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1

O'Regan, Hana Merenea, and n/a. "Ko Tahu, Ko au." University of Otago. Te Tumu - School of Maori, Pacific and Indigenous Studies, 1998. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20070524.123022.

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This research is concerned with ethnic identity and focuses on the experiences of my tribe, the Ngai Tahu of the South Island of New Zealand, as a case study. Material drawn from interviews with eight Ngai Tahu respondents are used to illustrate the factors influencing Ngai Tahu identity, which include whakapapa, land, language, tikanga, mahinga kai, the Claim, our legal identity, and the perceptions of significant others. These factors are discussed within the context of the wider Maori identity and the New Zealand environment. The interviews also provide an insight into the personal nature of Ngai Tahu cultural identity and the experiences of the respondents in terms of inclusion and exclusion from the general Maori identity. A theoretical base on the issues of cultural identity development is gained from the literature and used as a framework for discussing Ngai Tahu identity development. This research investigates the development of pan-Maori identity and how it has manifested itself within New Zealand society. The cultural criteria used to measure and assess membership in the Maori ethnic collective are often inadequate and inappropriate for Ngai Tahu and within the Ngai Tahu context. This research illustrates how the environment and the choices it offers to people of Ngai Tahu identity both in the past and the present. I will argue that Ngai Tahu identity is largely a product of its circumstance. Although primordialist notions such as whakapapa are consistently present in that identity, the weight that they carry is largely determined by the political and cultural environment and context. The project concludes with an assessment of the level of appreciation given to differences that exist within different sections of Maoridom and the need to understand the validity and legitimacy of those differences if a positive sense of cultural identity is to be achieved.
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2

Russell, Khyla J., and n/a. "Landscape : perceptions of Kai Tahu I Mua, Aianei, A Muri Ake." University of Otago. Department of Anthropology, 2001. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20070508.151703.

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This research is concerned with Kai Tahu experiences and understandings of the concept and use of the term, landscape. The term itself is one used variously to represent for us as Iwi, the land and the sea including flora and fauna. The Kai Tahu landscape is Papatuanuku, our cosmological mother. Particular areas used for the case studies include the following marae: Otakou, Karitane, Kaikoura, Tuahiwi, Ka marae e toru o Horomaka, Taumutu, Te Tai Poutini, Hukanui, Waihopai, Arowhenua, Oraka, Awarua and the many places of te rohe potae o Kai Tahu i Te Waipounamu. Material was drawn from literature, the participants formally interviewed and many from within and outside Kai Tahu rohe potae. All responses are used to illustrate the ways in which Kai Tahu and some of their non-Kai Tahu spouses express particular definitions of what for each, constitutes and is constituted in the landscape. Kai Tahu participants� landscape definition includes whakapapa, placenames, identity (personal and cultural), spirituality and sustenance. Elements of these are present to a similar degree for some of the spouses, but not all. This seems largely dependent upon the degree to which they have participated in matters pertaining to Kai Tahu. Degrees of participation and connection may be applied to Tahu people alienated from their kaik, whether urbanised near or distantly domiciled. Theoretical bases in literature from a number of disciplines are used to discuss perceptions of what anthropologists more usually term �place� and how Kai Tahu fit this or choose to fit the understanding of cultural others into our world view. The research also looks briefly at the environmental landscape and who presently has power and therefore mana over its use and or misuse, especially in relation to management of Papatuanuku. Due to the [sic] of the type [sic] project this thesis is, it cannot finally conclude there is a single Kai Tahu or gender specific perception of landscape. This would never be provable in any circumstance, since it is not scientifically based. It does however, suggest there is an indigenous perspective of landscape that differs from certain Western thinking and within the indigenous perspective, a Kai Tahu epistemological understanding of the landscape based on our theory and knowledge of ourselves.
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3

Carr, Anna M., and acarr@business otago ac nz. "Interpreting culture: visitors' experiences of cultural landscape in New Zealand." University of Otago. Department of Tourism, 2004. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20070501.150326.

