Journal articles: 'Karabakh conflict'

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Patlewicz, Barbara. "Oblicza ormiańsko-azerbejdżańskiego konfliktu o Górski Karabach." Sprawy Narodowościowe, no. 39 (February 15, 2022): 145–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sn.2011.026.

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Faces of the Armenia-Azerbaijan Conflict in Nagorno-KarabakhThe territory of Nagorno-Karabakh had become the matter of Armenian-Azerbaijani disputes long before the establishment of the Soviet power in the Caucasus. Armenian colonization of Muslim territories intensified after each conflict which the Russian Empire was involved in, especially after the Crimean War and the Russo-Turkish War of 1876–1878. Following the conflicts which took place between 1905–1907 and 1918–1920, Karabakh became part of the Armenian national myth. The establishment of the Soviet power in November 1920 resulted in the recognition of Karabakh as part of Armenia, but the decision was reversed the following year and the region was transferred to Azerbaijan. The claim that during the times of the Soviet Union the conflict did not exist can only refer to the military state of affairs. The beginning of its current phase occurred in 1987. The Armenian Supreme Council’s decision of 10 January 1990 to cover Nagorno-Karabakh in the republican budget and grant its citizens the right to vote in Armenian general elections was another step leading to the escalation of the conflict. The authorities in Baku insist that it can only be solved according to the principle of territorial integrity, which means that the solution must assume that Nagorno-Karabakh is part of Azerbaijan. On the other hand, the Armenians invoke the right to self-determination, which, according to them, makes Karabakh’s declaration of independence legitimate. The dispute is still one of the key problems destabilizing the situation in the South Caucasus.

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Shirvanova, Terane. "The Legal Aspects of Nagorno Karabakh Conflict During the Azerbaijan Peoples’ Republic Period." European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 2, no. 4 (December 1, 2016): 92. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejis.v2i4.p92-96.

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The ongoing Nagorno Karabakh conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan results from two principles of international law: the main sides of conflict, Armenia and Azerbaijan, defending their position claim the self determination right of people and territorial integrity with inviolability of state borders. The main obstacle on the ongoing “no war, no peace” condition of negotiation process is that mutual agreed statement on these principles is not possible. [1, 33] Firstly, in order to look the legal aspects of Nagorno Karabakh conflict, there is a need to analyze the political and legal processes that created the problem around Nagorno Karabakh’s legal status. Therefore the ADR period (May 1918- April 1920) is important: because those years involve the beginning of the contemporary ethnic conflict and the formation of the current legal-political position of conflict sides. On other words, analyzing the process of legal status of NK conflict during the ADR period from the frame of sides’ claims and arguments is very important on the research of the legal aspects of Nagorno Karabakh conflict.

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Shirvanova, Terane. "The Legal Aspects of Nagorno Karabakh Conflict During the Azerbaijan Peoples’ Republic Period." European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 6, no. 1 (December 1, 2016): 92. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejis.v6i1.p92-96.

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The ongoing Nagorno Karabakh conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan results from two principles of international law: the main sides of conflict, Armenia and Azerbaijan, defending their position claim the self determination right of people and territorial integrity with inviolability of state borders. The main obstacle on the ongoing “no war, no peace” condition of negotiation process is that mutual agreed statement on these principles is not possible. [1, 33] Firstly, in order to look the legal aspects of Nagorno Karabakh conflict, there is a need to analyze the political and legal processes that created the problem around Nagorno Karabakh’s legal status. Therefore the ADR period (May 1918- April 1920) is important: because those years involve the beginning of the contemporary ethnic conflict and the formation of the current legal-political position of conflict sides. On other words, analyzing the process of legal status of NK conflict during the ADR period from the frame of sides’ claims and arguments is very important on the research of the legal aspects of Nagorno Karabakh conflict.

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Kolarz, Stefania. "Zastosowanie metod pokojowego rozstrzygania sporów w konflikcie o Górski Karabach." Studenckie Prace Prawnicze, Administratywistyczne i Ekonomiczne 20 (September 20, 2017): 193–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/1733-5779.20.13.

