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1

Fetzner, James W. "John Edward Cooper (1929-2015): biographical notes." Freshwater Crayfish 21, no. 1 (December 31, 2015): 7–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.5869/fc.2015.v21-1.7.

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Abstract John Edward Cooper (1929–2015) had a great impact on the Astacological, Speleological and Herpetological fields, as can be seen by the 135 publications he produced during his long and productive scientific career. Always with a kind word and a helpful attitude, John fostered many budding astacologists and was always helpful with a constructive review of crayfish manuscripts, especially those that described new species.
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Bentley, Michael. "Liberal Toryism in the Twentieth Century." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 4 (December 1994): 177–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3679220.

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DUST has scarcely had time to settle on Lady Thatcher; yet already a thick sediment of historical significance attaches to the fifteen years of her ascendancy. The period between 1975 and 1990 looks likely to prove as significant for the political ideologies of the twenty-first century as that between, say, 1885 and 1906 currently looks for our own. In the twilight world of John Major (who appears part-antidote, part-surrogate), Conservative ideology is becoming informed by reviews from both sides as they reflect on not only what went wrong but what it was that seemingly went so right, from a party point of view, for so long. We have just had placed before us, for example, John Campbell's admirable biography of Sir Edward Heath, on theone hand, and Alan Clark's transfixing diaries very much on the other. Such documents supplement amass of theorising and comment by political scientists and journalists, most of which dwells on the twin themes of discontinuity and dichotomy. The history of the Tory party is seen to enter a period of catastrophe by the end of the Heath government out of which there emerges a distinct party ideology which people call ‘Thatcherism’: a ‘New Conservatism’ radically distinct from the compromise and accommodation that marked politics after 1951. But that process was contested within the party—hence a dichotomy between two persuasions: the hawks and the doves, the dries and the wets, the Tories and the Conservatives, the true blues and the Liberals. Language of this kind has a particular interest to historians. They want to raise issues about its chronological deep-structure: how ‘new’ was this ‘New Conservatism’?. They recognise the need to situate the dichotomies of the moment in a wider context of Conservative experience: how singular is a doctrine of dichotomy within Conservative party doctrine? Above all they bring into question bald postulates about the nature of current Conservatism which do not compare experience across time
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3

Mason, Emma. "Emily Brontë and the Enthusiastic Tradition." Romanticism on the Net, no. 25 (June 11, 2009): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/006008ar.

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Abstract This essay places Emily Brontë's poetry within a tradition of eighteenth-century discourses on enthusiasm of both a poetical and religious nature. The question of where Brontë's fervent writing style, most often associated with her fiery novel Wuthering Heights, originated has long been debated, and it is suggested here that one available answer is enthusiasm. Two sources of enthusiasm pertinent to Brontë are explored: Methodism, with its dislike of doctrine and pantheistic emphasis on nature; and eighteenth-century poetics, as defined through figures like John Dennis and Edward Young. Religious and poetical enthusiasm are necessarily merged for Brontë, both infused by a kind of spiritual sublimity and dependence on the idea of transport she employed within her verse. Recognizing this allows the reader to historicize this often cryptic poet and thus rescue her from more arguably tenuous claims which deem her a mystic, a Shelleyan heretic, a writer repressed by Christianity, a victim of a tragic romance or simply a very angry woman. By instead locating her within an enthusiastic literary tradition, Brontë may be seen not only as a woman writer aware of her religious environment, but as a Romantic whose poetry accords as much with the sentiment of Night Thoughts as Mont Blanc.
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Smith, John Q. "Occupational Groups Among the Early Methodists of the Keighley Circuit." Church History 57, no. 2 (June 1988): 187–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3167185.

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The success of early Methodism in the textile-manufacturing region of Yorkshire and Lancashire is an important part of the overall story of the success of the Methodists. That Wesley's teachings and societies should have thrived in this rough area is almost as surprising as the success of the Wesleyans in Cornwall. Any attempt to explain this growth must include an investigation into the question: what kind of people chose to join the Methodists? Earlier historians of Methodism, including John Wesley Bready, Leslie F. Church, Maldwyn Edwards, W. J. Warner, and Robert F. Wearmouth, have offered largely impressionistic overviews of the social structure of early Methodism. The best way to obtain a more precise picture is to look at those records of individual circuits, such as the Keighley Methodist circuit, which provide occupational data.
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5

Aroney, Nicholas. "THE INFLUENCE OF GERMAN STATE-THEORY ON THE DESIGN OF THE AUSTRALIAN CONSTITUTION." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 59, no. 3 (July 2010): 669–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589310000266.