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This thesis examines visitors' awareness and experiences of cultural values for natural areas of importance to Maori. The South Island/Te Wai Pounamu contains natural landscapes with scenic and recreational values that attract large numbers of domestic and international visitors. Many of these areas have a cultural significance for members of the South Island's Ngai Tahu iwi and hapu groups. The Ngai Tahu Claims Settlement Act 1998 legally recognised the traditional relationships between the iwi and the natural world, whilst other Acts of Parliament provide direction to government agencies for encouraging iwi involvement in the management of natural resources. Measures include increased participation in the management of national parks through iwi representation on regional conservation boards, the New Zealand Conservation Authority, and the inclusion of Ngai Tahu values within subsequent national park management plans. National park interpretation may influence visitors' awareness of cultural values for natural areas as visitors encounter information panels, displays, publications such as visitor guides or brochures, experience guided tours and/or audiovisual shows and view other interpretive medium. The researcher investigated visitors' awareness of Maori values for landscape at three South Island case study sites: Aoraki/Mount Cook National Park, Fiordland National Park, and Lake Pukaki. An understanding of the Ngai Tahu values for these areas was achieved through site visits, a literature review and informal interviews to enable comparisons of the management history of interpretation at the case study sites. Visitors' experiences at each site were explored with interviews, participant observations and a survey that provided qualitative and quantitative data. The survey was administered between January and April 2000 to 716 visitors, yielding 472 valid returns (65.9%). A comprehensive profile of visitors' demographics, social and environmental values was developed from the survey data. Visitors were well educated with 70% having a tertiary education and the majority of visitors were employed in professional occupations. When asked about their previous experiences of other cultures, many visitors reported prior encounters with Australian Aborigine and Native Americans. Visitors considered Rotorua and the Bay of Islands as the locations most closely associated with Maori whereas the study sites were not regarded as significant to Maori, despite the presence of on-site interpretation conveying Maori values for each area. Maori culture was not an important travel motivation for most visitors to these areas and the research revealed diverse reactions from the survey respondents towards cultural interpretive material. Despite this a small percentage of visitors (14%), of domestic and international origins, had an extremely strong interest in future opportunities to experience cultural interpretation of the landscape, particularly in material that tended towards the narrative, for example mythology and legends. It was concluded that a niche demand for Maori perspectives of natural areas could be further met with increased resources for interpretation at visitor centres. It was also proposed that such interpretation could attract a Maori audience, increasing Maori visitation to national parks. The participation of Maori and other host community members in the development and delivery of cultural landscape interpretation would provide broad perspectives and unique educational opportunities for the visiting public. At the case study areas, and throughout New Zealand, the cultural landscapes encountered by visitors had complex and diverse meanings to a wide range of peoples, depending on individual circumstances. Similarly, the diversity of visitors requires the development of interpretation which responds to visitor demand as well as management needs, the multitude of meanings for the landscape being but one of many possible themes.
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4

Sims, Miranda, and n/a. "Planning for the cultural landscape : from mountains to the sea : a Maori perspective." University of Otago. Department of Anthropology, 2000. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20070518.115102.

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For Maori the cultural landscape is the foundation of traditional, historical and spiritual values and is fundamental to their cultural ideology. It is the relationship between people and the land that bestows Maori with a sense of cultural identity and belonging. At present the cultural landscape is under increasing pressure from inappropriate development, resulting not only in the destruction of the physical landscape but also defilement of associated intrinsic values. Planning for Maori cultural landscape values at the district level is challenging, with limited sucess in curbing landscape degradation under a dominant western planning regime. This study examines the planning process incorporating the cultural landscape values of Maori within the context of the Dunedin district. An overview of cultural landscape significance is provided. The study also assesses the current measures employed onto the landscape. The study also assesses the current measures employed for protecting the cultural landscape and offers recommendations for improving the integration of cultural landscape values into the planning process, both at a general level and with particular reference to three case studies of culturally significant landscapes in Dunedin. A combination of in-depth interviews with local Maori and Dunedin City Council planners, literature review, district plan content analysis and case studies established that current protection measures engaged by the Dunedin City Council are insufficient and lack the specificity required for adequate cultural landscape protection. A general lack of comprehension regarding cultural landscape meaning amongst planners was also found. It is recommended that cultural landscape planning extends beyond statutory requirements to adopt a collaborative approach, with Maori having a more significant role in the planning process. Three main recommendations for future management of the cultural landscape are provided: identification, co-management and public education. Together these recommendations promote a move towards a planning system with a greater bi-cultural focus. Improved protection provisions in planning will ensure the continuation and enhancement of the Maori cultural landscape into the future, as part of New Zealand�s heritage.
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5

Wilson, Amanda J., and n/a. "Stone tool production at Cat's Eye Point, Kakanui, North Otago, New Zealand." University of Otago. Department of Anthropology, 1999. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20070523.143909.

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This thesis examines a lithic assemblage from Cat�s Eye Point (J42/4), Kakanui, North Otago, New Zealand. This archaic site was excavated during 1996 and 1997 and the lithic assemblage was collected from 41m� excavated during these two seasons. Previous studies of lithic material from New Zealand and the Pacific are reviewed to indicate the range of information that can be gained from lithic analysis. Themes of research in the North Otago region are also examined to place Cat�s Eye Point into its regional context. This thesis had three main areas of investigation. The first involved a descriptive and technological analysis of the debitage using mass flake analysis (MFA) and individual flake analysis (IFA). Formal artefacts, such as hammerstones, blanks, and performs, were also examined. Secondly, spatial analysis was used to determine if the lithic assemblage could be used to infer intra-site activity areas. This was conducted by analysing macro- (flakes larger than 3mm) and microdebitage (flakes less than 3mm) by examining the range of material types. The third area of investigation examined debitage recovered from 6.4mm (1/4 inch) and 3.2mm (1/8 inch) sieves to determine if any significant technological information was gained by debitage from the 3.2mm sieve. The conclusions of this study indicate that there were two methods of basalt cobble reduction at Cat�s Eye Point for adze production. Adze production at Cat�s Eye Point was opportunistic and the non-local material curated. The results of the debitage analysis indicate that the entire sequence of adze manufacture did not occur in the excavated area of Cat�s Eye Point and the initial cobble reduction probably occurred on the adjacent beach where the cobbles are found today. Consequently, coastal rock outcrops, even without evidence of associated debitage, must be viewed as potential sources of rock for stone tool manufacture unless determined otherwise. The spatial analysis detected two activity areas and a disposal area at Cat�s Eye Point. The analysis of the 6.4mm and 3.2mm debitage found that no significant technological information was gained by examining the smaller flakes.
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6