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Application of peaceful means of international disputes resolution in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflictOver twenty years ago the Armenians inhabiting one of Azerbaijani provinces declared constitution of a new state — the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic. Hence, the conflict over legal status of this region begun; formally the terrain belongs to Azerbaijan, but it remains under Armenian control. The international community multiplied attempts of mediation and created a Group of Minsk under auspices of OSCE especially for the purpose of resolution of the karabakhi dispute. However, any settlement wasn’t reached so far. Therefore, one may ask whether this conflict may be solved using diplomatic means of international disputes resolution?

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Smolnik, Franziska. "Political rule and violent conflict: Elections as ‘institutional mutation’ in Nagorno-Karabakh." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 45, no. 1-2 (March 2012): 153–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2012.03.002.

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The article analyzes political rule in an entity affected by violent conflict. Aiming at contributing to the study of the South Caucasus ‘de-facto states’, it is argued that so far insufficient attention has been paid to the influence the persistent violent conflicts have had on political processes inside these entities. To substantiate the argument three elections in the de-facto state of Nagorno-Karabakh are scrutinized. The analysis reveals that contrary to prevalent classifications the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict is not frozen, but that indeed the persistent violent conflict constitutes a significant factor that helps us account for the specific character of political rule in Nagorno-Karabakh.

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Dewantara, Andhika, and Muhammad Yamin. "Analisis Peran Rusia sebagai Mediator dalam Penyelesaian Konflik Nagorno Karabakh Periode 2008-2016." Insignia: Journal of International Relations 6, no. 1 (May 9, 2019): 64. http://dx.doi.org/10.20884/1.ins.2019.6.1.1479.

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The Nagorno Karabakh conflict is a conflict over territorial disputes that is synonymous with inter-Azerbaijan strife that adheres to the principle of integrating its territory in Nagorno Karabakh and Armenia which support the Nagorno Karabakh region and ethnic Armenians who are in it for independence from Azerbaijan. The dynamics of the Nagorno Karabakh conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia continue to unfold, and there has never been a sustainable peace agreement between the two parties in dispute since the peace agreement Bishkek (Bishkek Protocol) 1994. Along with the dynamics of the battle, Russia has a very active role in the mediation and peace-building process between the two parties in conflict. Russia's position as mediator is carried out within the official framework of the OSCE Minsk Group and in the personal initiation of the state in the medium of the trilateral meeting. This research will describe the dynamics of the Nagorno Karabakh conflict in the period 2008-2016 along with efforts to resolve disputes under the Russian role. Keywords : Nagorno Karabakh Conflict, Russia, Mediation, and Contigency Model

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Aplak, Hakan Soner, and Gokhan Sari. "Modeling Azerbaijan’s action process concerning Nagorno-Karabakh and the occupied territories." Global Journal of Sociology: Current Issues 7, no. 2 (September 10, 2017): 127–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.18844/gjs.v7i2.2398.

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AbstractThe Nagorno-Karabakh conflict was caused by the warring sides’ claims of land possession or their struggle to maintain possession of their land. Despite the historical reasons for the conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia, the primary factor for Karabakh's occupation by Armenia was the collapse of the Soviet Union. A limited ceasefire was achieved in 1994; however, lasting peace could not be sustained. During the tentative ceasefire, rising tensions at the Azerbaijan-Armenian border bring the countries back to the brink of war. Lack of a permanent solution to the conflict via diplomatic means has resulted in an increase in tensions since 2014. This study aimed to provide a systematic analysis of Azerbaijan’s perspective concerning the conflict, in terms of the political, economic, geographic, and military factors, as well as the other elements of national power. Using decisional analysis techniques of the factors mentioned above, the action process of Azerbaijan is modelled. Keywords: Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, influence diagram, decision analysis.

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Ayunts, Artak, Mikayel Zolyan, and Tigran Zakaryan. "Nagorny Karabakh conflict: Prospects for conflict transformation." Nationalities Papers 44, no. 4 (July 2016): 543–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2016.1157158.

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The article explores the current stalemate in the Nagorny Karabakh conflict, and perspectives for conflict transformation. As the conflict has remained dormant for more than 20 years, the political systems of the countries engaged in the conflict have adjusted to the conflict situation. The conflict is often used by the political elites in order to legitimize their power, consolidate support, marginalize opponents, and neutralize democratizing pressures. Since the status quo serves the interests of the authorities, the ruling regimes do not have strong incentives to seek conflict resolution. In these conditions, conflict transformation approaches are considered a necessary means to deal with the conflict. Given that political elites have little incentive to implement such transformation, civil society actors come increasingly to the fore. Only through multitrack initiatives supported by civil society actors, we argue, can conflict transformation practices advance and subsequently bring peace to the region.