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AbstractThis article draws attention to an important but neglected story about the dissemination of German and Swiss state-theories among English-speaking scholars in the second half of the 19th century and the influence of these ideas on those who designed and drafted the Australian Constitution. In particular, the article focuses upon the theories of federalism developed by the Swiss-born scholar, Johann Caspar Bluntschli, and the Saxon-born Georg Jellinek, and explains their influence, via the British historian, Edward A Freeman, and the American political scientist, John W Burgess, upon the framers of the Australian Constitution. The story is important because it illustrates the way in which constitutional ideas can be transmitted from one social and political context into a very different one, undergoing significant, though often subtle, modifications and adaptations in the process. The story is also important because it sheds light on the way in which the framers of the Australian Constitution came to conceive of the kind of federal system that they wished to see created. The story seems to have been overlooked, however, not only due to a general neglect of the intellectual history of the Australian Constitution, but also due to the assumption that prevailing Australian political and legal ideas were of Anglo-American provenance. While this assumption generally holds true, a closer examination of the intellectual context of Australian federalism reveals a surprisingly significant German influence on the framers of the Australian Constitution.
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6

Edwards, Owain Tudor. "A fourteenth-century Welsh Sarum antiphonal: National Library of Wales ms. 20541." Journal of the Plainsong and Mediaeval Music Society 10 (January 1987): 15–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143491800001070.

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Surprisingly few antiphonals were to survive “the King's order for bringing in popish rituals”, the Statute of 3 and 4 Edward VI, c. 10., following an Order in Council, 25 December 1549.[1] This was put into effect with great assiduity by the Church, under the auspices of its bishops, each bishop having been made personally responsible for seeing that the law was obeyed in his diocese. The destruction of books was deplored by some of the Protestants themselves, for instance by Bishop John Bale, who was a fierce enemy of the papacy,[2] but they were not permitted to do anything about it. The text of the statute acquires an ominous inevitability as every kind of liturgical book in turn is condemned to annihilation. Since divers unquiet and evilly-disposed people wanted to have their Latin services back (begins the statute), their “conjured bread” and water and suchlike vain and superstitious ceremonies, the king had decided to put an end to such expectations by instructing each bishop immediately to command every clergyman in his diocese to deliver to him or to a deputy “all antiphoners, missales, grayles, processionalles, manuelles, legendes, pies, portasies, jornalles, and ordinalles after the use of Sarum, Lincoln, Yorke, or any other private use, and all other bokes of service …” Bishops were explicitly instructed to “take the same bokes … and then so deface and abolyshe that they never after may serve eyther to anie soche use, as they were provided for …”
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7

Crisp, Oliver D. "John Girardeau: Libertarian Calvinist?" Journal of Reformed Theology 8, no. 3 (2014): 284–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15697312-00803004.

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Amongst his other writings, the nineteenth century American Presbyterian theologian John Girardeau (1825–1898) composed a book-length critique of Jonathan Edwards’ doctrine of free will. In the place of Edwards’ unrelenting determinism, Girardeau appealed to an older Reformed tradition which allowed that in mundane actions human beings often have liberties of choice. This forms the basis of an argument for a circumscribed libertarianism consistent with the confessional standards of Reformed theology. Although there are problems with Girardeau’s account, his position is an important confirmation of a sort of minority report in the Reformed tradition that has been largely overlooked by modern thinkers for whom Reformed thought is synonymous with the kind of theological determinism beloved of Edwards. The paper offers a critical exposition of, and interaction with, Girardeau’s views on this matter of human free will as a piece of retrieval theology.
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8

Tessitore, John. "The ““Sky-Blue”” Variety: William James, Walt Whitman, and the Limits of Healthy-Mindedness." Nineteenth-Century Literature 62, no. 4 (March 1, 2008): 493–526. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ncl.2008.62.4.493.