Williams, Jim, and jim williams@otago ac nz. "E pakihi hakinga a kai : an examination of pre-contact resource management practice in Southern Te Wai Pounamu." University of Otago. Te Tumu - School of Maori, Pacific and Indigenous Studies, 2004. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20070501.151631.

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Life was difficult in Te Wai Pounamu before European contact. Food collecting had to return more calories than were expended in the efforts of acquisition. Areas where food was available were conserved as well as enhanced and were exploited seasonally in such a way as to optimise each season's take. It is suggested that the absence of kumera cultivations south of the Opihi river, prior to the introduction of the potato towards the end of the 18th Century, was clearly reflected in Maori life-style and social structure. Hapu were resource based rather than regional, and the resources of various hapu might be intermingled over a wide area or indeed, in some cases, shared (see: Anderson, 1980). The "orthodox" view (Anderson, 1980, etc.) is one of "Hunters and Gatherers" who exploit available resources. I argue that the resources were, in fact, managed with a view to sustainable and optimal harvests in the future. I shall apply Harris' (1987:75) optimal foraging theory in an endeavour to show that there are signs of the quality of life as a result of a low per capita human energy input into food production. This is principally evidenced by the foods eaten just for pleasure (kai rehia) and the time available for optional activities. Accordingly, kai and the practices to control them differed from the often better documented food resources of more Northern parts of Te Wai Pounamu and Aotearoa. Nevertheless, the absence of horticulture in the south and the concomitant peripatetic life-style did not result in a lack of stewardship of resources. Based substantially on the analysis of a series of mahika kai lists, collected from elders early in the contact period, and details of traditional practices that have been handed down, this thesis argues that by 1780, when Captain Cook introduced European goods, southern Kai Tahu had in place effective procedures and practices for the sustainable use of renewable resources.
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7

Wheadon, C. J. D. (Christopher James Daniel), and n/a. "A systemic approach to understanding prehistoric shell-bearing deposits in New Zealand: a case study from Shag Point, North Otago." University of Otago. Department of Anthropology, 2002. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20070507.115526.

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This thesis describes a systemic approach to the study of shell remains, using material from the site of Shag Point (J43/11), in North Otago. This approach analyses the relationship between sampling, identification, quantification, and site formation processes. An historical and methodological framework is used to assess the analysis of shell-bearing deposits in New Zealand, and provide innovative solutions to bias. Historical research outlines the common research methods in New Zealand, which are relevant to Shag Point. Methodological research outlines the range of potential research methods used in the study of shell-bearing deposits. Reviewing the data from Shag Point, sampling, identification, quantification, and site formation processes are used to assess the quality of data from the site. Data from coastal sites are commonly used to generate regional level syntheses. These syntheses do not deal with all of the possible sources of bias in shell-bearing deposits. Cumulative sampling is used to assess representativeness. The data from Shag Point are indicative of a representative sample. The site is compared to three other coastal southern South Island assemblages: the nearby Shag River Mouth, Pleasant River, and Pounawea. The data from Shag River Mouth may be representative; the same cannot be said for the Pleasant River and Pounawea archaeological assemblages, thus hampering regional-level syntheses.
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8

Rochford, Tim, and tim rochford@otago ac nz. "Te korero wai : Maori and Pakeha views on water despoliation and health." University of Otago. Wellington School of Medicine & Health Sciences, 2004. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20070502.145537.

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Having reviewed an example of environmental degradation (the effect of gold mining related activities on the acquatic ecosystems in Te Tai Poutini) from varying Maori and Pakeha perspectives I have developed a framework to find combine these perspectives into a working analytical tool kit. The tool kit is intended to better define the problems to ensure that they take into account the widely differing views of Maori and Pakeha and is able to promote solutions that will be appropriate and safe for both Maori and Pakeha. I have sought to collect and present a comprehensive analysis of both perspectives. I have focussed more heavily however on the Maori paradigms as they are less well reported in the literature on environmental health and less influence on the way we seek to protect people from the negative effects of environmental degradation. This is despite the fact that as Maori are more likely to be exposed to environmental damage in that they are on average poorer and therefore have less choice about where they may live and are more likely to eat foods taken directly from the environment. I will also show that the damage to the Arahura is far more than physical and will show the concern of kaumatua and their psychological anguish they have felt over the damage to this most tapu river. For this reason I have chosen to present this thesis, in the form of a powhiri model. This model allows me to present different aspects of the problem from a Maori perspective including the views of kaumatua as well as recorded traditions. I have then followed these sections with a response from a Pakeha perspective. This includes reviewing the different underlying world, view as well as some attempt to review the damage in Pakeha terms by reviewing the literature and undertaking some tests to establish procedures for a more comprehensive testing of the enviroment that surrounds the Arahura. The thesis will conclude with a section summarising both strands of information and attempt to develop a framework for a health tool kit - he kete hauora. This kete will utilise Whare Tapa Wha as a way of placing the information in a context that can be presented in a reasonably coherent form. Finally I will make a number of recommendations that I called a place mat - he whariki. These recommendations are presented in a framework from Te Tiriti o Waitangi. This reflects the primacy of the Treaty when considering the ways in which Maori are to be protected by the Crown. These recommendations seek to respond to the principle barriers that are currently preventing local Maori from achieving a full sense of well being but, if implemented, these recommendations will ensure the protection of the health of all peoples of Te Tai Poutini.
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9

