike, Obollo-Afor and Okpuje using a descriptive narrative technique. The findings reveal that (apart from claims of call to service, peer influence, economic interest and social relevance), cultural revival is evident in the growing interest in and proliferation of the Ezenwanyi cult practice.
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Apenko, Mikhail. "Why was The Cult of Arsinoë II Philadelphus established in Egyptian Temples?" Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 5 (2023): 32. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080026352-4.
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The cult of Arsinoë II Philadelphus is considered one of the most significant cults in Hellenistic Egypt. It originated from the Greek oriented cult of Theoi-Adelphoi after Arsinoë’s death and soon became a vital part of both Greek and Egyptian religious life. What is even more important, Arsinoë became the first member of Ptolemaic dynasty to receive such a cult in Egyptian temples. Yet we still do not quite understand why was it so prominently established there. This article proposes a possible answer to this question. Based on the information from Sais inscription, a source from the reign of Ptolemy II, we can conclude that the main reason for the spread of the cult of Arsinoë in Egyptian temples was the natural conditions that developed in Egypt in the mid-260s. BCE. The text mentions a certain deficiency of the land during the king’s visit to Sais in 265/64 BCE. It seems that at this time Egypt faced low floods of the Nile, which could possibly lead to a lack of crops throughout the country. This in turn could threaten the legitimacy of Ptolemy II, who, as a king of Egypt, was viewed as the one responsible for the floods of the Nile river. Thus an event like this could become a cause for major instability in society or even a revolt. Under these circumstances the cult of Arsinoë II Philadelphus was used to promote royal legitimacy and bind part of the Egyptian priesthood to the ruling house of the Ptolemies.
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Marquaille, Céline. "The Ptolemaic ruler as a religious figure in Cyrenaica." Libyan Studies 34 (2003): 25–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263718900003393.
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AbstractThis article examines the particularities of Ptolemaic power outside Egypt through the religious activities of the Ptolemies in Cyrenaica. Since evidence is scarce on the direct administration of this Ptolemaic possession between 321 and 96 BC, the study of the royal cult and the relations between the Ptolemies and traditional cults of the city provides valuable insight on the nature of the dialogue between the king and the cities. It is clear from the available evidence that cult structures already existing in Egypt strongly included Cyrenaica in the Ptolemaic space. But the participation of the city in the royal cult and the flexibility of the royal language of power show that imperialistic views fail to fully explain both the longevity of Ptolemaic power in Cyrenaica and the necessity for the Ptolemies to legitimise their power even in a territory under direct administration.
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WEBSTER, PAUL. "The Cult of St Edmund, King and Martyr, and the Medieval Kings of England." History 105, no. 367 (September 11, 2020): 636–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-229x.13029.
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Archi, Alfonso. "Aštata: A Case of Hittite Imperial Religious Policy." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions 14, no. 2 (November 24, 2014): 141–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692124-12341260.
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The Hittite documentation concerning the Land of Aštata on the Euphrates, with Emar as capital, can now be better evaluated thanks to a more precise chronological order of the documentation from Emar (1400–1180b.c.). Hittite rule did not exercise any religious imperialism, on the contrary, it was Mursili ii who transferred to Hattusa some Aštata cults for the Syrian goddess Išḫara. He did not refrain from calling to his court priests from Emar in order to celebrate the proper rites to the goddess in an emergency. The king of Karkamiš, who exercised Hittite control over Emar, sent there one of his diviners to enquire through oracles if the local gods were in favour of his travelling to the city. A reorganization of cults promoted by Tuthaliya iv was at the origin of the introduction in Emar of a liturgy for some Hittite gods. This was not a superimposition of a theological organized pantheon over the local gods, but personal gods of the king; their cult was committed to the local family of diviners in charge of the cults of the city, with which the Hittites maintained close relations. Apparently, Hittite religion never deeply penetrated Emar society. A group of seals used by some Emariotes, however, presents the same iconographies as Hittite seals, with gods of the Hittite pantheon, an evidence of adhesion to the Hittite rule.
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Zapletniuk, O. "FEATURES OF CHANGES OF AKHENATEN'S TITULARY." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 136 (2018): 28–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2018.136.1.05.