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Although Neo-Pragmatist scholars have long considered Walt Whitman an intellectual and literary forebear to William James and the American Pragmatic tradition, James believed Whitman to be a far more problematic thinker than has been acknowledged. Haunting much of James's writings, and The Varieties of Religious Experience (1902) in particular, is a Whitman who is less a figure for emulation than an embodiment of a particular kind of metaphysical excess, at once unworldly and effeminate. In characterizing Whitman as a paragon of an untrustworthy ““healthy-mindedness”” and a ““queer”” idealism that he wished to excise from his own Transcendental inheritance, James developed a gendered critique of the ““sky-blue”” optimism he recognized as the peculiar legacy of the poet, a critique that took into account Whitman's roots in Hegelian and Emersonian thought as well as the well-publicized homoeroticism of his life and work. Ambivalent about the sexual and moral ““indifferentism”” that he believed accompanied Whitman's ““sky-blue”” acceptance of evil and death, James then traced Whitman's influence——both implicitly and explicitly——through the writings of the leading gay Whitmanites of his era, including the ““mystics”” John Addington Symonds and Edward Carpenter. Thus, in the war for the American soul——a war that James waged on the battlefields of metaphysics, religion, and gender identity as well as within his own person——the father of Pragmatism turned a ““feminine”” and ““unnatural”” Whitman into his chief foil and his main adversary; Whitman became the standard against which his own ““manly”” beliefs and methodologies, particularly with respect to religious experience, were defined.
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9

Geary, C. "John Edward MacIver." BMJ 344, feb14 3 (February 14, 2012): e1036-e1036. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.e1036.

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10

Salib, Emad. "John Edward Barclay." BMJ 335, no. 7611 (July 19, 2007): 163.2–163. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.39275.649016.ad.

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Daggett, Peter, and Bob Loynes. "John Edward Woodyard." BMJ 336, no. 7636 (January 17, 2008): 163.7–163. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.39455.736412.be.

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Salib, Emad. "John Edward Barclay." Psychiatric Bulletin 31, no. 10 (October 2007): 400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/pb.bp.107.017467.

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Kennedy, G. L. "John Edward Hornett." BMJ 327, no. 7417 (September 27, 2003): 754—d—754. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.327.7417.754-d.

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Lockyer, Alison. "John Edward Crocker." British Dental Journal 220, no. 8 (April 2016): 426. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/sj.bdj.2016.311.

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15

Khan, Farid, and William Scott. "John Edward Buck." BMJ 334, no. 7588 (February 8, 2007): 321.2–321. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.39114.733056.fa.

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16

Bolton, Jim, and John Weil. "John Edward Wertz." Physics Today 51, no. 3 (March 1998): 112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1063/1.882168.

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Dent, David M., and Delawir Kahn. "Edward John (Ed) Immelman." South African Medical Journal 103, no. 3 (February 11, 2013): 142. http://dx.doi.org/10.7196/samj.6790.

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18

Dozier, Jeff, and Ghassem Asrar. "John Edward ‘Jack’ Estes." Physics Today 54, no. 12 (December 2001): 75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1063/1.1445565.

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19

Price, D. "John Edward Lawson Price." BMJ 324, no. 7352 (June 22, 2002): 1527d—1527. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.324.7352.1527/d.

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AS. "Edward John Mostyn Bowlby." Psychiatric Bulletin 15, no. 1 (January 1991): 60–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/pb.15.1.60.

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21

Swithinbank, Charles. "John Edward Giles Kershaw." Polar Record 26, no. 158 (July 1990): 250. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0032247400011712.

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22

Mylrea, PJ. "Edward John McBarron OAM." Australian Veterinary Journal 69, no. 6 (June 1992): 147. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1751-0813.1992.tb07491.x.

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23

MMW. "Edward John Campbell Hewitt." Psychiatric Bulletin 11, no. 10 (October 1, 1987): 357. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/pb.11.10.357.

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24

Poller, L. "Edward John Walter Bowie." BMJ 337, no. 07 3 (November 7, 2008): a2148. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.a2148.

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25

CUAJ, Editor. "Dr. Edward John Hambley." Canadian Urological Association Journal 14, no. 12 (November 23, 2020): E644. http://dx.doi.org/10.5489/cuaj.7055.

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26

SHULMAN, HARRY S. "John Edward Campbell, M.D." Radiology 157, no. 1 (October 1985): 272. http://dx.doi.org/10.1148/radiology.157.1.272-b.

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27

Suppia, Alfredo, and Luiz Felipe Rocha Baute. "O herói do western em panorama: A persistência de John Wayne." Revista ECO-Pós 22, no. 1 (June 21, 2019): 176–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.29146/eco-pos.v22i1.23767.