Kitson, Jane C., and n/a. "Traditional ecological knowledge and harvest management of Titi (Puffinus griseus) by Rakiura Maori." University of Otago. Department of Zoology, 2004. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20070502.153344.

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Rakiura Maori continue a centuries old harvest of titi chicks (sooty shearwater, Puffinus griseus) which is governed primarily by Traditional Ecological Knowledge (TEK). The sustainability of titi harvesting is of high cultural, social and ecological importance. Some commentators view contemporary use of TEK as insufficient to ensure sustainability because it is no longer intact, too passive, and/or potentially inadequate to meet new ecological and technical challenges. Such assertions have been made in the absence of detailed description of TEK and associated social mechanisms. This thesis describes Rakiura Maori TEK practices and management systems that are in place and asks whether such systems are effective today, and whether they will remain effective in future. Ecological, social and cultural factors are intertwined in cultural wildlife harvests so the methodology used was a combination of quantitative ecological methods and semi-directive interviews of 20 experienced harvesting elders. The research also used ecological science to evaluate potential harvest monitoring methods and to determine what sets the limits on harvest. These ecological studies focused on harvesting by four families on Putauhinu Island in 1997-1999. Harvest is divided into two parts. In the first period (�nanao�) chicks are extracted from breeding burrows during daytime. In the second period (�rama�) chicks are captured at night when they have emerged from burrows. Nanao harvest rates only increased slightly with increasing chick densities and birders� harvest rates varied in their sensitivities to changing chick density. Although harvest rates can only provide a general index of population change a monitoring panel, with careful selection of participants, may be the only feasible way to assess population trend and thereby harvest sustainability or the resource�s response to changed management. Rakiura Maori harvesting practice constitutes common property resource management based on birthright and a system of traditional rules. Protection of island habitat and adult birds, and temporal restricitions on harvest are considered most important. Legislation and a belief system of reciprocity and connection to ancestors and environment aid enforcement of the rules. Ecological knowledge is learnt through observation, hands-on experience and storytelling. Younger Rakiura Maori now spend less time harvesting which puts pressure on the transmission of knowledge. Paradoxically, use of modern technology for harvesting aids transfer of essential skills because it is easier and faster to learn, thereby contributing to the continuance of a culturally important harvest. Limits on harvest are passive, with the numbers of chicks taken determined by the time spent harvesting and processing. Processing is more limiting during the rama period. Future innovations that decrease the time to process each chick during rama could greatly increase the total number of chicks caught. Recently introduced motorised plucking machines decrease the time required to pluck each chick. However, on Putauhinu Island, use of plucking machines did not increase the number of chicks harvested, indicating social mechanisms were also limiting. Elders identified changing values between the generations, which may reduce the future strength of social limitations on harvest pressure. Global climate change may reduce the predicability of traditional knowledge. Rakiura Maori have identified this risk and sought to examine ecological science as a tool to complement traditional knowledge for monitoring harvest sustainability. Climate change, declining tītī numbers and potential changes in technology or markets all threaten the effectiveness of current social limits to harvest. Rakiura Maori have previously shown the ability to adapt and must look to add resilience to their institutions to ensure we keep the titi forever.
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10

Hope-Pearson, E. W., and n/a. "The theoretical and practical dimensions of pounamu management." University of Otago. Department of Geography, 2002. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20070508.125737.