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Saikh, Abu Rushd Mohammad. "The Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict: An Apparatus for Russia‘s National Interest Maximization." International Journal of Research and Innovation in Social Science 06, no. 03 (2022): 453–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.47772/ijriss.2022.6321.

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The Nagorno-Karabakh conflict constitutes an ideal case study for addressing the difficulty of national interest in foreign policy formulation. Nagorno-Karabakh occupied by Armenia is recognized by the international community as a part of Azerbaijan. Unresolved for a few years, the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict has verified a true Gordian knot. This article examines the role of external actors, specifically role of Russia in this conflict. Russia is widely thought of to be the foremost relevant and anxious regional power. Russia’s ambition to retain the Soviet era influence in its strategic backyards, the geopolitical importance of Nagorno-Karabakh and its relations with Armenia and Azerbaijan made itself a crucial regional actor in this conflict. Russia possesses authority to escalate and deescalate through military assistance and mediation. This article demonstrates that Russia utilizes the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict to maximize its national interest in the south Caucasian region.

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Cheterian, Vicken. "Karabakh conflict after Kosovo: no way out?" Nationalities Papers 40, no. 5 (September 2012): 703–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2012.705269.

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A series of events in 2008 influenced the Karabakh conflict resolution efforts: the Kosovo declaration of independence, the August war, and Russian recognition of independent Abkhazia and South Ossetia. Two new diplomatic initiatives to resolve the Karabakh conflict were launched immediately after the August war, one by Russia and the second by Turkey. This article discusses why the two initiatives failed, and the structural problems of Karabakh conflict resolution efforts.

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Simão, Licínia. "The problematic role of EU democracy promotion in Armenia, Azerbaijan and Nagorno-Karabakh." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 45, no. 1-2 (March 2012): 193–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2012.03.001.

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This article looks at the interdependences between the democratisation processes in Armenia, Azerbaijan and Nagorno-Karabakh and the management of the Karabakh conflict, focussing on the EU’s democracy promotion policies. The article argues that the EU’s normative foreign policy in the South Caucasus has been limited by the permanence of the protracted conflicts, in two interrelated ways. First, by not addressing the conflicts the EU focused on long-term goals but failed to provide short-term incentives towards peace. Second, by allowing only a limited involvement in the protracted conflicts, especially inside Karabakh, the EU was perceived as a reluctant partner, undermining its normative credentials.

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Bagheri, Saeed. "Self-Defense in Karabakh Conflict?" Russian Law Journal 3, no. 4 (December 16, 2015): 150–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.17589/2309-8678-2015-3-4-150-164.

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A. Ananyev. "Armenia After the Karabakh Conflict." International Affairs 67, no. 002 (April 30, 2021): 118–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.21557/iaf.67456397.

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Mortazavian, Ali, and Mohammad Ghiacy. "Regional and International Cooperation to Reduce Nagorno – Karabakh Conflict." Journal of Politics and Law 10, no. 2 (February 28, 2017): 136. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v10n2p136.

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Almost two decades since conflict broke out between the Republic of Azerbaijan and Armenia, two northern neighbors of Iran, in Nagorno – Karabakh region. Although military conflict in this region has minimized with the existing ceasefire, and reaching a sustainable agreement is likely to be happened by the two parties. Close regional and international cooperation seems necessary more than ever in order to reduce conflict in Nagorno – Karabakh region. The main objective of this study is to give a thorough presentation of the regional and international cooperation in order to reduce Nagorno – Karabakh regional issues and hazards.Hereunder is the main question raised by the researcher: “To what extent regional and international cooperation is effective in reducing Nagorno – Karabakh conflict?”The hypothesis of the present study is that the interrelated nature of security in the international system and Caucasus region causes convergence among neighboring countries to reduce conflict in Caucasus and Nagorno – Karabakh regions. Taking advantage of the analytic – descriptive method and also benefiting from reliable and authentic sources, it can be concluded that the interdependence of threat will lead to the increased mutual costs in this study. This issue will cause formation of convergence in the Caucasus region, so that it will lead to the reduced conflict and tension in Nagorno – Karabakh region.

