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1
Gobert-sergent, Yann. "Boulogne, tête de pont pour le débarquement en Angleterre durant l'hiver 1745-1746." Revue Historique des Armées 239, no. 2 (2005): 18–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rharm.2005.5708.
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Boulogne : bridgehead for the landing in England during the winter of 1745-46 ; In the context of the War of the Austrian Succession (1744-48), the rulers of France envisaged a ‘descent' upon England. The aim, at Versailles, was to threaten London by deploying a small French army in Kent. The year 1745 was marked by the French plan to set the Jacobite Pretender, James Stuart (putatively ‘King James IIF), ashore in England. On 12th June 1745 his son Charles Edward (‘the Young Pretender’), embarked on a frigate at St Nazaire, escorted by a French naval warship. Landing on the Scottish coast, Charles defeated an English army at Prestonpans, near Edinburgh. Moving south, he reached Derby, 30 leagues from London, on 4th December. Meanwhile the preparations at Boulogne for a landing in England were going well. A council of war met at Dunkirk, with the Count of Aunay, Francois Bart, the royal officers Lally and Walsh, and the councillor to the French king, Charron, in attendance, on 4th December. They decided to launch a new expedition, mounted from Boulogne, to support the landing in Scotland by Prince Charles Edward, now the replacement for James Edward, who was deemed too old for the adventure. The French authorities, it seemed, had decided on a serious effort, having concentrated 30,000 troops under command of the Duc de Richelieu between Dunkirk and Boulogne. Shipping was amassed in ports stretching from Blankenberge to St Valery - sur-Somme. A hundred vessels, requisitioned in Normandy, were directed to Boulogne. From December 1745 to March 1746 the French battle fleet sat in the port of Le Havre. The objective was to disembark a force of twelve battalions - some 6,000 soldiers -in southern England. In the end, however, the project was abandoned.
2
Goff, Moira. "The Celebrated Monsieur Desnoyer, Part 1: 1721–1733." Dance Research 31, no. 1 (May 2013): 67–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/drs.2013.0059.
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George Desnoyer first danced in London in 1721 and 1722, and returned to pursue a successful performing career there between 1731 and 1742. He may have been born around 1700 in Hanover, for he was the son of the dancing master ‘Denoyé’ employed by Georg Ludwig Elector of Hanover (later King George I of England) from at least 1694. 1 Musicians named ‘Desnoyers’ can be found in Paris records from the 1650s. 2 The elder Desnoyer may have been related to Antoine Desnoyers, who was a member of the ‘violons de la Chambre’ at the court of Louis XIV from at least the late 1670s until about 1694. 3 He may also have been the Desnoyers who danced in the 1689 and 1690 revivals at the Paris Opéra of Lully's Atys and Cadmus et Hermione respectively. 4 Whatever his lineage, George Desnoyer was already a skilled exponent of French belle dance style and technique when he first appeared in London, at the Drury Lane Theatre, early in 1721. Desnoyer's father died on 18 April 1721, and he was presumably appointed to succeed him for he left England during the summer of 1722 to become dancing master to George I's grandson Prince Frederick, who had remained in Hanover. His appointment at the electoral court formally ended early in 1730, and the following year Desnoyer returned to London. He was billed as ‘first dancer to the King of Poland’ when he appeared at Drury Lane in late 1731, and for the next few years he divided his time between London, Dresden and Warsaw. Desnoyer's London career lasted until 1742. Over the years, he performed solos, duets and group dances as well as appearing in a variety of afterpieces, and he enjoyed notable partnerships with several leading female dancers. Although virtually all the choreographies he performed are lost, there is much other evidence to shed light on Desnoyer's dancing style and technique. I have documented the lives and careers, as dancing masters, of George Desnoyer and his son Philip elsewhere. 5 In this article I will explore and analyse George Desnoyer's repertoire during his first two periods in London, 1721–1722 and 1731–1733. In a second article, I will look at his repertoire and his dancing partnerships between 1734 and his retirement from the London stage in 1742. 6
3
Ellis, John S. "Reconciling the Celt: British National Identity, Empire, and the 1911 Investiture of the Prince of Wales." Journal of British Studies 37, no. 4 (October 1998): 391–418. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386173.
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With the notable exception of Scotland, Queen Victoria was never very enthusiastic about her kingdoms of the “Celtic fringe.” During the sixty-four years of her reign, Victoria spent a healthy seven years in Scotland, a mere seven weeks in Ireland, and a paltry seven nights in Wales. Although there was little overt hostility, the nonconformist Welsh often felt neglected by the monarch and embittered by the queen's position as the head of the Church of England. Her Irish visits, however, were subject to more open opposition by stalwart republicans. Her visit to Dublin in 1900 was accompanied by embarrassing incidents and coercive measures to ensure the pleasant reception and safety of the monarch.The reign of King Edward VII was notable for its warmer attitude toward Wales and Ireland, but this transformation in the relationship between the monarchy and the nations of the “Celtic fringe” reached its most clear expression with the 1911 investiture of the Prince of Wales during the reign of his son, King George V. The press considered the ceremony to be more important than any other royal visit to the Celtic nations and publicized it widely in the United Kingdom and British Empire. The organizers of the event erected telegraph offices at the site of the ceremony, and the railways established special express trains running from Caernarfon to London that were equipped with darkrooms in order to send stories and photographs of the event directly to the newspapers of Fleet Street.
4
Collinson, D. W. "Stanley Keith Runcorn. 19 November 1922 – 5 December 1995." Biographical Memoirs of Fellows of the Royal Society 48 (January 2002): 391–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsbm.2002.0023.
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Stanley Keith Runcorn was born in 1922 in Southport, Lancashire, the son of a monumentalmason of staunch Congregationalist persuasion. He was educated at the King George VGrammar School, where his strongest subjects were history and mathematics. When in thesixth form his headmaster persuaded him to take science subjects, and he was subsequentlyawarded a State Scholarship to study at Cambridge University. At an early age his father hadtaken him to a small local observatory, encouraging his interest in astronomy. On the sportingside, in spite of his later interest in rugby he refused to play the game at school and insteadconcentrated on swimming. Under his captaincy his house regularly won the swimming trophy. Runcorn showed an early interest in religious and cultural matters, which was to stay with him throughout his life. He attended a Methodist Sunday school and for some time provided a Sunday evening service for his sister and grandmother while his parents attended church. He read extensively and went to London on his own, visiting museums and architectural landmarks. Later, while at Cambridge, he developed a love of music. In 1940 he entered Gonville and Caius College at Cambridge to read electrical engineering. After graduating in 1943 he commenced research at the Royal Radar Establishment (RRE), remaining there until the end of the war. During his time at the RRE he was confirmed into the Church of England.
5
Sims, Robert C., Darlene E. Fisher, Steven A. Leibo, Pasquale E. Micciche, Fred R. Van Hartesveldt, W. Benjamin Kennedy, C. Ashley Ellefson, et al. "Book Reviews." Teaching History: A Journal of Methods 13, no. 2 (May 5, 1988): 80–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/th.13.2.80-104.