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The vesting of pounamu back to Te Runanga o Ngai Tahu brings to the fore a whole new dimension of resource mangement to New Zealand�s wider resource management environment. As is highlighted in this study and noted by a number of academics, Maori people, like other indigenous communities, have their own planning systems values and appropriate processes for decision-making about the environment. But the relevance of such indigenous management systems has long been overlooked by the decision makers and authorities to the continued frustration and anxiety of indigenous peoples. This lack of recognition has been at the fore as a concept fundamental to many indigenous peoples grievances, both past and present. The subsequent vesting of pounamu has brought about the validation that Maori have to resource management rights. In identifying issues associated with the management of natural resources by indigenous peoples, this study provides an examination of number theoretical concepts and a practical dimension associated with the management of natural resources by indigenous peoples and has placed pounamu in context. The placement of pounamu in context has provided the basis from which a number of central issues were identified and discussed. A combination a literature study, analysis of an application traditional knowledge in a contemporary context and in-depth interviews and liaison with key stakeholders involved directly and indirectly in the management of pounmau were undertaken, has established that the management of natural resources by indigenous people is more about the management of number of associated processes rather than about the management of a single commodity, in this instance pounamu. Within these processes there exist a number of complex relationships that reflect the fundamental transaction of power and privilege associated with natural resource management. Further conclusions that this study has made, is the increasing need and importance of legislatures and planning professionals alike to further recognise the validity and become familiar with alternate methods of resource management and the application of indigenous systems and methods.
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11

Kay-Gibbs, Meredith, and n/a. "Are New Zealand Treaty of Waitangi settlements achieving justice? : the Ngai Tahu settlement and the return of Pounamu (greenstone)." University of Otago. Department of Political Studies, 2002. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20070518.111541.

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Achieving �justice� is the overriding aim of the Treaty settlement process. This process was established to resolve Maori historical grievances against the New Zealand Crown for alleged breaches of the Treaty of Waitangi. Because historical injustices involve the interactions of cultures over time, justice in the Treaty settlement process is shaped, and constrained, by two main factors: �culture� and �time�. The settlement of Ngai Tahu�s historical grievances, and in particular the return of pounamu as part of the settlement, achieved a large measure of this limited kind of justice. The Ngai Tahu settlement and the return of pounamu suggest that Treaty settlements are achieving, and may continue to achieve, a large measure of the justice available in the Treaty settlement process. Examination of the return of pounamu to Ngai Tahu reveals, however, that new injustices may have been created in the Ngai Tahu settlement. These new injustices are critically analysed, and recommendations for maximising justice in the Treaty settlement process are suggested. If Treaty settlements are to achieve the maximum justice available in the Treaty settlement process, the Treaty partners must heed the warning signs arising from the possible creation of new injustices in the Ngai Tahu settlement.
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Hanham, Susan Janette, and n/a. "�Where land meets water� : rights to the foreshore of Otakou Maori Reserve." University of Otago. Department of Surveying, 1996. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20070530.153901.

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Rights to possess and/or use the foreshore of New Zealand are not clear, and are even cloudier in relation to Maori freehold land that is on the coast. This thesis investigates the law pertaining to rights in the foreshore, and the facts pertaining specifically to the use of the Otakou Maori Reserve foreshore. In particular, the research question is this: what does aboriginal title mean in 1996 for Otago Maori? Examining the legal issues, searching individual titles and gathering oral history are the methods used to answer this question. First, the law. In New Zealand the Crown is prima facie the absolute owner of the foreshore. This can be displaced by proof to the contrary. The doctrine of aboriginal title recognises the legal continuity of tribal property rights upon the Crown�s acquisition of sovereignty over their territory. Aboriginal title can be divided into two categories - territorial and non-territorial. Territorial title represents a tribal claim to full ownership, and non-territorial title to rights that are less than absolute ownership, such as the right to cross land, to fish and to collect flora and fauna. It is this doctrine of aboriginal title as it relates to the foreshore that can displace the Crown�s absolute ownership of the foreshore. Second, the facts. 99% of the coastal land parcels of Otakou Maori Reserve are described in written documentation as to the line of mean high water. This 99% is made up 17% Maori freehold land, 49% general land and 33% vested in the Crown or the Dunedin City Council. The remaining 1% is Maori freehold land that does not have its boundary at mean high water, but has a fixed upland boundary. Oral history facts from the takatawhenua identify that the foreshore continues to be used for access, travel, and the collection of kai moana and sea resources. The findings reveal that Kai Tahu ki Otakou have never extinguised their territorial and non-territorial aboriginal title to the foreshore of Otakou Maori Reserve. Suggested areas for future research include an investigation of other Maori reserves in Otago, and examining the doctrine of aboriginal title as it relates to the beds of watercourses.
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Goodwin, David Pell, and n/a. "Belonging knows no boundaries : persisting land tenure custom for Shona, Ndebele and Ngai Tahu." University of Otago. Department of Surveying, 2008. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20080807.151921.

