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1

Tilley, James A. "Using Kempe Exchanges to Disentangle Kempe Chains." Mathematical Intelligencer 40, no. 1 (January 29, 2018): 50–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s00283-017-9741-y.

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2

Hutchinson, Joan, and Stan Wagon. "Kempe Revisited." American Mathematical Monthly 105, no. 2 (February 1998): 170. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2589650.

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3

Hutchinson, Joan, and Stan Wagon. "Kempe Revisited." American Mathematical Monthly 105, no. 2 (February 1998): 170–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00029890.1998.12004866.

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4

Tilley, James. "Kempe-Locking Configurations." Mathematics 6, no. 12 (December 7, 2018): 309. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/math6120309.

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The 4-color theorem was proved by showing that a minimum counterexample cannot exist. Birkhoff demonstrated that a minimum counterexample must be internally 6-connected. We show that a minimum counterexample must also satisfy a coloring property that we call Kempe-locking. The novel idea explored in this article is that the connectivity and coloring properties are incompatible. We describe a methodology for analyzing whether an arbitrary planar triangulation is Kempe-locked. We provide a heuristic argument that a fundamental Kempe-locking configuration must be of low order and then perform a systematic search through isomorphism classes for such configurations. All Kempe-locked triangulations that we discovered have two features in common: (1) they are Kempe-locked with respect to only a single edge, say x y , and (2) they have a Birkhoff diamond with endpoints x and y as a subgraph. On the strength of our investigations, we formulate a plausible conjecture that the Birkhoff diamond is the only fundamental Kempe-locking configuration. If true, this would establish that the connectivity and coloring properties of a minimum counterexample are indeed incompatible. It would also imply the appealing conclusion that the Birkhoff diamond configuration alone is responsible for the 4-colorability of planar triangulations.
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5

A. Doxiadis, Spyros. "Kempe memorial lecture." Child Abuse & Neglect 13, no. 1 (January 1989): 11–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0145-2134(89)90024-0.

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6

Wiedemann, H. R. "C. Henry Kempe." European Journal of Pediatrics 151, no. 9 (September 1992): 637. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf01957563.

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7

Rosenthal, Judith. "Margery Kempe and Medieval Anti-Judaic Ideology." Medieval Encounters 5, no. 3 (1999): 409–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006799x00178.

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AbstractAlthough Margery Kempe (1373-1440) probably never had regular contact with a Jewish person, she depicts the Jews as symbols of evil in her autobiographical Book. Despite the rebellious nature Kempe displays to patriarchal authorities in the church by refusing to behave as a nun, to wear black, or to remain in a cloister, she is entirely orthodox in portraying the Jews as Christkillers in her vision of the Crucifixion. This anti-Judaic ideology appears in the Gospels and in official doctrine, beginning with Augustine, continuing with Pope Gregory I the Great, and worsening with Aquinas and the Franciscan and Dominican friars in the lourteenth century. Medieval drama, especially the N-Town Passion Play (which Kempe may have seen) provides a striking analogue tor Kempe's vision at Calvary. Kempe, extraordinary in some ways, is entirely conventional in her dratnatiration of the Jewish soldiers as dcicides.
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8

Ferrier, Pierre E. "C. Henry Kempe remembered." Child Abuse & Neglect 9, no. 2 (January 1985): 133–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0145-2134(85)90001-8.

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9

Howes, Graham. "Adrian Barlow, Kempe: The Life, Art and Legacy of Charles Eamer Kempe." Theology 122, no. 4 (June 25, 2019): 306–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040571x19843769j.

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10

HELFER, RAY E. "Where to Now, Henry? A Commentary on The Battered Child Syndrome." Pediatrics 76, no. 6 (December 1, 1985): 993–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1542/peds.76.6.993.

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On March 30, 1984, I was given the privilege of delivering the introductory speech at the first American Medical Association (AMA) meeting exclusively for child abuse and neglect. Although one might wonder why 22 years lapsed between the Journal of the American Medical Association (JAMA) publication of the milestone article by Henry Kempe1 and the first meeting, the fact remains that the AMA is now paying attention to the needs of abused children and their families. My talk at this conference came just 3 weeks after the death of Henry Kempe, some 20 years almost to the date when he asked if I would like to be involved with his study of the battered child syndrome.
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11

Santos, Spenser. "The Book of Margery Kempe." Medieval Feminist Forum 52, no. 2 (May 26, 2017): 180–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.17077/1536-8742.2081.

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12

Swanson, Robert N. "Margery Kempe, viatrix." Cuadernos de Estudios Gallegos 65, no. 131 (August 24, 2018): 237. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/ceg.2018.131.08.