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The article examines the royal titulary of Amenhotep IV (Akhenaten), the Egyptian Pharaoh of the 18th Dynasty, from the 1st to the 12th years of his reign and its reflection of the religious preference of the young king and his role in the new solar cult of Aten. The author illustrates the transformation of the king's official titles during the all stages of his religious reform and points out to the meaning of the new titulary's epithets of Amenhotep IV and queen Nefertiti. The author analyses the reasons of king's rejection of many popular traditional titles of Egyptian pharaoh. Much attention is given to the interpretation and explanation of the meanings of some king's titles, that demonstrated the political and religious course of Amenhotep IV. The author comes to the conclusion that Amenhotep IV carried out the first steps of his future reform during the first two years of his reign. Despite the fact that at the beginning of the reign the king's titulary continued to include traditional titles, Pharaoh used the epithets: "Unique for Ra", "Living in Truth", which emphasized his exceptional role in the cult of the solar disk. Amenhotep IV also rejected the titles that were related to the expansion of the borders of the Egyptian state. Then Amenhotep IV changed his own name in favor of the god Aten, and it was an official announcement of the king's support of the new solar cult of Aten in opposition to the traditional cult of Amun. The transformation of the pharaoh's title usually reflected political and religious reality at every stage of the development of the Egyptian state. The new Amenhotep IV's titulary was aimed to demonstrate the reduction of the role of the king as a historical player in the favor of the king as a historical god.
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Khaled, Mohamed Ismail. "Nomes of Lower Egypt in the early Fifth Dynasty." E&G Quaternary Science Journal 70, no. 1 (January 15, 2021): 19–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/egqsj-70-19-2021.
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Abstract. Having control over the landscape played an important role in the geography and economy of Egypt from the predynastic period onwards. Especially from the beginning of the Old Kingdom, we have evidence that kings created new places (funerary domains) called (centers) and (Ezbah) for the equipment of the building projects of the royal tomb and the funerary cult of the king, as well as to ensure the eternal life of both kings and individuals. Kings used these localities in order to do so, and they oftentimes expanded the border of an existing nome and created new establishments. Consequently, these establishments were united or divided into new nomes. The paper discusses the geography of Lower Egypt and the associated royal domains in the early Fifth Dynasty based on the new discoveries from the causeway of Sahura at Abusir.
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Collamati, Giovanni. "Saint King Oswald of Northumbria: Overlord or Imperator? A Very Peculiar Ancestor." Royal Studies Journal 9, no. 2 (December 15, 2022): 182–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.21039/rsj.366.
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In the documentation produced by the English monarchy during the tenth century the Latin title imperator surprisingly appears, but it is not the first time that this title has been associated with an insular king. In Adomnán of Iona's Vita sancti Columbae (c.700), St. Oswald king of Northumbria appears as totius Britanniae imperator. Oswald, one of seven kings—successively called bretwaldas in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle—who would have enjoyed a certain overlordship above other kingdoms of the island, could be the missing link connecting the use of the title imperator in the eighth and in the tenth centuries. Nevertheless, a closer view on the Oswald figure points out how he was remembered and worshipped more as a saint-overlord than as an emperor. Indeed, we can distinguish two different types of representation of the Northumbrian king’s authority: the first one proposed by Adomnán (emperor of Britain) and the second proposed by Bede (saintoverlord). In this article I show how the Bedian model had a greater diffusion than the Adomnán model in England in the following centuries, thanks to the cult of Oswald as a saint. This suggests that there was no direct link between the use of imperator in Adomnán and that in the tenth-century charters; they were two different manifestations of “imperiality.”
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Protz, Uta. "Martha Feldman, The Castrato: Reflections on Natures and Kinds." Cultural History 5, no. 1 (April 2016): 103–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/cult.2016.0115.
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Gemzöe, Lena. "Helighetens feminisering. Makt och mening i kulten av kvinnliga helgon." Tidskrift för genusvetenskap 25, no. 4 (June 15, 2022): 53–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.55870/tgv.v25i4.4057.