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Gamaghelyan, Phil. "Rethinking the Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict: Identity, Politics, Scholarship." International Negotiation 15, no. 1 (2010): 33–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157180610x488173.

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AbstractThis article builds on the author’s research concerning the role of collective memory in identity-based conflicts, as well as his practical work as the co-director of the Imagine Center for Conflict Transformation and as a trainer and facilitator with various Azerbaijani-Armenian dialogue initiatives. It is not a comprehensive study of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, but presents a general overview of the Nagorno-Karabakh peace process, what has contributed to its failure, and which areas require major rethinking of conventional approaches. The discussion does not intend to present readers with a set of conclusions, but to provide suggestions for further critical research.

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Pokalova, Elena. "Conflict Resolution in Frozen Conflicts: Timing in Nagorno-Karabakh." Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies 17, no. 1 (December 20, 2014): 68–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19448953.2014.986378.

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Hopmann, P. Terrence, and I. William Zartman. "Overcoming the Nagorno-Karabakh Stalemate." International Negotiation 15, no. 1 (2010): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157180610x488155.

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AbstractSix authors of the younger generation ‐ three from Armenia and three from Azerbaijan ‐ examine the conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh in a joint effort to overcome their heritage of stereotypes and hostility. While their proposals vary, there is some creative overlap, and all of them recognize the obstacles as four standard characteristics of intractable conflicts: no salient solution, no ripeness, profitability, and no Zone of Possible Agreement (ZOPA). From these obstacles stem some ideas for creative progress, if not immediate solutions.

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CZACHOR, Rafał. "THE NAGORNO-KARABAKH CONFLICT AS A SPECIFIC EXAMPLE OF ASYMMETRIC CONFLICT." Journal of Science of the Gen. Tadeusz Kosciuszko Military Academy of Land Forces 185, no. 3 (June 1, 2017): 17–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0010.5119.

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The conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh is one of the most serious conflicts in the post-USSR area. The aim of the article is to present this conflict in the asymmetric paradigm. Features of the conflict have been characterized respectively and the conflict has been interpreted based on the analysis of the legal status of the conflict sides as well as the goals, strategies and resources the sides’ disposition. Referring to the asymmetric conflict paradigm allows for a new interpretation not only of its nature, but also of causes of the current state and the uncertainty regarding its further development.

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Krylov, A. "Karabakh: the Unfinished War." Journal of International Analytics, no. 1 (March 28, 2018): 94–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2018-0-1-94-100.

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The author of the article analyzes the present situation on the territory of the Karabakh conflict and the positions taken by the parties. These are based on a “package approach” (Armenia) and a “step by step approach” (Azerbaijan). The two approaches conflict with one another, which is the main reason why the negotiations under the OSCE Minsk Group fail. This makes the armed scenario of solving the problem likely. The author describes Russia’s policy, which seeks to prevent a new war in Karabakh by maintaining a comparable military-political balance of power. Given the situation, the main task of the OSCE Minsk Group and Russian diplomacy is to create effective mechanisms to prevent resumption of hostilities. International ceasefire monitoring will create conditions for resuming talks to achieve a comprehensive settlement of the Karabakh conflict. Otherwise, the Karabakh problem will continue cause international tension.

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Cholakhyan, Vachagan A. "International participation in the resolution of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict in 1990–2020." Izvestiya of Saratov University. New Series. Series: History. International Relations 21, no. 3 (September 24, 2021): 365–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1819-4907-2021-21-3-365-378.

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The article analyzes the mediation activities of international organizations in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict from 1992 to 2020. The positions of the OSCE, the United States, Russia, as well as Armenia, Azerbaijan and Nagorno-Karabakh regarding the plans for a peaceful settlement of the conflict are examined. The key role of the Russian Federation as a major regional factor in the reconciliation of the warring parties and the resolution of the Nagorno-Karabakh problem is considered.

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Jovic-Lazic, Ana, Sanja Jelisavac-Trosic, and Aleksandar Jazic. "In the light of bilateral relations of OSCE Minsk group member countries." Medjunarodni problemi 63, no. 4 (2011): 583–612. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1104583j.