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Margery Kempe peregrinó desde Inglaterra a Compostela en 1417, una visita de la que dejó constancia en su cuasi-autobiográfico Libro. Este artículo analiza y contextualiza esa travesía como una parte de una vida y un texto marcados por peregrinajes similares. Además, integra la peregrinación en su vida como viatrix, comprometida con un viaje espiritual no hacia santuarios terrenales, sino a la salvación celestial. [gl] Margery Kempe peregrinou desde Inglaterra a Compostela en 1417, unha visita da que quedou constancia no seu case-autobiográfico Libro. Este artigo analiza e contextualiza esa travesía coma unha parte dunha vida e un texto marcados por peregrinacións semellantes. Ademais, integra a peregrinación na súa vida coma viatrix, comprometida cunha viaxe espiritual non cara a santuarios terreais, senón á salvación celestial.
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13

Windeatt, B. "Margery Kempe and her World." English Historical Review CXXII, no. 495 (February 1, 2007): 176–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cel392.

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14

Lucas, Elona K. "The Enigmatic, Threatening Margery Kempe." Downside Review 105, no. 361 (October 1987): 294–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001258068710536104.

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15

Steele, Brabdt F. "C. Henry Kempe memorial lecture." Child Abuse & Neglect 11, no. 3 (January 1987): 313–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0145-2134(87)90004-4.

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16

S.C. Power. "Elementary proofs of Kempe universality." Mathematical Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy 117A, no. 1 (2017): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3318/pria.2017.117.04.

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17

Call, Jennifer. "The Song of Margery Kempe." Christianity & Literature 50, no. 3 (June 2001): 439. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/014833310105000312.

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18

McLemore, Emily. "Margery Kempe: A Mixed Life." History: Reviews of New Books 51, no. 3 (May 4, 2023): 55–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2023.2214010.

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19

Vos, Stacie. "Margery Kempe: A Mixed Life." Journal of Medieval Religious Cultures 49, no. 1 (January 2023): 132–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jmedirelicult.49.1.0132.

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20

Fonzo, Kimberly. "The Artless Devil in The Book of Margery Kempe." Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies 54, no. 2 (May 1, 2024): 245–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10829636-11130344.

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This article argues that the devil's appearance in chapter 59 of The Book of Margery Kempe is a creative adaptation of Legenda aurea hagiographies in which a devil takes on the guise of a woman to seduce male saints. Like a male saint, Kempe is tempted with a sexual spectacle, but like a female saint, she is threatened with rape. This portrays the devil as an ineffectual tempter. In this way, the Book emulates episodes in the vitae of St. Bridget of Sweden and Marie d'Oignes in which the holy women outwit demonic trickery. By portraying the devil as an artless seducer, chapter 59 supplements methods of self-discernment outlined by Julian of Norwich in chapter 18 of the Book. This is because Julian's previous advice that Kempe will be able to tell God's visions from the devil's fails to reassure her as God shows her visions of damnation.
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21

Barral Rivadulla, María Dolores. "A Coruña en el siglo de Margery Kempe." Cuadernos de Estudios Gallegos 65, no. 131 (August 24, 2018): 205. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/ceg.2018.131.07.

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El siglo XV es el momento más cosmopolita de la villa de A Coruña, puerto de arribada de buques con mercancías y peregrinos de diversas nacionalidades, la ciudad que pudo contemplar Margery Kempe en 1417, en el caso de haber arribado a Coruña antes de partir a Compostela, era una población “antigua” que durante ese siglo asistiría a su mayor desarrollo urbano y a uno de los de los momentos más importantes de su crecimiento económico. Es por tanto una licencia literaria aludir en el título del trabajo al “siglo de Margery Kempe” pero se ha tomado conscientemente con la intención de subrayar el sexto centenario de esta peregrinación que tan limitadas noticias ha dejado. [gl] O século XV é o momento máis cosmopolita da vila da Coruña, porto de arribada de buques con mercadorías e peregrinos de diversas nacionalidades, a cidade que puido contemplar Margery Kempe en 1417, no caso de arribar a Coruña antes de partir a Compostela, era unha poboación “antiga” que durante ese século asistiría ao seu maior desenvolvemento urbano e a un dos dos momentos máis importantes do seu crecemento económico. É por tanto unha licenza literaria aludir no título do traballo ao “século de Margery Kempe” pero tomouse conscientemente coa intención de subliñar o sexto centenario desta peregrinación que tan limitadas noticias deixou.
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22

McAvoy, Liz Herbert. "Motherhood: The Book of Margery Kempe." Medieval Feminist Newsletter 24 (September 1997): 23–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.17077/1054-1004.1361.