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The issue of how women are represented within religious systems have since long been a central concern in feminist religious studies. However, a narrow focus on female imagery in religion tends to obscure the nature of real women's active involvement in religious practice. This article discusses the cult of two different kinds of female saints in contemporary Portugal, both of which are ascribed sainthood in populär belief, but are denied such a status by the Church. These female saints serve as symbols in Portuguese Catholicism, but they can also be regarded as religious actors. Saint Alexandrina of Balasar is a "noneater", i e a woman whose sole form of nourishment is said to be the wafer received during Holy Communion, a religious behaviour that can be traced to the medieval period. Saint Maria Adelaide is a case of a populär cult of an incorrupt body. Such a cult may arise ifthe corpse of a deceased and buried person after a certain amount of time has not decomposed. I argue that the cults of these two types of saints are anchored in religious practices predominated by women. Femaledevotees play an important role in the cultural construction of the saints, and in upholdingtheircult. Although in different ways, the two types of cult challenge orthodox conceptions of sanctity as well as the structural power of the Church. The pilgrimage sites of these saints can be seen as expressions of a feminization of Christianity; the pilgrims worship an ordinary woman who becomes the mediator between God and humans on a site outside the control of the Catholic Church.
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Jiang, Xiao. "Dizang and the Three Kings: Constructing Buddhist Hell by Imitating the Bureaucratic System in the Tang Dynasty." Religions 13, no. 4 (April 2, 2022): 317. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel13040317.
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The Buddhist ideas and practices of hell were bureaucratized in medieval China. The cult of Dizang and the Ten Kings of Hell was popular from the late Tang Dynasty onward. However, the concept of the Three Kings of Hell (King Yama 閻羅王, the Magistrate of Mount Tai 泰山府君, and the Great Spirit of the Five Paths 五道大神) appeared before that of the Ten Kings and has long been ignored. This article aimed to make a textual comparison of the descriptions of Dizang and the Three Kings in the literature with the bureaucratic system of the Three Departments (sansheng zhi 三省制), which was the central government system during the Tang Dynasty, where the Three Departments performed their respective functions. There are several structural and functional parallels between the underworldly afterlife and the political bureaucracies of the world. The workings of the system in hell changed in texts from different periods, showing the evolution of the Three Departments system during the Tang Dynasty. This case study demonstrated that the system of Dizang and the Three Kings of Hell were constructed based on the official system used in human society and that the underworld was reinterpreted as a bureaucratic system similar to the temporal one.
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이은우. "Requirement of Cult Reform in Deuteronomy and Kings' Reform." Korean Journal of Old Testament Studies 15, no. 3 (August 2009): 132–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.24333/jkots.2009.15.3.132.
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Sonne, Lasse C. A. "Kings, chieftains and public cult in pre-Christian Scandinavia." Early Medieval Europe 22, no. 1 (December 12, 2013): 53–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/emed.12038.
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Filipek, Slawomir. "The King of Birds and the Bird of Kings: About the Symbolism of the Eagle in Culture, Beliefs and Art." Asian Journal of Social Science Studies 8, no. 2 (May 19, 2023): 17. http://dx.doi.org/10.20849/ajsss.v8i2.1359.
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The eagle is a bird widespread in all cultures and beliefs. Throughout history, it has gained a rich symbolic reference. It appears in antiquity as a royal bird and mythological personification of the gods. The Christian world saw in the eagle a symbol of rebirth, as well as Christ himself. The bird was used in Christian art and culture, also in the Greek liturgy as a soteriological, baptismal and eucharistic symbol. Christian writers and theologians pay much attention to it, deriving its symbolism both from the Bible, and medieval bestiaries as well. It appears in the art of painting and sculpture of many epochs, constituting an important ritual, religious and cult element. Up till now, it is an important element of culture - the eagle is the emblem of many modern countries, which often derive their genesis and origin from legends in which this bird appears.
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Taasob, Razieh. "Representation of Wēś in early Kushan coinage: Royal or local cult?" Afghanistan 3, no. 1 (April 2020): 83–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afg.2020.0046.
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The religious significance of Wēś is a widely debated topic in the historical and numismatic study of Central Asia, including contributions from several scholars who claimed that the representation of Wēś in early Kushan coinage, particularly in the coins of Vima Kadphises (ca. ce 113–127), was an allusion to the conversion of the king to Shivaism. This paper contests the claim that the certain attributes depicted with Wēś should not be construed as belonging to the Indian god Śiva or the Greek god Heracles. The royal portrait on the obverse of the coinage of Vima Kadphises shows the king taking part in the Iranian practice of sacrificing at a fire altar, which further supports the claim that the depiction on the reverse is of the Iranian god Wēś. This paper also challenges recent studies, which suggest that the representation of Wēś may have served only as a royal cult or merely to announce the personal faith of the king. Therefore, this account seeks to remedy this misconception by pointing to the absence of other types of coins used for normal transactions by ordinary people which could have likewise represented their religious cults. Consequently, this article shows that Wēś was a religiously syncretic phenomenon that displays the religious practice of all levels of Kushan society including both the king and the locals who were mostly Bactrian-Iranian during the early Kushan period rather than Indian.