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Michael B. Katz. Reconstructing American Education. Cambridge and London: Harvard University Press, 1987. Pp. viii, 212. Cloth, $22.50; E. D. Hirsch, Jr. Cultural Literacy: What Every American Needs to Know. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1987. Pp. xvii, 251. Cloth, $16.45; Diana Ravitch and Chester E. Finn, Jr. What Do Our 17-Year-Olds Know? A Report on the First National Assessment of History and Literature. New York: Harper & Row, 1987. Pp. ix, 293. Cloth, $15.95. Review by Richard A. Diem of The University of Texas at San Antonio. Henry J. Steffens and Mary Jane Dickerson. Writer's Guide: History. Lexington, Massachusetts, and Toronto: D. C. Heath and Company, 1987. Pp. x, 211. Paper, $6.95. Review by William G. Wraga of Bernards Township Public Schools, Basking Ridge, New Jersey. J. Kelley Sowards, ed. Makers of the Western Tradition: Portraits from History. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1987. Fourth edition. Vol: 1: Pp. ix, 306. Paper, $12.70. Vol. 2: Pp. ix, 325. Paper, $12.70. Review by Robert B. Luehrs of Fort Hays State University. John L. Beatty and Oliver A. Johnson, eds. Heritage of Western Civilization. Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1987. Sixth Edition. Volume I: Pp. xi, 465. Paper, $16.00; Volume II: pp. xi, 404. Paper, $16.00. Review by Dav Levinson of Thayer Academy, Braintree, Massachusetts. Lynn H. Nelson, ed. The Human Perspective: Readings in World Civilization. New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1987. Vol. I: The Ancient World to the Early Modern Era. Pp. viii, 328. Paper, $10.50. Vol. II: The Modern World Through the Twentieth Century. Pp, x, 386. Paper, 10.50. Review by Gerald H. Davis of Georgia State University. Gerald N. Grob and George Attan Billias, eds. Interpretations of American History: Patterns and Perspectives. New York: The Free Press, 1987. Fifth Edition. Volume I: Pp. xi, 499. Paper, $20.00: Volume II: Pp. ix, 502. Paper, $20.00. Review by Larry Madaras of Howard Community College. Eugene Kuzirian and Larry Madaras, eds. Taking Sides: Clashing Views on Controversial Issues in American History. -- Volume II: Reconstruction to the Present. Guilford, Connecticut: The Dushkin Publishing Groups, Inc., 1987. Pp. xii, 384. Paper, $9.50. Review by James F. Adomanis of Anne Arundel County Public Schools, Annapolis, Maryland. Joann P. Krieg, ed. To Know the Place: Teaching Local History. Hempstead, New York: Hofstra University Long Island Studies Institute, 1986. Pp. 30. Paper, $4.95. Review by Marilyn E. Weigold of Pace University. Roger Lane. Roots of Violence in Black Philadelphia, 1860-1900. Cambridge, Massachusetts, and London: Harvard University Press, 1986. Pp. 213. Cloth, $25.00. Review by Ronald E. Butchart of SUNY College at Cortland. Pete Daniel. Breaking the Land: The Transformation of Cotton, Tobacco, and Rice Cultures since 1880. Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1985. Pp. xvi, 352. Paper, $22.50. Review by Thomas S. Isern of Emporia State University. Norman L. Rosenberg and Emily S. Rosenberg. In Our Times: America Since World War II. Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, 1987. Third edition. Pp. xi, 316. Paper, $20.00; William H. Chafe and Harvard Sitkoff, eds. A History of Our Time: Readings on Postwar America. New York: Oxford University Press, 1987. Second edition. Pp. xiii, 453. Paper, $12.95. Review by Monroe Billington of New Mexico State University. Frank W. Porter III, ed. Strategies for Survival: American Indians in the Eastern United States. New York, Westport, Connecticut, and London: Greenwood Press, 1986. Pp. xvi, 232. Cloth, $35.00. Review by Richard Robertson of St. Charles County Community College. Kevin Sharpe, ed. Faction & Parliament: Essays on Early Stuart History. London and New York: Methuen, 1985. Pp. xvii, 292. Paper, $13.95; Derek Hirst. Authority and Conflict: England, 1603-1658. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1986. Pp. viii, 390. Cloth, $35.00. Review by K. Gird Romer of Kennesaw College. N. F. R. Crafts. British Economic Growth During the Industrial Revolution. New York: Oxford University Press, 1985. Pp. 193. Paper, $11.95; Maxine Berg. The Age of Manufactures, 1700-1820. New York: Oxford University Press, 1985. Pp. 378. Paper, $10.95. Review by C. Ashley Ellefson of SUNY College at Cortland. J. M. Thompson. The French Revolution. New York: Basil Blackwell, 1985 reissue. Pp. xvi, 544. Cloth, $45.00; Paper, $12.95. Review by W. Benjamin Kennedy of West Georgia College. J. P. T. Bury. France, 1814-1940. London and New York: Methuen, 1985. Fifth edition. Pp. viii, 288. Paper, $13.95; Roger Magraw. France, 1815-1914: The Bourgeois Century. New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1985. Pp. 375. Cloth, $24.95; Paper, $9.95; D. M.G. Sutherland. France, 1789-1815: Revolution and Counterrevolution. New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1986. Pp. 242. Cloth, $32.50; Paper, $12.95. Review by Fred R. van Hartesveldt of Fort Valley State College. Woodford McClellan. Russia: A History of the Soviet Period. Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, 1986. Pp. xi, 387. Paper, $23.95. Review by Pasquale E. Micciche of Fitchburg State College. Ranbir Vohra. China's Path to Modernization: A Historical Review from 1800 to the Present. Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, 1987. Pp. xiii, 302. Paper, $22.95. Reivew by Steven A. Leibo of Russell Sage College. John King Fairbank. China Watch. Cambridge and London: Harvard University Press, 1987. Pp. viii, Cloth, $20.00. Review by Darlene E. Fisher of New Trier Township High School, Winnetka, Illinois. Ronald Takaki, ed. From Different Shores: Perspectives on Race and Ethnicity in America. New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1987. Pp. 253. Paper, $13.95. Review by Robert C. Sims of Boise State University.
6
Crouch, David. "Robert of Gloucester's Mother and Sexual Politics in Norman Oxfordshire." Historical Research 72, no. 179 (October 1, 1999): 323–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2281.00087.
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Abstract The discovery that the mother of Earl Robert of Gloucester (d. 1147), the illegitimate son of King Henry I, was a daughter of the Gay or Gayt family of north Oxfordshire allows us a new insight into the character of that complex king. We can now see how King Henry used Oxfordshire as his surrogate home in England from the ten‐eighties onwards: three of the Englishwomen who bore him children dwelt in the vicinity of Oxford. We can also now see why it was that he made Woodstock the third most important royal centre in England during his reign. The way that his chosen mistresses used their royal connection to their families' advantage is also more clear following this discovery.
7
Law, Robin. "An Alternative Text of King Agaja of Dahomey's Letter to King George I of England, 1726." History in Africa 29 (2002): 257–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3172163.
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In an earlier issue of this journal I published the text of a letter to King George I of England written in the name of King “Trudo Audati” (better known under the name which he is given in in local tradition, Agaja) of the west African kingdom of Dahomey. Although dated 1726, this letter was received in England only in 1731, when it was belatedly delivered to London by Bulfinch Lambe, a former employee of the Royal African Company of England, who had spent some time in captivity in Dahomey, and who claimed to have written the letter at King Agaja's dictation. Lambe was accompanied to England by an African interpreter called “Captain Tom,” who vouched for the letter's authenticity; this man's African name was given as “Adomo Oroonoko Tomo,” though the middle name “Oroonoko” at least was surely not authentic, but borrowed from the popular romantic novel by Aphra Behn, Oroonoko: or, the Royal Slave (1689). An official enquiry by the Board of Trade decided that the letter itself was a forgery, though on grounds I at least find unpersuasive; but it was acknowledged that Lambe had been charged with some sort of message from King Agaja, and arrangements were made for the repatriation of the interpreter “Adomo Oroonoko Tomo” to Dahomey, which was effected in the following year, 1732.
8
Chabás, José. "An Early Witness of Alfonsine Astronomy: The London Tables for 1336." Journal for the History of Astronomy 48, no. 3 (August 2017): 324–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021828617716556.
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In the 1320s, a group of astronomers in Paris recast the Alfonsine Tables composed in Toledo in about 1272 under the patronage of Alfonso X, king of Castile and León. The tables compiled in Paris by a first generation of Alfonsine astronomers, including John Vimond, John of Murs, and John of Lignères, reached England, and were disseminated all over Europe, progressively becoming the main tool in computational astronomy. In this paper, we focus on an anonymous set that seems to be the earliest evidence of the Parisian Alfonsine Tables in England.
9
Dawson, Frank Griffith. "The Evacuation of the Mosquito Shore and the English Who Stayed Behind, 1786-1800." Americas 55, no. 1 (July 1998): 63–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1008294.
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On 14 July 1786, representatives of the Kings of Spain and England signed the Convention of London by which His Britannick Majesty undertook to evacuate all British subjects from the northern coast of Central America, thereby putting an end to over a half-century of conflict in that remote corner of the Caribbean.Although Article I of the Convention referred to the territory to be evacuated simply as “the Country of the MOSQUITOS …,” the intention was to secure the removal of a string of small British settlements extending from sixty miles east of Trujillo in what is now Honduras along some 550 miles of coast to Cape Gracias a Dios, and then south and east to Nicaragua’s San Juan River. The area was called then, as now, the Mosquito Shore, and had been a British sphere of influence since the 1730s.
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Lund, Niels. "The armies of Swein Forkbeard and Cnut: leding or lið?" Anglo-Saxon England 15 (December 1986): 105–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263675100003719.
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The problem to be discussed in this paper concerns the organization of those Viking armies which under the leadership of Swein Forkbeard and his son Cnut succeeded in conquering England in the second decade of the eleventh century: were the forces of these kings privately organized, like the ones operating in the ninth century, or were they state armies recruited on the basis of a public obligation on all free men to serve the king in war?