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23

Partner, Nancy F. "Reading The Book of Margery Kempe." Exemplaria 3, no. 1 (January 1991): 27–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/exm.1991.3.1.27.

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24

Owen, John, and Stephen Power. "Continuous curves from infinite Kempe linkages." Bulletin of the London Mathematical Society 41, no. 6 (November 1, 2009): 1105–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1112/blms/bdp087.

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25

Powell, Raymond A. "Margery Kempe and Her World (review)." Catholic Historical Review 92, no. 2 (2006): 305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cat.2006.0146.

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26

William B. Ober. "Margery Kempe: Hysteria and Mysticism Reconciled." Literature and Medicine 4, no. 1 (1985): 24–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/lm.2011.0013.

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27

Bonamy, Marthe, Marc Heinrich, Takehiro Ito, Yusuke Kobayashi, Haruka Mizuta, Moritz Mühlenthaler, Akira Suzuki, and Kunihiro Wasa. "Diameter of colorings under Kempe changes." Theoretical Computer Science 838 (October 2020): 45–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.tcs.2020.05.033.

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28

Fuhrmann, Daniela. "Margery Kempe: Zum Potenzial einer Verspäteten." Deutsche Vierteljahrsschrift für Literaturwissenschaft und Geistesgeschichte 93, no. 4 (November 7, 2019): 417–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s41245-019-00087-x.

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29

Klafter, Einat. "Encountering The Book of Margery Kempe." Journal of Medieval Religious Cultures 49, no. 2 (July 2023): 260–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jmedirelicult.49.2.0260.

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30

Cranston, Daniel W., and Carl Feghali. "Kempe classes and almost bipartite graphs." Discrete Applied Mathematics 357 (November 2024): 94–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.dam.2024.05.043.

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31

McCray, Donyelle C. "On Shrieking the Truth: Mary and Proclamatory Wailing." Interpretation: A Journal of Bible and Theology 75, no. 2 (February 28, 2021): 102–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020964320982726.

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Drawing on examples of the Virgin Mary, Margery Kempe, and Mothers of the Movement, this article explores wailing as a form of prophetic speech. According to Christian tradition, the Virgin Mary wailed at the crucifixion, and her cries constituted a substantive message of judgment and lament. Many in the medieval church considered her a preeminent preacher. Margery Kempe, a medieval pilgrim preacher, and the Mothers of the Movement, African American activist-mourners, also herald a divine message through wailing. In illuminating this form of bearing witness, this essay considers the sonic dimensions of the gospel, the authority of the preacher, and the nature of divine revelation.
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32

Stavsky, Jonathan. "“For-soþe I had leuar se ȝow be slayn”: Margery Kempe and the Biblical Susanna." Hiperboreea 47, no. 2 (July 1, 2021): 166–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jmedirelicult.47.2.166.

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Abstract This article documents several unrecorded allusions to Susanna and the Elders (Dan. 13) in The Book of Margery Kempe, analyzes their function, and compares them with similar undetected echoes of the story in the Vita Offae Primi, attributed to Matthew Paris, John Whethamstede’s Registrum, Chaucer’s Franklin’s Tale, Hoccleve’s Series, the fabliau “Auberee,” and the chantefable Aucassin et Nicolette. Whereas some passages in the Book implicitly liken Kempe to Susanna, others contrast them. Yet the irony that emerges from the latter, for which her second scribe and confessor is probably responsible, does not turn her into a caricature of failed biblical virtue. On the contrary, it humanizes her and provides a glimpse of their intricate relationship.
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33

Wennerlind, Carl. "The Magnificent Spruce." History of Political Economy 53, no. 3 (June 1, 2021): 425–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182702-8993302.

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After its success in the Thirty Years’ War, Sweden harbored ambitions to establish an empire. To sustain its efforts, statesmen realized the need to generate more domestic wealth. The ensuing debates gave rise to an improvement discourse, centered on the harnessing of Sweden’s abundant natural resources. While most improvement writers were patronized by the state and offered state-centered analyses, the protagonist of this essay, Anders Kempe (1622–1689), was a staunch critic of Sweden’s warmongering state. In his mind, the state had become an obstacle to true human flourishing, which recent scientific development had put within humanity’s grasp. Free from wars, predatory taxation, and miseducation, the Swedish people would be in a position to create a society of abundance and righteousness. Kempe’s main recipe for progress was to use recent advancements in natural philosophy to transform nature into useable wealth. In his most famous publication, The Anatomized Spruce (1675), Kempe elaborated on the economic and medicinal benefits that a proper understanding of the spruce tree, its bark, branches, sap, roots, and needles might yield. In sharing the focus on the transformation of nature with other Swedish Cameralist writers, but wholeheartedly rejecting the state, Kempe can be categorized as an anarcho-Cameralist.
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34

Hughes, Jonathan. "The Book of Margery Kempe (Annotated Edition)." English Historical Review CXXI, no. 490 (February 1, 2006): 285–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cej058.