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Dodgen, Randall. "Hydraulic Religion: ‘Great King’ Cults in the Ming and Qing." Modern Asian Studies 33, no. 4 (October 1999): 815–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x99003492.
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In the middle years of the Ming (1368–1644) dynasty, temples dedicated to the Fourth Son Golden Dragon Great King (jin long si da wang) began to appear on dikes and in administrative centers along the Yellow River and the Grand Canal. The Golden Dragon cult originated as an ancestral cult dedicated to an apotheosized Southern Song (1127–1280) patriot from the Hangzhou area. It later became popular with boatmen and merchants who travelled on the Grand Canal. Beginning in the sixteenth century, hydraulic officials promoted the cult as an adjunct to their administration of the Canal and the Yellow River.
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Zevit, Ziony. "Deuteronomistic Historiography in 1 Kings 12-2 Kings 17 and the Reinvestiture of the Israelian Cult." Journal for the Study of the Old Testament 10, no. 32 (June 1985): 57–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030908928501003205.
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Cox-Rearick, Janet. "Imagining the Renaissance: The Nineteenth-Century Cult of François I as Patron of Art*." Renaissance Quarterly 50, no. 1 (1997): 207–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3039334.
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A sentimental domestic scene, François I and Marguerite of Navarre, was painted in 1804 by the Salon painter Fleury Richard (fig. 1). As he explained, it illustrates an anecdote from the legend of François I. The king's sister, Marguerite de Navarre, is shown discovering on the windowpane a graffito about the inconstancy of women. François — the great royal womanizer — has just scratched it there and looks very pleased with himself.This painting signals not only the early nineteenth century's fascination with the Renaissance king, but reveals its attitudes about the Renaissance itself. For example, the setting and the costumes betray a confusion about the periodization of Gothic and Renaissance: the room in which the scene takes place is of Gothic revival design, while another room - in neo-classical style - opens beyond; the king's costume is historically correct, but Marguerite could be Maid Marian.
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NAKAMURA, Mitsuo. "The Cult of Deceased Kings in the New Hittite Kingdom." Bulletin of the Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan 37, no. 1 (1994): 35–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.5356/jorient.37.35.
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Jinping, Wang. "Daoists, the Imperial Cult of Sage-Kings, and Mongol Rule." T’oung Pao 106, no. 3-4 (September 4, 2020): 309–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685322-10634p03.
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Abstract This article demonstrates the central position that Daoists occupied in the representations of state power in north China under Mongol rule. In the mid-thirteenth century, Daoist Master Jiang Shanxin and his disciples, under Khubilai Khan’s patronage, actively rebuilt several temples of Confucian sage-kings in southern Shanxi province. Jiang Shanxin’s lineage was a product of dynamic interactions between the Mongol conquerors and local Chinese Daoists in which the two found common ground in sage-kings worship that had served to strengthen imperial legitimacy in previous dynasties. The strong Mongol-Daoist alliance in reordering the empire’s ritual space resulted in not just the revival of but also the creation of new ritual precedents for the Chinese imperial cult of sage-kings.
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Price, Simon. "Religious Mobility in the Roman Empire." Journal of Roman Studies 102 (July 16, 2012): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075435812000056.
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AbstractThe spread of religions throughout the Roman world may be explained partly as a consequence of the movements of peoples, partly in terms of the emergence of new elective cults. Understanding these processes entails exploring the kinds of contacts and exchanges established between individual worshippers, and the contexts — local and imperial — within which they took place. These developments culminated in the emergence of new cults that spilled over the boundaries of the Roman Empire to create the first global religions.
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Mohd Zurita, Nur Aisya Asyikin, and Engku Ahmad Zaki Engku Alwi. "Penyelewengan Akidah dalam Ajaran Sesat di Malaysia: Satu Analisis [Perversion of Faith Heresy in Malaysia: A Review]." Jurnal Islam dan Masyarakat Kontemporari 23, no. 2 (August 30, 2022): 197–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.37231/jimk.2022.23.2.677.