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Visamos a analisar as transformações do herói western através do estudo dos personagens de John Wayne. Comumente associado ao gênero, o ator estadunidense interpretou personagens icônicos em diversas narrativas de faroeste e tornou-se uma figura central para a construção do arquétipo do protagonista do gênero. Em um diálogo entre forma e conteúdo, e em paralelo ao desenvolvimento do gênero, destacamos performances que foram, ao mesmo tempo, fundantes de uma tradição e exemplares de suas subsequentes transformações: Ringo Kid em No tempo das diligências (Stagecoach, dir. John Ford, 1939), Ethan Edwards em Rastros de ódio (The Searchers, dir. John Ford, 1954) e Rooster Cogburn em Bravura indômita (True grit, dir. Henry Hathaway, 1969). Tais performances foram marcantes na progressão histórica do western e tornaram Wayne uma figura de destaque no cinema hollywoodiano. Entendemos suas performances como intrínsecas à construção do gênero, cuja influência na composição fílmica e concepção de personagens consolidou-se em um símbolo do western em seu período de maior sucesso econômico e de crítica. Palavras-chave: John Wayne; Estudos Atorais; Gêneros Cinematográficos; western.
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Noll, Mark A. "The Republican Character of Antebellum American Religion." Church History 84, no. 3 (September 2015): 637–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000964071500058x.

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The young scholars who proposed a dialogue between John Modern and myself, and who then contributed sparkling insights of their own to that dialogue, deserve hearty thanks. They have taken seriously the main arguments, along with many of the details, in Modern's Secularism in Antebellum America and my America's God: From Jonathan Edwards to Abraham Lincoln. In so doing, they spotlighted lacunae, advanced new perspectives, and proposed the best kind of questions for probing the complicated religious-political-personal-social-economic relationships in antebellum America. I am particularly indebted to them for pointing out aspects of my work that require clarification and for helping me see more clearly what John Modern's work accomplished.
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Catch, John R. "Edward John Payne, Victorian Gambist." Galpin Society Journal 50 (March 1997): 127. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/842567.

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Wardle, David. "John Edward Atkinson (1938-2022)." Acta Classica 65, no. 1 (2022): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/acl.2022.0000.

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Yamamoto, Izuru. "John Edward Casida (1929–2018)." Journal of Pesticide Science 43, no. 4 (November 20, 2018): 321–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1584/jpestics.m18-03.

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32

Higgs, Lloyd. "John Edward Kennedy 1916-1999." Astronomy and Geophysics 41, no. 2 (April 2000): 2.36–2.38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1046/j.1468-4004.2000.41236.x.

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33

Roy Bharath, Stéphanie. "John Edward Saché in India." History of Photography 35, no. 2 (April 26, 2011): 180–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03087298.2010.533521.

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34

MMW. "Edward John Campbell Hewitt, TD." Bulletin of the Royal College of Psychiatrists 11, no. 10 (October 1987): 357. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/s0140078900018356.

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35

Hartquist, T. W., and D. A. Williams. "John Edward Dyson 1941-2010." Astronomy & Geophysics 51, no. 4 (July 23, 2010): 4.40–4.41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-4004.2010.51440.x.

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36

Filary, Mateusz. "The meanings of scientific progress in the history of International Relations – selected cases." Politeja 18, no. 6(75) (December 16, 2021): 29–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.18.2021.75.02.

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This article aims at reconstructing and interpreting the meanings of scientific progress present in selected important works within the discipline of International Relations (IR). This research objective stems from the gap in the literature concerning scientific progress in IR, as it is mostly concerned with the evaluation of the progressiveness of particular approaches, paradigms within the discipline. The reconstruction of meanings given by particular IR scholars to scientific progress is conducted only as far as its instrumental for the critique of their approaches and making room for the approaches of the critics. My objective is different – using a method inspired by the history of ideas and the research technique of qualitative content analysis, I will attempt to answer the following research questions: Q1 – How is the category of scientific progress of IR understood by particular scholars? Q2 – What are the contexts of its usage? Q3 – How can we interpret the rationale behind the employment of particular meanings in particular contexts? Q4 – How, on the basis of all cases, can we depict the flow of ideas of scientific progress through the history of IR? The cases selected span the development of IR from World War II to the early 2000s: Edward Carr’s The Twenty Years’ Crisis; Morton Kaplan’s texts from the early phase of the second great debate; John Vasquez’s The Power of Power Politics; and Miriam and Colin Elman’s Progress in International Relations Theory. On the basis of these cases I will argue that the notion of scientific progress in IR is an essentially contested concept within the discipline. Despite certain similarities in the meaning of the term among the cases – a cumulative notion of scientific progress – all of them are used in a way that is intended to legitimize the approach of a particular author as ‘properly scientific’. Another conclusion drawn is that although differing in kind, all of the cases consider important historical events that do not shape the meanings of progress themselves, but instead create a window of opportunity for particular meanings, as their context.
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37

Kleineke, Hannes, and James Ross. "Just Another Day in Chancery Lane: Disorder and the Law in London's Legal Quarter in the Fifteenth Century." Law and History Review 35, no. 4 (September 4, 2017): 1017–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248017000372.