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35

BITTERLING, KLAUS. "MARGERY KEMPE, AN ENGLISH ‘STERTE’ IN GERMANY." Notes and Queries 43, no. 1 (March 1, 1996): 21–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/nq/43-1-21.

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36

BITTERLING, KLAUS. "MARGERY KEMPE, AN ENGLISH ‘STERTE’ IN GERMANY." Notes and Queries 43, no. 1 (1996): 21–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/nq/43.1.21.

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37

Bross, Donald C. "The man who followed C. Henry Kempe." Child Abuse & Neglect 26, no. 6-7 (June 2002): 555–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0145-2134(02)00331-9.

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38

Korfmacher, Jon. "The Kempe family stress inventory: a review." Child Abuse & Neglect 24, no. 1 (January 2000): 129–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0145-2134(99)00115-5.

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39

Smith, Ann Kennedy. "The Fall of the House of Kempe." Journal of Victorian Culture 24, no. 4 (July 30, 2019): 553–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jvcult/vcz007.

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40

Craun, Marlys. "Personal Accounts: The Story of Margery Kempe." Psychiatric Services 56, no. 6 (June 2005): 655–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1176/appi.ps.56.6.655.

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41

Kempe, Allison. "C. Henry Kempe, MD: One Man's Legacy." Advances in Pediatrics 52 (January 2005): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.yapd.2005.04.002.

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42

Mallik, A. K. "Sir alfred bray kempe — An amateur kinematician." Resonance 16, no. 3 (March 2011): 204–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12045-011-0027-y.

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43

Stork, Nancy P. "Did Margery Kempe Suffer from Tourette's Syndrome?" Mediaeval Studies 59 (January 1997): 261–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.ms.2.306447.

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44

Howes, Laura L. "Romancing the City: Margery Kempe in Rome." Studies in Philology 111, no. 4 (2014): 680–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sip.2014.0030.

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45

Feghali, Carl, Matthew Johnson, and Daniël Paulusma. "Kempe Equivalence of Colourings of Cubic Graphs." Electronic Notes in Discrete Mathematics 49 (November 2015): 243–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.endm.2015.06.034.

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46

Feghali, Carl, Matthew Johnson, and Daniël Paulusma. "Kempe equivalence of colourings of cubic graphs." European Journal of Combinatorics 59 (January 2017): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ejc.2016.06.008.

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47

Lazarovich, Nir, and Arie Levit. "Edge Kempe equivalence of regular graph covers." Journal of Graph Theory 93, no. 4 (September 30, 2019): 553–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/jgt.22500.

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48

Carnes, Natalie. "‘That Cross's Children, Which Our Crosses Are’:Imitatio Christi, Imitatio Crucis." Scottish Journal of Theology 69, no. 1 (January 25, 2016): 63–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930615000782.

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AbstractHow does one rightly name and discernimitatio Christi, imitatio crucis, and the relation between them? In one provocative attempt to answer this question, John Howard Yoder identifies Christ-imaging in vulnerable enemy love and rejects all other criteria. This essay reads the iconoclasm of Yoder's approach through poetry of the cross by William Mure and John Donne. It then proceeds to repair Yoder's Mure-like posture with Donne, as well as the writings of Margaret Ebner and Margery Kempe. These texts destabilise the dichotomies that sustain Yoder's iconoclasm and illustrate the inadequacy of a single criterion forimitatio Christi.Yet Kempe and Ebner's texts are also infected with violence such that they, too, need repair. Vulnerable enemy love thus returns as a negative condition for Christ-imaging, and Yoder's strong iconoclasm is moderated to a weaker iconoclasm that breaks images purporting to be Christ-like but are, in fact, violent.
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49

Bryan VanGinhoven. "Margery Kempe and the Legal Status of Defamation." Journal of Medieval Religious Cultures 40, no. 1 (2014): 20. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jmedirelicult.40.1.0020.

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50

III, Elwood E. Mather, and Verena E. Neuberger. "Margery Kempe: A Study in Early English Feminism." Sixteenth Century Journal 27, no. 3 (1996): 870. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2544069.

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