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Penyelewengan akidah adalah masalah yang makin berleluasa di Malaysia. Pelbagai jenis ajaran yang didapati muncul dalam kajian ini. Jika tindakan membanterasnya tidak diberi tumpuan yang bersungguh-sungguh, golongan yang membawa ajaran menyeleweng ini akan merosakkan akidah masyarakat. Akhirnya, ajaran seperti ini akan membawa kepada perpecahan dalam masyarakat dan negara. Tujuan kajian ini dijalankan adalah untuk mengenal pasti penyelewengan dari segi akidah dalam ajaran sesat yang wujud Malaysia. Selain itu, untuk kajian ini bertujuan untuk menjelaskan kesan yang berlaku kepada masyarakat akibat penyelewengan akidah yang berlaku serta menganalisis kajian lepas yang pernah dilakukan oleh pengkaji lepas berkaitan dengan tema ini. Dapatan kajian mendapati bahawa jabatan agama dan institusi agama yang terlibat telah mengambil inisiatif dalam membendung isu penyelewengan akidah dalam ajaran sesat ini. Implikasi kajian ini akan dapat meningkatkan kecekapan secara berkesan samaada undang-undang persekutuan atau negeri dalam mencegah kumpulan ajaran sesat daripada menyebarkan fahaman akidah yang menyeleweng. Justeru itu, kajian ini dapat memperkasa pemikiran masyarakat dan memberi kesedaran yang jitu mengenai ajaran akidah Islam yang sebenar.
Aqedah faith misappropriation is one of the problems that arising in Malaysia. Various types of religious cult have been discovered during this research. The organizations that bring these cults beliefs will threaten Muslims' faith if effort to eliminate them is not being seriously handled. These kinds of beliefs and cult will eventually split the people and country. The purpose of this study to identify variations in Malaysians' acceptance of heretical teachings. Furthermore, it is to explain the sociological implications to the people that caused by existence of religious cult, as well as to evaluate past research on this topic by previous experts. The research discovers that the religious department and institutions in Malaysia that are involved have taken initiatives to resolve the issue of faith misappropriation in this religious cult. The outcomes of this research will aid in the improvement of federal and state legislation that restrict cult groups from promoting incorrect doctrines. As a result, this study can serve to enhance the community's thinking and provide a solid understanding of the true teachings of Islam
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Kalmykova, Elena Viktorovna. "REBELLION, EXECUTION (1405), AND POSTMORTEM VENERATION OF ARCHBISHOP RICHARD SCROPE." LOMONOSOV HISTORY JOURNAL 64, no. 2023, №2 (July 13, 2023): 3–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.55959/msu0130-0083-8-2023-64-2-3-18.
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The article examines a unique case in the history of the Catholic Church: the execution of Archbishop of York Richard Scrope for his participation in a rebellion against the king in 1405. Conflicts between monarchs and prelates were common in medieval Europe. Occasionally, sovereigns imprisoned recalcitrant hierarchs and might even have physically eliminated them, but never by public execution. The author discusses the possible reasons that led Richard Scrope, who supported Henry Bolingbroke’s ascent to the English throne in 1399, to raise an army against his king. Should the Archbishop’s rebellion be seen in the context of the July 1403 mutiny of Henry and Thomas Percy with whom Scrope was related or should we look for an imitation of Thomas Becket, who openly opposed Henry II to protect the liberties of the English Church? In addition to attempting to find answers to these questions, the article examines the public outcry caused by the execution of the archbishop. First, it deals with the reaction of the papacy and the measures taken by the Archbishop of Canterbury Thomas Arundel to conceal from the people information about the excommunication of those involved in the execution, including the king himself. Second, it deals with the rumors that circulated in English society about the nature of the illness that afflicted Henry immediately after Scrope’s execution. The rumor referred to the king’s illness as leprosy, believing it to be a punishment for shedding the blood of a servant of God. Finally, special attention is given to the cult of the executed Scrope, who was revered as saint and martyr in York. Despite royal prohibitions and even attempts to block access to Scrope’s tomb in York Cathedral, the flow of pilgrims to his burial site continued unabated. The veneration of Richard Scrope was unexpectedly supported by the crown during the reign of the York kings, who saw the executed archbishop as an opponent of the House of Lancaster.
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Claydon, T. "The Cult of King Charles the Martyr." English Historical Review 119, no. 482 (June 1, 2004): 800–801. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/119.482.800.
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