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Corp, Edward. "STUART AND STUARDO: JAMES III AND HIS NEAPOLITAN COUSIN." Papers of the British School at Rome 83 (September 16, 2015): 221–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068246215000094.
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King Charles II's first illegitimate son, the little-known Jacques de La Cloche, married a lady in Naples and had a posthumous son, born in 1669 and known as Don Giacomo Stuardo. Although his father was illegitimate and he himself a Catholic, Stuardo hoped that he might one day become King of England. The Glorious Revolution resulted in opposition between supporters of the Protestant Succession to the British thrones and supporters of the exiled Catholic Stuarts, James II and then his son James III. When the Protestant Queen Anne was succeeded by the unpopular Hanoverian George I in 1714, James III was still unmarried and had no children, so Stuardo hoped that James might recognize him as the Jacobite heir. When James married and had two sons, Stuardo hoped that his cousin would at least receive him as a Stuart prince. All his attempts to meet James III and secure recognition were unsuccessful, and he died disappointed and in poverty in about 1752. In the tercentenary of the Hanoverian Succession, enough archival information finally has emerged to provide a study of the life of this alternative claimant to the British thrones.
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Kiselev, Alexander. "Diplomatic Protocol and Anglo-Russian Negotiations in 1662—1663." ISTORIYA 13, no. 7 (117) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840022267-2.
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In the early 1660’s the Russian economy was in deep crisis. Needed in silver, the Muscovy government sent to England in 1662 a representative embassy of more than a hundred people, headed by Prince Pyotr Prozorovsky and the nobleman Ivan Zhelyabuzhsky. It is believed that the mission of Prozorovsky and Zhelyabuzhsky in London failed, because the King of England Charles II refused to give the Russian Tsar money in debt. In historiography this embassy is seen as an episodic event in the history of Anglo-Russian relations. The trip of the delegation of Muscovites to London was poorly reflected in Russian sources, whereas it was covered in detail by the English and Italian, which requires a more thorough analysis. The receipt of Prince Prozorovsky, found in the National Archives at Kew (UK), make it clear that the Muscovite delegation left London with money. However, the problem of the influence of Russian and English diplomatic protocol on the 17th century negotiation process and, in particular, on the results of Prozorovsky’s visit to England in 1662—1663 has so far escaped the attention of scholars. Using the actor approach of “new diplomatic history”, the author argues that it was a firm negotiating position that allowed diplomats of Muscovy to turn the course of Anglo-Russian negotiations on the financial issue and successfully conclude the mission to London.
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Kosheleva, Polina Yur'evna. ""A Chess Game" by Thomas Middleton and Anglo-Spanish relations during the reign of James I." Исторический журнал: научные исследования, no. 2 (February 2022): 61–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0609.2022.2.38004.
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King James I of England was a supporter of the peacemaking policy, which he decided to implement with the help of matrimonial ties. The king planned to marry his son Charles to the Spanish Infanta Maria. This marriage did not take place, but the very turn of the King of England to pro-Spanish politics was incomprehensible to many of his contemporaries and caused heated discussions in parliament, a reaction in pamphlet literature and drama. During this period, the theater became a tool for shaping public opinion and a center for promoting political ideas. One of the most successful playwrights of the time of James I was Thomas Middleton, whose play "The Game of Chess" became the subject of this study. The purpose of the article is to analyze the playwright's views on the Anglo-Spanish relations of the 1620s, which he expressed through satirical allegory. The play "A Game at Chess" is important for analyzing the role of the public theater in shaping public opinion on the political strategy of King James I at the beginning of the XVII century. Turning to the play as a source makes it possible to analyze the ideas of English intellectuals of that time about Spain and relations with it, and to identify the features of the reign of James I, expressed in an unusual form. In the course of studying this topic, it became clear that Prince Charles's personal trip to Madrid and rapprochement with Spain were justified in the eyes of the English people precisely through the public display of the play, and the King of England himself was presented as the main peacemaker, whom the power-hungry Spaniards tried to deceive. Middleton's ideas hostile to Spain were widely spread among the British, which speaks of the play not only as a way of forming the opinion of society, but also its reflection.
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Holland, S. M. "George Abbot: ‘The Wanted Archbishop’." Church History 56, no. 2 (June 1987): 172–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3165501.
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Historians and biographers of George Abbot traditionally have viewed King James's appointment of the forty-eight year old bishop of London to the archbishopric of Canterbury on 4 March 1611 as both unexpected and unpopular. Although Fuller conceived him to be “of a more fatherly presence than those who might have been his fathers for age in the Church of England,” there was a significant body of opinion that held he was unfit for such an important post for two major reasons.
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Wagner, Joseph. "The Scottish East India Company of 1617: Patronage, Commercial Rivalry, and the Union of the Crowns." Journal of British Studies 59, no. 3 (July 2020): 582–607. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2020.38.
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AbstractThe history of the Scottish East India Company of 1617 is a history of partnerships and rivalries within and between Scotland and England. The company was opposed by the merchants of the royal burghs in Scotland and by the East India Company, Muscovy Company, and Privy Council in England. At the same time, it was supported by the Scottish Privy Council and was able to recruit Dutch, English, and Scottish investors. The interactions between these groups were largely shaped by the union of the crowns, which saw James VI accede to the thrones of England and Ireland and move his court to London. Scotland was thus left with an absentee monarch, decreasing the access of Scottish merchants to the king while increasing the importance of court connections in acquiring that access. Regal union also created opportunities for Scots to become part of the London business world, which, in turn, could lead to backlash from English interests. Having developed in this context, the Scottish East India Company speaks to how James VI and I approached patronage and policy in his multiple kingdoms, how commercial rivalries developed in England and Scotland, and how trading companies played a role in constitutional developments in Stuart Britain.
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Turner, Ralph V. "The Illegitimate Offspring of King John of England Identified from the Rolls." Medieval People 37 (2022): 147–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.32773/klsf6281.
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King John was not unusual among medieval English monarchs for siring illegitimate offspring, among them three sons and a daughter born of aristocratic ladies. Chroniclers and moralists’ charges that John’s sexual predations extended to his barons' wives and daughters became a significant factor in baronial alienation that resulted in the 1215 rebellion. A search of royal records from John’s reign yields names of seven: six sons and one daughter, all acknowledged by him. Records from the reign of his son Henry III reveal three more, two sons and one daughter, a total of ten, a number far smaller than that of hs great-grandfather Henry I, famous for siring over twenty illegitimate children. John’s father Henry II fathered only four or five bastards, one of whom became an earl and another an archbishop. Before the Church won power to regulate marriages by the early thirteenth century, sons of kings, princes, and aristocrats born outside formal marriage experienced little stigma. Possibly due to changing attitudes, John’s bastards never rose in prominence as did earlier monarch’s illegitimate offspring, some of whom played major parts in England’s history. None of John’s illicit sons rose to an earldom or bishopric, although entered the baronial ranks and a daughter married the Welsh prince, Llywelyn. Most of John’s illegitimate sons had military careers, serving their father and their brother as royal household knights. Two sought careers in the Church, but neither rose to high rank.
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Steele, Ian K. "Communicating an English Revolution to the Colonies, 1688–1689." Journal of British Studies 24, no. 3 (July 1985): 333–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/385838.
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The America of Boston, bound from its home port to London in December of 1688, began taking soundings that were political as well as nautical as it approached England. Two weeks before an English port was reached, the first news was heard from a shipmaster returning from Barbados, who shared what he had heard earlier from an English vessel out of Galloway. The passengers of the America were told that William of Orange had landed at Torbay early in November, that the prince had taken England, and that King James was dead. The truth, the guess, and the false rumor all came aboard with equal credibility. They were only four days from port before they learned that the king was not dead, though the source was a five-week-old report from the Canary Islands. The occupants of the America could still be buffeted by strange and disturbing tales when they were only one day from Dover. The master of a pink that was two weeks out of Liverpool gave the date of the prince's landing as three weeks later than the event, gave William's force as an astounding 50,000 men and 600 ships, and told the apprehensive colonials that the drowned bodies of Englishmen were being found tied back-to-back and that French men-of-war were cruising with commissions from King James II. All this worrisome “news” proved erroneous but accompanied an account that would prove correct, that the king was not dead but had fled to France.
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Slocum, Leah. "South African Allegories in Richard Jefferies’s After London; or Wild England (1885)." Victoriographies 14, no. 2 (July 2024): 156–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/vic.2024.0531.