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Aspects of customary land tenure may survive even where formal rules in a society supersede custom. This thesis is about persisting custom for Maori Freehold land (MFL) in New Zealand, and the Communal Areas (CAs) of Zimbabwe. Three questions are addressed: what unwritten land tenure custom still persists for Ngai Tahu, Shona and Ndebele, what key historical processes and events in New Zealand and Zimbabwe shaped the relationship between people and land into the form it displays today, and how do we explain differences between surviving customary tenure practices in the two countries? The research was based on in-depth interviews. A key difference between the two countries was found to lie in the type and degree of security available over the years to Maori and Shona/Ndebele. Roots of security were found in the substance of the founding treaties and concessions, and thereafter in a variety of other factors including the help (or lack of it) offered by the law in redressing grievances, the level of intermarriage between settler and autochthon, the differing security of land rights offered in urban centres in the respective countries, demographic factors and the availability of state benefits. This research finds that greater security was offered to Maori than to Shona and Ndebele, and that this has reduced the centrality of customary practices with regard to land. The research found that, in Zimbabwe, tenure security in the CAs is still underwritten by communities and that significant investment is still made in both living and dead members of those communities. Another finding is that land custom has adapted dynamically to meet new challenges, such as urban land and CA land sales. In New Zealand, investment in groups that jointly hold rights in MFL has, to some extent been eclipsed by the payment of rates and the availability of services (e.g. state-maintained boundary records and law enforcement mechanisms) and of benefits (e.g. superannuation, disability and unemployment). Land and community are not as closely linked to survival as they were in the past and, for many, they have come to hold largely symbolic value and less practical significance. Overall, it is the pursuit of security and �belonging� that have been the greatest influences on customary land tenure practices in the long term.
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Samson, J. O. (James Oliver), and n/a. "Cultures of collecting: Maori curio collecting in Murihiku, 1865-1975." University of Otago. Department of Anthropology, 2003. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20070504.115610.

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The ambivalence of many prehistorians toward curio collections has meant that, although they recognise some of their shortcomings, they nevertheless use collections as if they had qualities of archaeological assemblages. In this dissertation it is posited and then demonstrated that curio collections are very different entities to archaeological assemblages. In order to use collections in valid constructions of New Zealand�s pre-European past, the processes that led to their formation need to be understood. It is only then that issues of representation can be addressed. In order to better understand the collecting process, a study of the activity of 24 curio collectors who operated in the Murihiku region of southern New Zealand during the period between 1865 and 1975 was undertaken. The study was structured about two key notions: the idea of the �filter� and the idea that tools and ornaments have a �life history� that extends from the time that raw material was selected for the manufacture to the present. The notion of the filter made possible a determination of the effects of particular behaviours on patterns of collector selectivity and the extent and nature of provenance recording; and the extended concept of life history recognised that material culture functions in multiple cultural and chronological contexts-within both indigenous and post-contact spheres. Examination of the collecting process led to the identification of five curio collecting paradigms: curio collecting for the acquisition of social status, curio collecting for financial return, curio collecting as an adjunct to natural history collecting, curio collecting as an adjunct to historical recording, and ethnological or culture-area curio collecting. Filtering processes associated with each paradigm resulted in particular, but not always distinctive, patterns of curio selectivity and styles of provenance recording. A switch in the focus of attention from examination of curio collectng processes generally to the study of the filtering processes that shaped collections from a specific archaeological site-the pre-European Otago Peninsula site of Little Papanui (J44/1)- enabled some evaluation of individuual collection representation. A database recording up to 19 attributes for each of 6282 curios localised to �Little Papanui� in Otago Museum enabled 31 dedicated or �ardent� collectors who operated at the site to be identified. These 31 dedicated collectors were grouped according to the paradigm that best described their collecting behaviour. It was found that the greater proportion of these dedicated collectors (n=12, 39%) had been influenced by the ethnological or culture-area collecting paradigm. These 12 collectors were responsible for recovering a remarkable 5645 curios or nearly ninety-percent (89.86%) of the meta-collection. Because curio collections lack meaningfully recorded stratigraphic provenance, it is the technological and social context in which tools and ornaments functioned that must become the focus of curio collection studies. Appropriate studies of technological and social and context focus upon evaluations of raw material sourcing, evaluations of manufacture technique and assessments of tool and ornament use and reuse (and integrative combinations of these modes of study). These sorts of evaluation require large collections compiled in the least selective manner possible and the collections need to be reliably localised to specific sites. Collections compiled by the ethnological or culture-area collectors have these qualities. Collections compiled within other paradigms lack locality information and were assembled in highly selective manners.
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15

An, Wen-Lin. "Role of P70 S6 kinase in the formation of tau pathologies in Alzheimer's disease /." Stockholm, 2005. http://diss.kib.ki.se/2005/91-628-6514-5/.

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16

Wylie, Joanna Kate, and n/a. "Negotiating the landscape : a comparative investigation of wayfinding, mapmaking and territoriality in selected hunter-gatherer societies." University of Otago. Department of Anthropology, 2004. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20070501.145510.