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This paper analyses confrontation that occurred between Armenia and Azerbaijan concerning Nagorno Karabakh territory, as well as the many attempts to finally get this conflict resolved. The war between Armenia and Azerbaijan over the territory of Nagorno Karabakh ended with the ceasefire agreement under the auspices of the OSCE Minsk Group, which is empowered for final resolvment of this issue. This process has been going on for years, but a solution is yet to come. The European Union in recent years is trying to reduce dependence on Russian natural gas and orients to new suppliers, primarily in the southern Caucasus region. Western countries are interested in resolving conflicts in South Caucasus due to its economic and political interests in the region and the fact that these conflicts pose a risk to investment. The authors of the paper will bring forth the views of all stakeholders in addressing the problem of Nagorno Karabakh and analyze their interests in an attempt to predict the possible final solution to the conflict.

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Kudayarov, Kanybek. "TURKEY AND THE NAGORNO-KARABAKH CONFLICT." Vostokovedenie i Afrikanistika, no. 2 (2021): 67–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/rva/2021.02.04.

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The views of Turkish authors on the nature of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict and its consequences for the countries of the region are considered in the review. Attention is paid to the problems of strengthening the Turkish presence in the South Caucasus and the increasing number of influential regional players, capable of conducting an independent policy in the South Caucasus. The problem of a possible weakening of the Russian presence in the region and the formation of new geopolitical configurations after the return of the territories of Nagorno-Karabakh to Azerbaijan is discussed.

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Minasyan, Sergey. "The Nagorno-Karabakh conflict in the context of South Caucasus regional security issues: An Armenian perspective†." Nationalities Papers 45, no. 1 (January 2017): 131–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2016.1237938.

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For more than a quarter-century, the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict has been one of the most important factors influencing the political map of the South Caucasus. On 12 May 1994, Nagorno-Karabakh, Armenia, and Azerbaijan signed a cease-fire agreement that ended military operations in the conflict zone and has been observed until recently. Negotiations for a peaceful settlement have been underway within the framework of the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe Minsk Group co-chaired by the USA, Russia, and France since 1992, but society and the elite in Armenia, Nagorno-Karabakh, and Azerbaijan remain largely unprepared for compromise. Considering the settlement process a zero-sum game, they have generally accused one another of escalating the conflict and of a lack of willingness to restore peace. Other countries and international organizations involved in the negotiations do not share a vision of the future and frequently pursue their own interests. Accordingly, the Karabakh conflict could remain unresolved for decades more. The aim of the paper is a general assessment of the current stage and dynamic of this conflict and the impact of new trends and old obstacles on the prospects for further settlement.

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Melander, Erik. "The Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict Revisited: Was the War Inevitable?" Journal of Cold War Studies 3, no. 2 (May 2001): 48–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/152039701300373880.

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This article explains why the conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh escalated into full-scale ethnic warfare in the late 1980s and early 1990s. The article uses newly available sources to test the explanatory value of recent theories of conflict and strategic uncertainty. The evidence shows that in the summer of 1991 the Armenian separatist movement in Nagorno-Karabakh offered the Azerbaijani authorities virtual capitulation in exchange for a cessation of the offensive initiated against the region in the preceding spring. Because a more radical Armenian leadership gained the upper hand in Nagorno-Karabakh, and because the coup attempt in Moscow in August 1991 distracted Soviet leaders, the conflict soon became a full-fledged war.

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Əbülfəz qızı Əsgərova, İntizar. "Analysis of violations of human and civil rights and freedoms in the Armenian-Azerbaijani Nagorno-Karabakh conflict." SCIENTIFIC WORK 15, no. 2 (March 9, 2021): 100–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.36719/2663-4619/63/100-102.

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As a result of the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh, which began with unfounded territorial claims by Armenian nationalists, the Caucasus has become one of the hottest regions in the world. The international legal manifestations of the Armenian-Azerbaijani Nagorno-Karabakh conflict are clearly visible. Thus, the occupation of Azerbaijani lands, the living conditions of people expelled from the occupied territories, which are reflected in international agreements, freedom, property, non-torture, etc. Violation of Armenia's rights clearly shows Armenia's violation of the norms and principles of international law. The restoration of a comprehensive, just peace in the Caucasus can be achieved only on the basis of adherence to the universally recognized norms and principles of international law. Key words: Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, Armenian aggression against Azerbaijan, human rights violations, international law, international legal manifestations of the conflict

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Aliyeva-Mammadova, Gunel. "OSCE MINSK GROUP AND THE WAYS TO RESOLVE THE UPPER -KARABAKH PROBLEM." EurasianUnionScientists 6, no. 7(76) (August 20, 2020): 14–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.31618/esu.2413-9335.2020.6.76.938.