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This paper argues that Richard Jefferies’s After London (1885), often praised as a pioneering work of speculative fiction, has not been sufficiently understood within the context of late-Victorian imperial expansion. While After London is frequently read in tandem with Jefferies’s nature essays and speculative fiction like H. G. Wells’s The Time Machine (1895), I locate the novel within the generic conventions of lost world fiction, a subgenre of the imperial romance associated with masculine adventure tales. Analysing After London’s parallels with, and potential influences on, H. Rider Haggard’s King Solomon’s Mines (1885), published later that same year, I argue that Jefferies’s unflattering portrayal of English ‘Bushmen’, coupled with the geography of Wild England, gesture emphatically to South Africa. In turn, the motif of a ‘relapse into barbarism’ serves to rationalise the fantasies of terra nullius [‘nobody’s land’] and extractive treasure hunting that Felix Aquila, the quixotic hero, enacts. By connecting After London to Haggard’s highly influential fiction and drawing on Jefferies’s writings about British colonialism in South Africa and the conventions of travel literature, cartography, and ethnography, this paper provides a more complete understanding of Jefferies’s contributions to the canon of lost world fiction.
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Álvarez Recio, Leticia. "Opposing the Spanish Match: Thomas Scott’s Vox Populi (1620)." Sederi, no. 19 (2009): 5–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.34136/sederi.2009.1.
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The beginning of negotiations in 1614 for a dynastic marriage between Prince Charles and the Infanta Maria of Spain caused great concern among English people who still held strong anti-Catholic and anti-Spanish prejudices. King James’s decision in 1618 to use the marriage negotiations in order to mediate in the confessional conflict in Europe added to this concern. England was then politically divided between those willing to help James’s son-in-law, Frederick, who had accepted the Bohemian crown following the rebellion of the Protestant estates against the Habsburg King Ferdinand, and those who supported the Stuart monarch’s decision to keep England safe from continental struggles. Despite the censorship of the state, a group of writers began a campaign against the Spanish Match which had a great influence on public opinion. Among the most prominent of these was Thomas Scott, whose first work, Vox Populi (1620), became one of the most controversial political tracts of the period. This article analyses Scott’s pamphlet and considers how he also made use of the discourse against Catholicism and Spain to introduce further commentaries on the monarchical system and the citizens’ right to participate in government.
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King, James F., and Karl Overton. "Paul Jose De Mayo. 8 August 1924 — 26 July 1994." Biographical Memoirs of Fellows of the Royal Society 45 (January 1999): 111–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsbm.1999.0009.
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Paul de Mayo was born in London, the only son of Nissim and Anna de Mayo, who were originally members of the Sephardic Jewish community of Salonika (now Thessalonike). They emigrated to England in 1919 with their three-year-old daughter, Flora, to escape the civil disturbances that preceded the cession of Salonika from Turkey to Greece. Anna de Mayo's grandfather had been born in Gibraltar, and this British connection inclined the family to seek permanent refuge in England rather than in France, where other parts of the family had gone. Once settled in London, Nissim established a business as an importer of plant materials, especially of those reputed to have medicinal properties.
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Nederman, Cary J. "Mother Knows Best: The Empress Matilda in the Becket Controversy*." Mediaevistik 34, no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 73–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.3726/med.2021.01.05.
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Abstract Matilda, the mother of King Henry II, was a formidable presence in mid-twelfth century England (and in the sprawling continental empire of which it was a part). Her father, Henry I of England, left with no legitimate male issue, arranged for his nobles to swear allegiance to her claim to the English throne. Deprived of the crown as a result of its usurpation by her cousin Stephen of Blois, she eventually raised an army and invaded England to press her cause. After a period of fourteen years, the conflict was resolved by an agreement that Stephen would retain the crown for the remainder of his life, after which the monarchy would be transferred to her son, Henry, which occurred in 1154. The new king would initially become close to his chancellor, Thomas Becket. But Henry’s selection of Becket to be archbishop of Canterbury would lead to a monumental conflict between church and crown that culminated—as we all know—in the “murder in the cathedral.” For all that has been written about these myriad events, no systematic study has been undertaken of the relations (direct and indirect) between Henry II’s mother and Becket. The paper brings together the available evidence concerning the linkages of Matilda with Becket. I examine the period of Becket’s exile from England up until Matilda’s death in 1167. In my view, surveying Becket’s world from the perspective of Matilda provides unique insight into the volatile English ecclesiastical and secular politics during their respective lifetimes.
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Flanagan, Marie Therese. "Select document: A settlement between the canons of St Thomas's Abbey, Dublin, and Walter de Lacy concerning the church of Ardmulchan granted to the canons by Theobald Walter." Irish Historical Studies 44, no. 165 (May 2020): 147–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2020.17.
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AbstractA hitherto unpublished text of a negotiated settlement between Walter de Lacy, lord of Meath (d. 1241), and the canons of St Thomas's Abbey, Dublin, relating to the church of Ardmulchan in County Meath sheds new light both on the career of Theobald Walter I (d. 1205), ancestor of the Butler earls of Ormond, and on the dealings of John, son of King Henry II of England, with his Irish lordship during the period 1185–99 for which sources are scarce. It indicates that not only in Leinster, but also in Meath, John encroached on the seigneurial rights of Anglo-Norman landholders.
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Craig, Leigh Ann. "Royalty, Virtue, and Adversity: The Cult of King Henry VI." Albion 35, no. 2 (2003): 187–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0095139000069817.
Full textAbstract:
In 1471, King Henry VI of England died in the Tower of London amid disputed circumstances. Between his death and Henry VIII’s break with Rome in the 1530s, he was venerated as a saint and martyr. Modern historians have generally dismissed this cult as a political phenomenon, created and used by the Tudors as they sought legitimacy. While there is some truth in that assessment, political allegiance was only a part of the impetus for the participation of Henry’s devotees in the cult. Alongside carefully crafted (and perhaps, artificial) portrayals of Henry’s virtues lay something else his former subjects found compelling: his very real political failures, and more importantly the adversity that they engendered. Henry’s devotees used these royal adversities as the basis from which to imagine a sympathetic relationship between themselves and “good King Herre” in which he had great concern for their fatal and near-fatal emergencies. These neglected devotional aspects of Henry VI’s cult are the subject of this article.
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Streit, Kevin T. "The Expansion of the English Jewish Community in the Reign of King Stephen." Albion 25, no. 2 (1993): 177–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4051451.
Full textAbstract:
By the time Henry II imposed a large donum on cities, knights, moneyers, and Jews in 1159, the English Jewry dwelt in at least eleven communities throughout the realm. Of these, the London community was certainly the oldest, having been established by the Conqueror. The origins of the other communities are much less certain. Records from the end of Henry I's reign suggest that the Jews of England were still based in or around London, though some indirect evidence suggests the presence of isolated Jews elsewhere in the kingdom. It seems clear, however, that the years falling between Henry I's death and the accession of Henry II—the reign of Stephen, commonly known as the Anarchy—witnessed an expansion of Jews throughout the country, marking this period as very important to the history of English Jews. The meager evidence surviving suggests three important points: first, that it was, in fact, in the reign of Stephen that communities of royal Jews spread from London into other English towns; second, that significant Jewish communities existed only in areas that remained under royal control during Stephen's reign; and third, that these new Jewish communities may have been fostered by Stephen to further his own political and fiscal interests. The paucity of the available evidence makes any case for the English Jewry in this period uncomfortably conjectural; nevertheless, the few scraps that exist suggest these points to be at the least plausible, if not indeed likely.
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Gordienko, Dmitry O. "«I will make no speeches; I come to die»: the duke of Monmouth execution – a simple of Jacobite propaganda, 1685." Samara Journal of Science 12, no. 2 (June 30, 2023): 150–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.55355/snv2023122204.
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The article analyzes a document testifying to the last moments of the Duke of Monmouths life. The eldest illegitimate son of Charles II, Monmouth rebelled against his Catholic uncle James II. The rebel militias were defeated by the royal regular army and the Duke was captured. The defeated bastard of royal blood tried to save his life by begging forgiveness from the king, but was executed. Government propaganda used the plot of the dukes execution, showing him as a weak and weak-willed traitor. The text of the article analyzes a pamphlet describing the various stages of preparation for the execution of the duke. The pamphlet shows Monmouths behavior before his death. His dialogue with the priests is given. The attempt of the royal power to force Monmouth to repent is shown. The documents included in the appendix are also being examined the dukes letters to King James and his declaration, in which the rebel is blamed before the Crown. The Duke of Monmouth was the last rebel of royal blood in the history of England to claim the throne of the Three Kingdoms. It is concluded that the rebellious duke has no support from the general population and the popularity of his business. The importance of mass media in early Modern England is shown.