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As human beings we are continually interacting with the landscape, and have been doing so throughout the entire course of our evolution. This thesis specifically investigates the way in which hunter-gatherers negotiate and interact with their landscapes, focusing on three patterns of behaviour: wayfinding, mapmaking and territoriality. An examination of the relevant international literature reveals that globally, hunter-gatherer groups both past and present share a number of similarities with regard to their wayfinding and mapmaking techniques, territorial behaviour. A case study of Maori interaction with the landscape of prehistoric and protohistoric Te Wai Pounamu [the South Island] provides further support for the central argument that hunter-gatherers collectively negotiate and interact with the landscape in distinctive ways. This is contrasted with the interaction of European explorers and travellers with the 19th century landscape of Te Wai Pounamu in Chapter 5. It is determined that hunter-gatherers use detailed cognitive or 'mental' maps to navigate their way through a range of landscape from dense forests to barren plains. These maps often consist of sequences of place names that represent trails. These cognitive maps are most commonly developed through direct interaction with the landscape, but can also be formed vicariously through ephemeral maps drawn with the purpose of communicating geographical knowledge. Prior to European contact, little importance seems to have been given to artefactual or 'permanent' maps within hunter-gatherer societies as the process of mapmaking was generally regarded as more significant than the actual product. Although the literature on hunter-gatherer territoriality is complex and in some cases conflicting, it is contended that among a number of hunter-gatherer groups, including prehistoric and protohistoric Maori in Te Wai Pounamu, interaction and negotiation with the landscape was/is not restricted to exclusive territories marked by rigidly defined boundaries. Among these groups, a specific method of territoriality known as 'social boundry defence' was/is employed. This involves controlling access to the social group inhabiting an area rather than access to the area itself, as with groups utilising the territorial method of 'perimeter defence'.
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17

Strack, Michael S., and n/a. "Rebel rivers : an investigation into the river rights of indigenous people of Canada and New Zealand." University of Otago. School of Surveying, 2008. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20081217.163025.

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In Canada and New Zealand there are increasing calls for recognition of aboriginal rights which previously were ignored or denied because of the application of English law to concepts of property rights and ownership. English legal principles are vitally important in Canadian and New Zealand society, but there has always been room for local adaptations which could have recognised the existing practices and rights of the indigenous peoples. The English law makes various assumptions about ownership of rivers, dividing them into bed, banks and water, and applying various tests of adjoining occupation, tidalness and navigability to determine rights. Aboriginal property rights have been guaranteed and protected by various mechanisms such as government policy, treaty, and the courts, but there is uncertainty about the status of rivers. The form of the survey definition of reserves and rivers is also fundamental to how property rights may be determined. This thesis examines the situation of rivers in Canada and New Zealand through common law, treaty provisions and through what is now, a developing body of applicable and recognised customary/Aboriginal law. From these three legal foundations, a case study approach focuses on the practical situation of the Siksika people on the Bow River in southern Alberta, and the Kai Tahu on the Taieri River in Otago. This investigation concludes that there are various legal mechanisms by which indigenous people may claim rights to the rivers with which they have a relationship; by resorting to English common law principles; by applying new and developing conceptualisations of customary and aboriginal rights doctrines; by appealing to tribunals examining treaty agreements; or by direct negotiation with the Crown. All of these processes require evidence of past and current relationships, use and occupation of rivers by the indigenous claimants. Current undisputed possession and control may be a satisfactory outcome, but ultimately an acknowledgement of ownership may depend on politically negotiated settlements.
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18

Kadavath, Harindranath [Verfasser], Markus [Akademischer Betreuer] Zweckstetter, Marina [Akademischer Betreuer] Bennati, Henning [Akademischer Betreuer] Urlaub, Kai [Akademischer Betreuer] Tittmann, and Adam [Akademischer Betreuer] Lange. "NMR Spectroscopy of the Tau-Microtubule Interaction / Harindranath Kadavath. Betreuer: Markus Zweckstetter. Gutachter: Markus Zweckstetter ; Marina Bennati ; Henning Urlaub ; Kai Tittmann ; Adam Lange." Göttingen : Niedersächsische Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek Göttingen, 2015. http://d-nb.info/1080030395/34.

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19

Ban, David Verfasser], Christian [Akademischer Betreuer] [Griesinger, Bert de [Akademischer Betreuer] Groot, and Kai [Akademischer Betreuer] Tittmann. "Accessing the kinetics of the supra-tau-c range via relaxation dispersion NMR spectroscopy / David Ban. Gutachter: Bert de Groot ; Kai Tittmann. Betreuer: Christian Griesinger." Göttingen : Niedersächsische Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek Göttingen, 2013. http://d-nb.info/1044768762/34.

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20

Akoury, Elias [Verfasser], Markus [Akademischer Betreuer] Zweckstetter, Marina [Akademischer Betreuer] Bennati, Tiago Fleming [Akademischer Betreuer] Outeiro, Kai [Akademischer Betreuer] Tittmann, Lars Thorsten [Akademischer Betreuer] Kuhn, and Adam [Akademischer Betreuer] Lange. "Molecular Mechanisms of Tau Protein Aggregation Inhibition / Elias Akoury. Gutachter: Markus Zweckstetter ; Marina Bennati ; Tiago Fleming Outeiro ; Kai Tittmann ; Lars Thorsten Kuhn ; Adam Lange. Betreuer: Markus Zweckstetter." Göttingen : Niedersächsische Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek Göttingen, 2013. http://d-nb.info/1044870931/34.

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21

Dong, Guogang. "Cellular Function and Localization of Circadian Clock Proteins in Cyanobacteria." Thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1969.1/ETD-TAMU-2008-12-197.