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Scarcely any turbulence, quarrels or disturbance ever occur there, but delinquents are punished with no other punishment than expulsion from communion with their society, which is a penalty they fear more than criminals elsewhere fear imprisonment and fetters. For a man once expelled from one of these societies is never received into the fellowship of any other of those societies. Hence the peace is unbroken and the conversation of all of them is as the friendship of united folk. This was Sir John Fortescue's idealized account to the exiled prince of Wales, Edward of Lancaster, of the peace-loving nature of London's Inns of Court and Chancery in the mid-fifteenth century. Fortescue was not concerned with the reality, which, as he knew all too well, was different. He was concerned with impressing on his young pupil the perfection of the English law and the education of its practitioners, rather than the imperfections that existed in a society that the prince, as he explicitly told him, would never experience. Few who were familiar with the legal quarter that surrounded the Inns would have recognized the Arcadia that Fortescue described. Far from being the peaceful and well-ordered district that the former chief justice invoked, in the period when he wrote the area to the west of London's Temple Bar was a liminal space, populated by—among others—large numbers of young trainee lawyers, in whom the kind of unruly behaviour otherwise also associated with the early universities, not least the western suburb's Paris counterpart, the quartier latin to the south of the river Seine, was endemic. Among the most important factors that made it so was the very existence of the established, and to some extent tribal, all-male societies of the Inns of Court and of Chancery, at close quarters with the royal law courts and their heady mix of disputants and hired legal counsellors in permanent competition with each other.
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Skinner, Christopher W. "John by Edward W. Klink III." Catholic Biblical Quarterly 80, no. 2 (2018): 338–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cbq.2018.0073.

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Daly, John M. "Introduction of Dr. John Edward Niederhuber." Annals of Surgical Oncology 9, no. 8 (October 2002): 705–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02574489.

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Hilton, Eric J., G. David Johnson, Edward D. Houde, and Robert J. Latour. "John Edward Olney, Sr. (1947–2010)." Copeia 2011, no. 2 (June 28, 2011): 332–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1643/ot-11-004.

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Regan, Dr William. "Dr John Patrick Edward O'Brien, FRCPA." Australasian Journal of Dermatology 44, no. 1 (February 2003): 79–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1046/j.1440-0960.2003.00648.x.

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Henderson, Ian. "Planetary Lives: Edward Warrulan, Edward John Eyre, and Queen Victoria." English Studies in Africa 57, no. 1 (January 2, 2014): 66–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00138398.2014.916910.

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Williams, R. B. "John Edward Gray: a dual stamp-collector." Archives of Natural History 37, no. 1 (April 2010): 161–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e0260954109001715.

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Burrow,, Rufus. "The Personalism of John Wesley Edward Bowen." Journal of Negro History 82, no. 2 (April 1997): 244–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2717519.

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Schulz, Constance B., and James Haw. "John and Edward Rutledge of South Carolina." Journal of Southern History 65, no. 1 (February 1999): 148. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2587740.

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Peterson, Willis. "World Food Aid. John Shaw , Edward Clay." Economic Development and Cultural Change 44, no. 1 (October 1995): 223–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/452209.

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James, S. E., and F. E. James. "John Hunter's Last Letter to Edward Jenner." Journal of Medical Biography 8, no. 4 (November 2000): 213–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/096777200000800407.

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Cornell, David. "Sir John Stirling: Edward III's Scottish Captain." Northern History 45, no. 1 (March 2008): 111–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/174587008x256656.

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Pgw. "John Edward Cairns, MA, MB, BS, FRCS." British Journal of Ophthalmology 70, no. 6 (June 1, 1986): 479–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bjo.70.6.479.

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deShazo, Richard D. "John Edward Salvaggio, MD, MACP, 1933–1999." Annals of Allergy, Asthma & Immunology 116, no. 1 (January 2016): 9–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.anai.2015.10.017.

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