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Серегина, А. Ю., and В. В. Шишкин. "Diplomacy and tyrannicide: A letter of Robert Cecil, Earl of Salisbury, to Nicholas de Neufville, seigneur de Villeroy (1609)." Диалог со временем, no. 84(84) (October 16, 2023): 375–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.21267/aquilo.2023.84.84.022.
Full textAbstract:
Публикация представляет неизвестное письмо государственного секретаря Якова I Роберта Сесила, графа Солсбери, своему французскому коллеге Никола де Нёвиллю, сеньору де Виллеруа из Собрания П.П. Дубровского (Санкт-Петербург, Российская национальная библиотека. Авт. 72. № 16). В письмо, написанном в Лондоне 7 (18?) ноября 1609 г., Сесил информировал Виллеруа о готовящемся против французского короля Генриха IV заговоре. К письму должен был прилагаться меморандум с подробным рассказом о заговоре, но он не сохранился. Во вступительной статье реконструирован политический контекст письма, а также установлено имя посла, который привез Сесилу сообщение о заговоре. Им был Джон Барклай, который летом-осенью 1609 г. посетил Северную Италию и Германию; его миссией было преподнести европейским государям посвященный им политический трактат Якова I. Представлена транскрипция письма (на франц. языке) и его русский перевод с комментариями. The publication presents a previously unknown letter by Robert Cecil, Earl of Salisbury, Secretary of State to King James I of England, to his French colleague, Nicholas de Neufville, seigneur de Villeroy, from the Dubrovsky collection (St Petersburg, Russian National Library, Autograph 72, № 16). The letter was written in London on 7 (18?) November of 1609. Through it, Cecil informed Villeroy that there was a plot to kill King Henry IV of France. The details of the plot were to be provided in a memorandum sent together with the letter; this document has not survived. The introductory article established the political context of the letter. The ambassador of the King of England who brought Cecil the information of the plot has also been identified. This was John Barclay who in the summer and autumn of 1609 visited Northern Italy and Germany; his mission was to present European monarchs with a political tract by King James I dedicated to them. The publication presents the transcription of the letter (in French) and its Russian translation, together with commentaries.
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PERKINS, C. RYAN. "London, Lucknow and the Global Indian City c. 1857–1920." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 27, no. 4 (September 26, 2017): 611–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186317000323.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractWhen Abdul Halim Sharar (1860-1926) set sail for England to ensure the Eton College-bound son of Viqar-ul Omrah (Prime Minister of the Nizam of Hyderabad, 1894–1901) received an Indo-Islamic education, it was Sharar's first foray outside of India. Like many previous Indian travelers he found his experiences to be eye opening. Inspired by his sojourns in England, Italy, France, and Spain, he serially published his travelogues upon his return to India in 1896. Providing examples of the failures and successes of industrialization, such accounts were evocative in their detail. They provided middle class Indians with global and historical perspectives of the changes brought by colonialism, industrialization, and urbanization in European and Indian cities. Drawing from Sharar's and other travelers’ accounts of the period, this essay examines the use of literature to humanize Lucknow's urban landscape, not only to transform the city, but also the relationship between the city and its inhabitants into one of sympathy and affection.
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Weinbrot, Howard D. "Samuel Johnson’s Charity Sermon During War: St Paul’s Cathedral 2 May 1745." Review of English Studies 70, no. 297 (April 11, 2019): 890–910. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/res/hgz017.
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Abstract Samuel Johnson’s first ghost-written sermon was for Henry Hervey Aston at the annual Sons of the Clergy Festival on 2 May 1745. Hervey Aston was the fourth son of the Earl of Bristol, long knew Johnson, and entertained him in Lichfield and Johnson and Tetty in London. Hervey paid £12 interest on Johnson’s mother’s home in Lichfield and was, Johnson said, ‘a vicious man but very kind to me. If you call a dog Hervey, I shall love him’. He learned nothing at Christ Church, Oxford, during 18 raucous months, performed poorly as an army officer before selling his commission, and was ordained as a last hope in 1743 by the Bishop of Ely. Henry’s father the Earl of Bristol appointed him Rector of Shotley, in Suffolk, which he soon abandoned for London. Why was such a man asked to present an important sermon at England’s most impressive venue, before the Archbishop of Canterbury, eight other bishops, and many of the Great and the Good in order to raise funds for the widows and orphans of deceased Anglican clergy? This essay suggests reasons for that choice and how Johnson’s early practical sermon is part of his body of sermons. It also shows how Johnson establishes Hervey Aston’s credibility in the pulpit when he had no credibility in life, and how Johnson blends sublime theology with the quotidian. Along the way, he alludes to and politely censures the unpopular War of the Austrian Succession.
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NELSON, E. CHARLES. "John White A.M., M.D., F.LS. (c. 1756–1832), Surgeon-General of New South Wales: a new biography of the messenger of the echidna and waratah." Archives of Natural History 25, no. 2 (June 1998): 149–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/anh.1998.25.2.149.
Full textAbstract:
John White, Surgeon-General of New South Wales, is best remembered for his handsome book Journal of a voyage to new South Wales published in London during 1790. He was a native of County Fermanagh in northwestern Ireland. He became a naval surgeon and in this capacity was appointed to serve as surgeon on the First Fleet which left England for New South Wales (Australia) in 1787. While living in New South Wales, White adopted Nanberree, an aboriginal boy, and fathered a son by Rachel Turner, a convict, who later married Thomas Moore. John White returned to England in 1795, became a Fellow of the Linnean Society of London and was granted the degrees of Doctor of Medicine and Master of Arts by the University of St Andrews. White was married twice, and was survived by his second wife and his four children, including his illegitimate, Australian-born son, Captain Andrew Douglas White. Dr John White died in 1832 aged 75 and is buried in Worthing, Sussex, England.While serving as Surgeon-General at Sydney Cove, New South Wales, between 1788 and 1794 John White collected natural history specimens and assembled a series of paintings of plants and animals. After returning to England, White lent these paintings to botanists and zoologists, and permitted copies to be made. Thus, he contributed substantially to European knowledge of the indigenous flora and fauna of Australia.
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Vanautgaerden, Alexandre. "Érasme chez Richard Pynson (1513), imprimeur du Roi à Londres." Moreana 46 (Number 176), no. 1 (June 2009): 191–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.2009.46.1.15.
Full textAbstract:
The author studies the relationship between Erasmus and Richard Pynson, the printer of both the king and the English humanists. He first proposes a survey of the history of books in England, then describes the career of Pynson, a Norman who first worked in Rouen before settling in London in the 1490s – Pynson became English in 1513 – and who produced over five hundred books until his death in 1529. In 1513, Pynson published a princeps edition of Plutarch, translated by Erasmus: in fact a rewritten version of Libellus de constructione octo partium orationis by William Lily, the first “high master” of John Colet’s Saint Paul’s school.
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Law, Robin. "Further Light on Bulfinch Lambe and the “Emperor of Pawpaw:” King Agaja of Dahomey's Letter to King George I of England, 1726." History in Africa 17 (January 1990): 211–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171813.
Full textAbstract:
The story of Bulfinch Lambe (or Lamb) and his mission to London on behalf of the king of Dahomey (or “Emperor of Pawpaw”) has been told by Marion Johnson in an earlier article in this journal. Lambe was an employee of the Royal African Company in its factory at Jakin, the port of the kingdom of Allada, who was seized and detained by the king of Allada, as security for an unpaid debt, in 1722. He was still held prisoner in Allada when it was conquered by Agaja of Dahomey in 1724, and thus became a prisoner of the latter, who carried him off to his own capital at Abomey, further inland. Agaja soon conceived, perhaps at Lambe's suggestion, the idea of negotiating some sort of commercial agreement with the Royal African Company. A letter which Lambe wrote from Abomey to Jeremiah Tinker, Governor of the Company's factory in the neighboring kingdom of Whydah, in November 1724 reported that Agaja “talks much of settling a Correspondence with the Company, and of having White Men come here.” Lambe evidently offered himself as an intermediary, as a means of securing his release from captivity, and expressed the hope that he might persuade Agaja to acquiesce in his proposals “about my going and returning again with more White Men from the Company.” When Lambe was eventually released in 1726, this was on the understanding that he would return: Agaja himself told the English trader William Snelgrave in the following year that Lambe “had taken an Oath, and promised on his Faith, to return again in a reasonable Time with a Ship.”
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Dalley, Stephanie, and Beatrice Teissier. "Tablets from the vicinity of Emar and elsewhere." Iraq 54 (1992): 83–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900002527.