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The cyanobacterium Synechococcus elongatus builds a circadian clock on an oscillator comprised of three proteins, KaiA, KaiB, and KaiC, which can recapitulate a circadian rhythm of KaiC phosphorylation in vitro. The molecular structures of all three proteins are known, and the phosphorylation steps of KaiC, the interaction dynamics among the three Kai proteins, and a weak ATPase activity of KaiC have all been characterized. A mutant of a clock gene in the input pathway, cikA, has a cell division defect, and the circadian clock inhibits the cell cycle for a short period of time during each cycle. However, the interaction between the circadian cycle and the cell cycle and the molecular mechanisms underlying it have been poorly understood. In addition, the subcellular localization of clock proteins and possible localization dynamics, which are critical in the timing circuit of eukaryotic clock systems and might also shed light on the interaction between circadian cycle and cell cycle, have remained largely unknown. A combination of genetics, cell biology, and microscopy techniques has been employed to investigate both questions. This work showed that the cell division defect of a cikA mutant is a function of the circadian clock. High ATPase activity of KaiC coincides with the inhibition of cytokinesis by the circadian clock. CikA likely represses KaiC's ATPase activity through an unknown protein, which in cikA's absence stimulates both the ATPase and autokinase activities independently of KaiA or KaiB. SasA-RpaA acts as an output in the control of cell division, and the localization of FtsZ is the target, although it still remains to be seen how RpaA, directly or indirectly, inhibits FtsZ localization. The project also showed that clock proteins are localized to the cell poles. KaiC is targeted to the cell pole in a phosphorylation-dependent manner. KaiB and CikA are also found at the poles independently of KaiC. KaiA likely only localizes to the cell pole during the dephosphorylation phase, which is dependent on both KaiB and KaiC, specifically on the phosphorylation of KaiC at S431. Overall, significant progress was made in both areas and this project sheds light on how the circadian oscillator operates in cyanobacterial cells and interacts with another fundamental cellular function.
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22

Kuo, Nai-Wei. "KaiC CII Ring Flexibility Governs the Rhythm of the Circadian Clock of Cyanobacteria." Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1969.1/ETD-TAMU-2011-05-9221.

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The circadian clock orchestrates metabolism and cell division and imposes important consequences to health and diseases, such as obesity, diabetes, and cancer. It is well established that phosphorylation-dependent circadian rhythms are the result of circadian clock protein interactions, which regulate many intercellular processes according to time of day. The phosphorylation-dependent circadian rhythm undergoes a succession of phases: Phosphorylation Phase → Transition Phase → Dephosphorylation Phase. Each phase induces the next phase. However, the mechanism of each phase and how the phosphorylation and dephosphorylation phases are prevented from interfering with each other remain elusive. In this research, we used a newly developed isotopic labeling strategy in combination with a new type of nuclear magnetic resornance (NMR) experiment to obtain the structural and dynamic information of the cyanobacterial KaiABC oscillator system. This system is uniquely suited for the mechanistic studies: mixing KaiA, KaiB KaiC, and ATP generates a self-sustained ~24 h rhythm of KaiC phosphorylation in vitro. Our data strongly suggest that the dynamic states of KaiC underpin the timing mechanism of cyanobacterial oscillator.
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23

James, Ollie. "Recrossing and Heavy-atom Tunneling in Common Organic Reactions." Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1969.1/ETD-TAMU-2011-12-10307.

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Non-statistical recrossing in ketene cycloadditions with alkenes, heavy-atom tunneling and the mechanism of the decarboxylation of Mandelylthiamin is investigated in this dissertation. A combination of experimental kinetic isotope effects and theoretical models and kinetic isotope effects is utilized for this endeavor. This dissertation also describes how the use of quasiclassical dynamic trajectories, microcanonical RRKM calculations, and canonical variational transition state theory in combination with small-curvature tunneling approximations is utilized to help advance our research methodology to better understand mechanism. In the cycloaddition of dichloroketene with cis-2-butene, significant amounts of recrossing is observed using quasiclassical dynamic trajectories. An unusual inverse 13C intramolecular KIE lead us to investigate the role that heavy atoms play in non-statistical recrossing. More importantly, this discovery has uncovered a new phenomena of entropic intermediates that not only applies to ketene cycloadditions, but can also be applicable to other "concerted" reactions such as Diels-Alder reactions. The ring-opening of cyclopropylcarbinyl radical has revealed that heavy-atom tunneling plays a major role. The intramolecular 13C kinetic isotope effects for the ring-opening of cyclopropylcarbinyl radical were unprecedentedly large and in combination with theoretical predictions and multidimensional tunneling corrections, the role of tunneling in this reaction can be better understood. The mechanism decarboxylation of mandelylthiamin has been extensively studied in the literature. However, until the use of theoretically predicted KIEs and theoretical binding motifs the rate-limiting step of this reaction has been hotly debated. In this dissertation, a discussion of how the theoretical KIEs indicate the initial C-C bond as the rate-limiting step and chelating binding motifs of pyridinium and mandelylthiamin to explain the observed catalysis is given.
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