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In the 90th years XX century conditions of the new world order, after the collapse of the USSR, the formation of new independent states in the post-Soviet space, conflicts appeared (the Ossetia-Ingush conflict, the Chechen war, the Upper-Karabakh war, etc.), which negatively affected the political and economic situation of these countries. Among these conflicts, on its scale, the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict occupies a special place, is not only regional; it can turn into a world conflict at any moment and therefore is explosive.

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Jovic-Lazic, Ana. "The role of Turkey in the second Armenian-Azerbaijani armed conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh as a reflection of continuity and change in its foreign policy." Medjunarodni problemi 74, no. 1 (2022): 29–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp2201029j.

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The article examines Turkey?s role in the conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh that erupted between Azerbaijan and Armenia in September 2020. It analyses how changes and continuity in Turkey?s foreign policy have influenced the conflict?s outcome, as well as the extent to which it has been exploited to fulfil Turkey?s foreign policy objectives. Thus, unlike most research on Nagorno-Karabakh, this article focuses on the role of one external actor, and not on the conflict itself or possible hypotheses for its resolution. The article?s special focus was influenced by the fact that Turkey?s participation resulted in a change in the long-standing status quo in Nagorno-Karabakh, allowing the situation to turn dramatically in Baku?s favour. Turkey, along with Russia, has emerged as one of the most important regional players in this conflict. This is the result of Turkey?s emphasised foreign policy ambitions, which were influenced by changes in its international security environment as well as changes in the country?s domestic policy. In any case, with its role in the second conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh, Turkey has once again shown its determination to pursue its foreign, and especially regional, policy independently and in accordance with its national interests, despite being a member of NATO.

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Mustafayev, Elmar. "EU Values and Interests in the Resolution of Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict: French Unilateralism." Resurgence of Anti Islam in the World 23, Spring 2021 (June 10, 2021): 65–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.25253/99.2021232.5.

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The commentary looks at the stance of France on the Second Karabakh war between Armenia and Azerbaijan and subsequently the Russian-brokered trilateral truce deal, from the angle of the norms and values of the EU. To that end, the article studies the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict from the context of international law, the post-ceasefire period 1994-2020, and looks into the position of the EU on the issue of territorial integrity and the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. By analyzing them, it argues that the standpoint of France is not in line with the norms and values of the EU, and also contradicts the position of a mediator state.

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Basharov, G. R., F. S. Shedko, D. P. Okolota, A. L. Kotova, and A. A. Volkova. "Ecological dimension of conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh." E3S Web of Conferences 311 (2021): 04006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/202131104006.

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This article examines the conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh not only from the point of the usual historical, ethnic and religious context, but also from the point of the environmental and resource dimensions, which are often ignored by researchers and practitioners of conflict resolution. The so called Six Weeks War significantly changed the current state of the conflict, and through focus group interviews and scientific analysis, the authors try to assess the impact of the environmental aspect on this conflict and substantiate its importance. The authors also hypothesize that the importance of environmental and resource factors is ignored by researchers and local residents, although these factors could become one of the foundations for building relationships, building trust and long-term conflict resolution.

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Kolosov, Vladimir A., and Maria V. Zotova. "Multiple borders of Nagorno-Karabakh." GEOGRAPHY, ENVIRONMENT, SUSTAINABILITY 13, no. 1 (April 1, 2020): 84–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.24057/2071-9388-2020-04.

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Though the agreement on ceasefire between Armenian and Azerbaijani troops in Nagorno-Karabakh was concluded more than 25 years ago, there is no progress in the negotiations between the sides. The conflict is intrinsically related to the partition of territory between the areas de facto controlled by the non-recognized Republic of NagornoKarabakh, boundaries of which do not match the administrative borders of Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Region in the Soviet period, and Azerbaijan. This paper considers the geopolitical situation of Nagorno-Karabakh through the lenses of its cross-border interactions and bordering. This notion widely used in contemporary border studies means not only border delimitation and management, but also the constant process of change in their functions, regime, and social importance. Such change can result, for instance, from the transformation of political strategies, shifts on the international arena and bilateral relations, currency exchange rates and global market prices, as well as in the course of the everyday practice and interactions. The authors analyzed first the existing pattern of borders in the context of security. Then they characterized de-bordering and interactions between Nagorno-Karabakh and its patron state, Armenia, describing the adaptation of the Karabakhi population and economy to the lack of international recognition. The demarcation line with Azerbaijan remains one of the rare cases of a completely closed border. One of the main and potentially long-term obstacles in finding a solution is the cultivation of the «image of the enemy» on both sides of this border.