Full textAbstract:
The cuneiform Akkadian tablets published here belong to a private collector in England. They were bought from a dealer in 1981. Most of them are closely associated by prosopography, seal impressions and types of text with those excavated at Meskene, ancient Emar on the Euphrates, and published comprehensively by D. Arnaud, in: Recherches au Pays d'Aštata, Emar VI. 1–4 (Paris 1985–7), as well as a few now in private hands and published in various journals.Owing to many problems in fixing the chronology of the Late Bronze Age, exact dates cannot yet be given to these texts, although useful synchronisms have emerged from published Emar material. No. 26 in the main corpus mentions the Kassite king Melisihu, dated c. 1186–1172 B.C. or 1181–1167 B.C. No. 201 in the main corpus mentions Ini-Tešup king of Carchemish son of Šahurunuwas and grandson of Šarri-kušuh (a.k.a. Piyassilis). The latter had been installed in Carchemish by his father Suppiluliumas I and confirmed by his brother the Hittite king Arnuwandas, prior to the time of Emar archives, when the Nuzi records may already have come to an end and Assyria under Assur-uballiṭ I (1365–1330) had begun to assert its power.
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Lee, Patricia-Ann. "Reflections of Power: Margaret of Anjou and the Dark Side of Queenship." Renaissance Quarterly 39, no. 2 (1986): 183–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2862114.
Full textAbstract:
When Margaret of Anjou died at the Chateau of Dampierre, near Saumur, on August 25, 1482 it was as a woman not only retired from the world but almost forgotten by it. She who had been for a time the virtual ruler of Lancastrian England, who had raised armies and intrigued with princes, had not enough money to pay her debts except through the uncertain charity of her uncharitable cousin, the king of France. Crushed by misfortune, bereft of power by the death of her husband and son, picked clean of her remaining rights and possessions by Louis as the price of her ransom from English captivity, she seemed to be of no interest to anybody.
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Kirby CMG, Michael J. "MAGNA CARTA 1215 TO NORTH KOREA 2015: ADVANCING THE IDEAL OF LEGAL RESTRAINTS ON GOVERNMENTAL POWER." Denning Law Journal 27 (November 16, 2015): 45–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.5750/dlj.v27i0.1108.
Full textAbstract:
On the 800th anniversary of the reluctant acceptance of a charter of rights and obligations by King John of England in 1215, many books have been written, essays published and lectures given, examining the relevance of this step in the long constitutional history of England (if any) and for the world of today.Some commentators, have doubted any relevance.Lord [Jonathan] Sumption, a judge of the Supreme Court of the United Kingdom, and an expert in mediaeval English history, has rejected any significance in what sounds to Australian ears as a somewhat condescending remark.‘High minded tosh’, he called it. Geoffrey Robertson QC, of Doughty Street Chambers, London, via Epping in Sydney, expressed somewhat similar views, but more politely. Michael Beloff QC, in this journal, has traced every case of the past century in which Magna Carta had been cited to reach a conclusion that its actual contemporary relevance was small.Other writers and lecturers were willing to find a greater materiality in the Charter for the world of today.
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F., A., J. P. H., J. A. K. G., J. H. A., J. H. A., C. S. O'C., F. H. A. A., T. J. H., and G. J. H. "Reviews of Books." Irish Geography 4, no. 4 (January 5, 2017): 302–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.55650/igj.1962.1080.
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MORPHOLOGY OF THE EARTH. Lester C. King. 9½ × 7in. xii + 699 pp. Oliver and Boyd : Edinburgh and London 1962 84s.INTERNATIONAL YEARBOOK OF CARTOGRAPHY 1961. George Philip and Son Ltd., London, 1961. 199 pages 35/‐.LA VIE RURALE EN VIVARAIS, by Pierre Bozon. Claremont‐Ferrand : Institut de Géographie de la Faculté des Lettres, 1961. Pp. 641. 10 × 6½ in. 37 NF. To be obtained from the author at the Ecole Normale d'Instituteurs, Privas (Ardèche).GERMANY: ITS GEOGRAPHY AND GROWTH. By K. A. Sinnhuber. London : John Murray, 1961. Pp. 128. 15s.THE INDUSTRIES OF GREATER LONDON SINCE 1861. By P. G. Hall. London : Hutchinson's University Library, 1962. Pp. 192. 12s. 6d.MINERALS, ROCKS AND GEMSTONES, by Rudolf Borner. Edinburgh : Oliver and Boyd, 1962. 8¾ in. × 5½ in., 250 pp., 25s.RURAL SETTLEMENT AND LAND USE, by M. Chisholm. 201 pp. London : Hutchinson's University Library, 1962, 12s 6d.LIMERICK RURAL SURVEY. Interim Report. Migration. (1960). LIMERICK RURAL SURVEY. Second Interim Report. Physical Geography and Geology. (1961). 9½ × 7ins.NOTES ON IRISH GEOGRAPHY. (Geological, Human and Industrial) by Maureen Horgan. Dublin : Educational Co. of Ireland, 1961. 10 × 7½in., 64 pages, 3/6d.
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SHARPE, KEVIN. "‘SO HARD A TEXT’? IMAGES OF CHARLES I, 1612–1700." Historical Journal 43, no. 2 (June 2000): 383–405. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x99001132.
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Historians have tended to discuss the image (in the singular) of the monarch in early modern England. In the case of Charles I, the Eikon basilike, literally ‘the royal image’, presented a picture of the king that claimed to be stable and authoritative. This article argues rather that royal images were the product of multiple influences, and shifted through changing circumstances, rendering all images unstable and open to differing interpretations. Charles, as well as being the son of the Rex Pacificus, inherited the martial expectations associated with the image of his brother; and images of the prince and his early years as king in the 1620s continued alongside the changed representations of personal rule. Though the Eikon for a time seemed to fix Charles's image, its very authority meant that it was, after 1660, even after 1688, appropriated by all – whigs and tories as well as Jacobites. Most importantly, through the 30 January sermons, Charles's memory became a text which all parties needed and sought to claim, a text both shared and contested in the political culture.
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Coley, N. G. "George Pearson MD, FRS (1751-1828): ‘The greatest chemist in England’?" Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London 57, no. 2 (May 22, 2003): 161–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsnr.2003.0203.
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George Pearson, the son of an apothecary, studied medicine at Edinburgh under Joseph Black. He entered medical practice at Doncaster in 1777, but moved to London and became a physician at St George's Hospital in 1787. He lectured on chemistry and was the first English chemist to adopt the oxygen theory; he was elected FRS in 1791. One of the first to advocate Jenner's cowpox vaccination, he thought himself superior to Jenner in promoting it. He expected recognition and when this was given exclusively to Jenner, became embittered. His reputation was damaged and he has largely been forgotten.
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Kraishan, Majed, and Wasfi Shoqairat. "Arthur and Kingship as Represented by the Historia Regum Britanniae of Geoffrey of Monmouth." World Journal of English Language 12, no. 8 (October 17, 2022): 252. http://dx.doi.org/10.5430/wjel.v12n8p252.
Full textAbstract:
The present study investigates the representation of King Arthur in the Historia Regum Britanniae of Geoffrey of Monmouth (1343–1400). In doing so, it concentrates on specific historical context – early Anglo-Saxon England – and a specific form of authority – Anglo-Saxon kingship. The intention of the study is to show how Geoffrey of Monmouth used historical chronicles, not only for cataloguing the stories of various rulers of the island, but also for creating and shaping a single leader who can unify the kingdom.The study claims that the ideal kingship constructed around the figure of King Arthur in the Historia involved a re-orientation of some of the more conventional norms of kingship; the heroic qualities of martial prowess, generosity and morality are quite essential in every conception of an ideal king. Geoffrey’s conception of this ideal king was largely influenced by his personal aspirations, some of which have been outlined in the introduction of this article. The remaining parts of this study offer a historical as well as a literary analysis of the text, addressing the main qualities of kingship that were articulated in the text.All translated quotations from Historia Regum Britanniae are taken from Geoffrey of Monmouth, History of Kings of Britain, translated by Lewis Thorpe (London, Penguin Book, 1966). The Latin text consulted was Geoffrey of Monmouth, Historia Regnum Britianniae, Vol. 1, Bern, Burgerbibliothek, Ms 568, ed. Neil Wright (Cambridge; D.S. Brewer, 1984).
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Roller, Duane W. "A note on the Berber head in London." Journal of Hellenic Studies 122 (November 2002): 144–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3246209.
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AbstractThe well-known ‘Berber Head’ in the British Museum, found at Kyrene in 1861, has long defied exact stylistic analysis. Its findspot provides no precise date, and ever since the excavators suggested that it was a piece from the fourth century BC, this dating has been sustained, generally through inertia. Yet recent scholars have become increasingly aware of the weakness of this date without offering specific alternatives other than a gradual down-dating. Its North African features indicate that it is a portrait of an indigenous ruler, and thus attribution must be based on the likelihood of such a person being honoured in Kyrene. It is herein suggested that it is a portrait of the Numidian prince Mastanabal, son of Massinissa, and that it dates to the time that Massinissa was a close associate of the king of Kyrene, the future Ptolemaios VIII of Egypt, or 163–148 BC. Mastanabal was a noted athlete and thus the piece may be a commemoration of one of his victories. Its commissioning would fit into his father's vigorous hellenization policy. Although the style remains difficult of analysis, certain features, especially the beard under the chin, support a second-century BC date.
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Chernova, Larisa. "Publicity as a Factor in the Formation of City Authority in England in the 14th — 15th Centuries (Based on London)." ISTORIYA 13, no. 1 (111) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840018810-0.
Full textAbstract:
In the 14—15th Centuries the city community of London becomes an active participant in the public socio-political space in England, acting as a new social subject of power relations. The formation of the city community of Freemen took place in the 12—13th Centuries in the context of the institutionalization of social and political processes in London. It is one of the most important characteristics of publicity authority. The city community of Freemen was a social institution consisting exclusively of citizens who were allowed to enjoy city privileges, including the right to participate in city government and the election of city officials. Exactly they were not just included in the publicity space of power, but also became its active actors. Municipal government was in the hands of the Aldermen and elected from among their other officials, including the highest — the Mayor and Sheriffs. The Aldermen constituted the wealthiest and most influential part of the Freemen, and they were part of the merchant top of the livery of the "Twelve Great Livery Companies" of London. The publicity of authority is most clearly manifested in the electoral principles in relation to the highest officials of the city magistrate. The City officials had to act on behalf of the community of citizens within their delegated authority based on the principle of electability. However the principle of electability had limitations that reflected the contradictoriness of the publicity space of authority in the period under review. In electing Aldermen the last and decisive word was actually left to the Aldermen themselves, who in practice elected the Mayor and Sheriffs. The Community of London was removed from the election. Urban uprisings that shook the capital in the 14—15th Centuries and directed against the government are a sign of the expansion of participants in the publicity space of authority. Representatives of the London ruling elite not only had to represent the interests of the Freeman's upper class of the city community, but also acted as a kind of channel of the connection between a certain part of the capital's society and the Royal authority. The Mayor and Sheriffs were elected by the townspeople, though a limited part of them, and from among the townspeople, but at the same time they officially considered as Royal officials. Some of the Aldermen were directly in the service of the King. The King could interfere in the electoral process at any time and remove even the Mayor from his office. Representatives of citizens, all the same Aldermen, took part in the discussion of the most important issues of state life in the Parliament, which is evidence of the expansion of the field for publicity dialogue between the government and society.
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Zethsen, Karen Korning. "Adam Nicolson: Power and Glory. Jacobean England and the making of the King James Bible. London: Harper Perennial, 2004." HERMES - Journal of Language and Communication in Business 18, no. 35 (March 8, 2017): 287. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/hjlcb.v18i35.25831.
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Bezio, Kristin MS. "From Rome to Tyre to London: Shakespeare’s Pericles, leadership, anti-absolutism, and English exceptionalism." Leadership 13, no. 1 (September 16, 2016): 48–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1742715016663753.
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Discussions on the nature of leadership—and, specifically, the nature of kingship or sovereignty—are ubiquitous to most historical overviews of leadership studies. This paper suggests that leadership studies would benefit from the use of complex literary and historical analyses, which can then be applied to aid in the understanding of appropriate modern-day corollaries. In particular, the paper presents an interrogation of Shakespeare’s late romance Pericles to examine how early moderns saw the development of proto-democratic ideals. In addition, this paper suggests that Pericles was an open critique of the Union between England and Scotland proposed by King James I in the early seventeenth century. To the early modern English, Union represented the abuse of royal prerogative and the potential loss of English national identity. Finally, the paper concludes by using Pericles and Union to examine the traditions and concerns facing the present-day United Kingdom in the immediate aftermath of the referendum to withdraw from the European Union.
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Stevenson, Christine. "Occasional Architecture in Seventeenth-Century London." Architectural History 49 (2006): 35–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066622x00002707.
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The present essay is mainly concerned with the coronation entries staged for James I and Charles II by the City of London in 1604 and 1661, and especially with the temporary arches made out of wood and canvas and erected to mark nodal points along the routes. These events have been the subjects of scholarship keenly attuned to their place in accessions more than usually demanding upon representations of the king’s majesty, in as much as James was the first Stuart king of England and, by the terms of hereditary monarchy, his grandson’s reign began twelve years before his coronation, at the moment Charles I’s head was severed from the neck. Here, however, the arches will explain, or emblematize, a particular way of conceiving architecture: as an assemblage of readily-dismountable parts like Lego bricks, or like a trophy, the ornamental group of symbolic or typical objects arranged for display. In this kind of architecture ‘classical’ ornament comprises, not the material realization of a stable, rational, and universal intellectual system elsewhere promoted by the early Stuarts’ patronage of Inigo Jones, for example, but what Sir Balthazar Gerbier in 1648 called a ‘true History’ of destruction and triumph, the result of more or less random despoliation and reassembly. What follows is not, therefore, directly concerned with majesty, nor with the arches’ iconography or their audiences, their place in London’s ceremonial geography, nor even their elaboration of the ‘complex relationships between two distinct but interconnected political domains’, the City that built them and the monarchy that graced them.
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Pionke, Albert D. "THE EPISTEMOLOGICAL PROBLEM OF BRITISH INDIA IN RUDYARD KIPLING'S “THE MAN WHO WOULD BE KING”." Victorian Literature and Culture 42, no. 3 (June 6, 2014): 335–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1060150314000023.
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First published in The Phantom Rickshaw (1888), the fifth volume in A. H. Wheeler & Co.'s “Indian Railway Library” series, “The Man Who Would Be King” may be the best and is almost certainly the last story that Rudyard Kipling wrote while still living in India. It is, then, the culmination of an annus mirabilis that saw its twenty-three-year-old author publish six books, albeit short ones, and achieve widespread fame in India. He also garnered sufficient acclaim in England that he would decide to resign his editorial position at George Allen's two Anglo-Indian newspapers, the Civil and Military Gazette and the Pioneer, in favor of a literary life in London. In light of these biographical facts, readers might reasonably expect the story to offer a summative, even authoritative, conclusion about life and empire on the subcontinent that Kipling had represented so abundantly all year.
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McSheffrey, Shannon. "Sanctuary and the Legal Topography of Pre-Reformation London." Law and History Review 27, no. 3 (2009): 483–514. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248000003886.
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In early sixteenth-century England, the presence of ecclesiastical sanctuaries in the legal, social, and religious landscape was a matter of great controversy. Any English church could offer temporary sanctuary to an accused felon, a privilege that expired after about forty days, following which the felon had to abjure the realm. More contentiously, by the late Middle Ages a number of English religious houses used their status as royally-chartered liberties to offer sanctuary permanently, not only to accused criminals, but also to debtors, alien craftsmen, and, especially during the civil wars of the fifteenth century, political refugees. These ecclesiastical liberties, small territories that exercised varying extents of juridical and political autonomy, considerably complicated the jurisdictional map of late medieval England. London in particular, with its host of liberties and peculiars, constituted a patchwork quilt of legal jurisdictions. Although the mayor and aldermen of London were wont to say that the “chyeff and most commodyous place of the Cytie of London” constituted “one hoole Countie and one hoole Jurisdiccion and libertie” over which its citizens ruled, saving only the authority of the king himself, this confident as-sertion of the City's jurisdiction over the metropolitan square mile was constantly belied by the presence of these liberties. The most notable—and for the City, the most troubling—was the sanctuary at St. Martin Le Grand, a sizeable area within the bounds of the City, before 1503 governed by the dean and canons of the College of St. Martin, after 1503 absorbed into the lands attached to Westminster Abbey and ruled by the abbot. For about two centuries before St. Martin Le Grand was dissolved in 1542, its precinct was home to a thriving population of debtors, accused felons, and perhaps most numerously alien craftsmen, all seeking for various reasons to avoid civic or royal jurisdiction.5 The dissolution of religious houses which accompanied the English Reformation greatly lessened, although did not altogether eradicate, the privileges of St. Martin's.
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Budi, Syah. "Akar Historis dan Perkembangan Islam di Inggris." TASAMUH: Jurnal Studi Islam 10, no. 2 (September 3, 2018): 325–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.47945/tasamuh.v10i2.76.
Full textAbstract:
This paper will reveal the historical roots and Islamic development in British. The discussion covers various areas of study pertaining to historical situations. The study tends to focus on the search for the historical roots of Islam in the 7th to 15th and 16th-17th centuries, and also the development of Islamic institutions in British contemporer.The historical roots of Islam in Britain have existed since the discovery of several coins with the words 'laa ilaaha illallah' belonging to the King of Central England, Offa of Mercia, who died in 796. The history records that this Anglo Saxon King had trade ties with the peoples Muslim Spain, France and North Africa. In addition, also found in the 9th century the words 'bismillah' by Kufi Arabic on Ballycottin Cross. Indeed, in the eighth century history has noted that trade between Britain and the Muslim nations has been established. In fact, in 817 Muhammad bin Musa al-Khawarizmi wrote the book Shurat al-Ardhi (World Map) which contains a picture of a number of places in England. In the 12th century, when the feud with Pope Innocent III, King John established a relationship with Muslim rulers in North Africa. Later, in the era of Henry II, Adelard of Bath, a private teacher of the King of England who had visited Syria and Muslim Spain, translated a number of books by Arab Muslim writers into Latin. The same is done by Danel of Marley and Michael Scouts who translated Aristotle's works from Arabic. In 1386 Chaucer wrote in his book prologue Canterbury of Tales, a book that says that on the way back to Canterbury from the holy land, Palestine, a number of pilgrims visit physicists and other experts such as al-Razi, Ibn Sina and Ibnu Rusyd. At that time Ibn Sina's work, al-Qanun fi al-Tibb, had become the standard text for medical students until the seventeenth century.The development of Islam increasingly rapidly era after. In 1636 opened the Arabic language department at the University of Oxford. In addition, it is well known that the English King Charles I had collected Arabic and Persian manuscripts. In the era of Cromwell's post civil war, the Koran for the first time in 1649 was translated in English by Alexander Ross. In the nineteenth century more and more small Muslim communities, both immigrants from Africa and Asia, settled in port cities such as Cardif, South Shield (near New Castle), London and Liverpool. In the next stage, to this day, Islam in Britain has formally developed rapidly through the roles of institutions and priests, and the existence of Islam is also widely acknowledged by the kingdom, government, intellectuals, and the public at large
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Budi, Syah. "AKAR HISTORIS DAN PERKEMBANGAN ISLAM DI INGGRIS." Tasamuh: Jurnal Studi Islam 10, no. 2 (November 7, 2018): 325–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.32489/tasamuh.40.
Full textAbstract:
This paper will reveal the historical roots and Islamic development in British. The discussion covers various areas of study pertaining to historical situations. The study tends to focus on the search for the historical roots of Islam in the 7th to 15th and 16th-17th centuries, and also the development of Islamic institutions in British contemporer.The historical roots of Islam in Britain have existed since the discovery of several coins with the words 'laa ilaaha illallah' belonging to the King of Central England, Offa of Mercia, who died in 796. The history records that this Anglo Saxon King had trade ties with the peoples Muslim Spain, France and North Africa. In addition, also found in the 9th century the words 'bismillah' by Kufi Arabic on Ballycottin Cross. Indeed, in the eighth century history has noted that trade between Britain and the Muslim nations has been established. In fact, in 817 Muhammad bin Musa al-Khawarizmi wrote the book Shurat al-Ardhi (World Map) which contains a picture of a number of places in England. In the 12th century, when the feud with Pope Innocent III, King John established a relationship with Muslim rulers in North Africa. Later, in the era of Henry II, Adelard of Bath, a private teacher of the King of England who had visited Syria and Muslim Spain, translated a number of books by Arab Muslim writers into Latin. The same is done by Danel of Marley and Michael Scouts who translated Aristotle's works from Arabic. In 1386 Chaucer wrote in his book prologue Canterbury of Tales, a book that says that on the way back to Canterbury from the holy land, Palestine, a number of pilgrims visit physicists and other experts such as al-Razi, Ibn Sina and Ibnu Rusyd. At that time Ibn Sina's work, al-Qanun fi al-Tibb, had become the standard text for medical students until the seventeenth century.The development of Islam increasingly rapidly era after. In 1636 opened the Arabic language department at the University of Oxford. In addition, it is well known that the English King Charles I had collected Arabic and Persian manuscripts. In the era of Cromwell's post civil war, the Koran for the first time in 1649 was translated in English by Alexander Ross. In the nineteenth century more and more small Muslim communities, both immigrants from Africa and Asia, settled in port cities such as Cardif, South Shield (near New Castle), London and Liverpool. In the next stage, to this day, Islam in Britain has formally developed rapidly through the roles of institutions and priests, and the existence of Islam is also widely acknowledged by the kingdom, government, intellectuals, and the public at large.
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Charlton, Anne. "A hypothesis: King Henry VIII’s (1491–1547) personality change: A case of lead poisoning?" Journal of Medical Biography 25, no. 2 (May 2017): 72–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967772017694571.
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Henry VIII (1491–1547) became King of England in 1509. He started out as a good monarch, sensible, reasonable and pleasant, but later his behaviour changed drastically. He became irascible, intolerant, violent and tyrannical. In January 1536, Henry had a serious jousting accident and was unconscious for 2 h. It is generally believed that this accident played a major role in his personality change. Letters of that time, however, indicate that the change began insidiously in 1534 and became most drastic in 1535, a year before the accident. Henry had suffered from leg ulcers before and after the accident and had been constantly treated for them for many years. Sloane MS1047, now in the British Library in London, contains the prescriptions for the medications used to treat these ulcers. Many of the medications contain a high proportion of lead in various forms. Lead can be absorbed through skin, especially damaged skin. Absorbed lead can affect the brain, causing psychiatric problems, especially those associated with violence. The author presents a hypothesis that absorbed lead from his medications might have been a major factor in King Henry’s personality change.
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Misztal, Mariusz. "Teoria i praktyka królewskiego wychowania na przykładzie eksperymentu edukacyjnego wiktoriańskiego księcia Walii." Biuletyn Historii Wychowania, no. 36 (October 15, 2018): 85–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/bhw.2017.36.6.
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Theory and practice of royal education exemplified by the Victorian Prince of Wales For Queen Victoria and Prince Albert the proper education of their eldest son, and the future king of England, was of paramount importance. Their most important advisor in this matter was Baron Stockmar, who believed in strict control of every moment in the boy’s life. The article examines available documentary sources dealing with the theory of the prince’s education as presented mainly in Queen Victoria’s, Prince Albert’s and Stockmar’s memoirs, as well as the way this theory was translated into practice by the Prince’s tutors and teachers. The main documentary sources here are the official reports and private diaries of Lady Lyttelton, Henry Birch and Frederick Gibbs. All in all, to the great disappointment of Mariusz Misztal (this makes no sense...)
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Warren, Vincent. "Yearning for the Spiritual Ideal: The Influence of India on Western Dance 1626–2003." Dance Research Journal 38, no. 1-2 (2006): 97–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0149767700007403.
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Europeans have imagined India as a land of fabulous riches and exotic legends since the time of ancient Greece. In Greek mythology Dionysus, the god of passion and wine, was said to have come from India, and Alexander the Great's proudest achievement was arriving at the banks of the Indus. When, after 1498, explorers from Portugal, Holland, England, Denmark, and France began to establish trade links with the subcontinent, it seemed the legends were true; rare spices, silks, gold, and precious stones were transported to Europe and added fuel to already inflamed imaginations. The very name of the city of Golconda became a synonym for unimaginable wealth. There was confusion between all things exotic or “oriental.” Turks, Africans, Persians, American “Indians,” and Caribbeans were all from the same imaginary region, “the Indies,” which existed more in the poetic fantasies of Europeans than on a geographical map.As early as 1626 at the court of Louis XIII, king of France, the mysterious figure of Asia appeared in the Grand Bal de la Douairière de Billebahaut, a ballet danced by the king and his noble companions. In 1635 The Temple of Love, a court masque (as le ballet du cour was known in England), was presented at Whitehall Palace in London. In this spectacle, Persian youths voyaged to India to encounter Indamora, Queen of Narasinga, danced by Queen Henrietta Maria herself in a costume designed by Inigo Jones. Back in France, a Sanjac Indien represented the continent of Asia in another court ballet, Les Entretiens de la Fontaine de Vaucluse (1649).