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Hoch, Tomáš. "The Roots of Ethno-Political Mobilization in Nagorno-Karabakh." Soviet and Post-Soviet Review 47, no. 3 (July 3, 2020): 306–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/18763324-20201370.

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Abstract The current conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh began in the second half of the 1980s, but its roots are deeper, reaching back at least to the first quarter of the 20th century. The aim of this article is to place these problematic aspects of mutual Armenian-Azerbaijani relations in their historical context and to link them with the current conflict. This article also identifies the factors that underlay the initial stages of the conflict and its subsequent escalation. The ethno-political mobilization of Armenians in Nagorno-Karabakh, but subsequently also of Armenians in the Armenian SSR and Azerbaijanis in the Azerbaijan SSR, was driven by specific conditions that emerged during the collapse of the Soviet state. The gradual ethno-political mobilization in both union republics, as well as in Nagorno-Karabakh itself, was a by-product of Soviet nationality policy, and was enabled by the policy of glasnost. This article identifies the following key factors that created suitable conditions for the escalation of the conflict: Armenians’ dissatisfaction with the autonomous status of Nagorno-Karabakh within Azerbaijan (fueled by the perception of numerous historic injustices), the legal and social chaos brought by the disintegration of the USSR, and the political and economic weakness of the newly emerging states.

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Grigoryan, Arman. "The Karabakh conflict and Armenia's failed transition." Nationalities Papers 46, no. 5 (September 2018): 844–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2018.1438383.

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Despite its early promise, Armenia's transition to democracy has stalled. The literature on post-Communist transitions ascribes this outcome to the autocratic preferences of its first generation of leaders, and particularly the country's first president Levon Ter-Petrossian. I argue in this article that that literature depicts a profoundly distorted picture of the Armenian politics of the 1990s. The failure of Armenia's transition was primarily due to the conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh and the political processes it set in motion.

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Zargarian, Rouben A. "Principles for conflict resolution in Nagorno Karabakh." International Peacekeeping 6, no. 3 (September 1999): 129–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13533319908413789.

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Imomova, Yulduzkhan. "INFLUENCE OF LOBBYING ON THE KARABAKH CONFLICT." JOURNAL OF LOOK TO THE PAST 12, no. 3 (December 30, 2020): 48–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.26739/2181-9599-2020-12-7.

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This article examines the role and influence of ethnic lobby groups that exert pressure on decision-making processes regarding the Karabakh conflict. The lobby groups actively operate in democratic states such as the United States, Russia and Turkey and form a political position on the war between Azerbaijan and Armenia, which in turn may affect the consequences of the conflict

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HAYRAPETYAN, Albert. "THE KARABAKH CONFLICT AND THE INTERNATIONAL LAW." Amberd Bulletin, no. 1 (2021): 77–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.52174/2579-2989_2021_1_77.

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Yumatov, K. V., and K. N. Sivina. "Azerbaijan – Turkey Relations in the International South Caucasus Context (1992–2020)." Bulletin of Kemerovo State University 22, no. 4 (January 5, 2021): 963–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.21603/2078-8975-2020-22-4-963-971.

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The research featured the history of the interstate relations between Azerbaijan and the Republic of Turkey, its main stages and issues, as well as its dependence on various internal political changes and political figures. What began as an internal conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan during Perestroika in the Soviet Union grew into an interstate affair, which currently involves the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic, Armenia, and Azerbaijan. The author believes that the situation in Nagorno-Karabakh after the military conflict of 2020 is an important part in historical and political studies on the Azerbaijan – Turkey relations. Initially, Turkey took a pro-Azerbaijani position in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. However, its negative attitude to Armenia put it on the periphery of the peacekeeping process in the OSCE Minsk Group. Guided by the ideology of "one people, two countries", Turkey helped Azerbaijan to overcome the political and economic crisis in the 1990s, as well as to lobby its interests in the UN, the NATO, the OSCE, and the OIC. In 2020, Erdogan’s expansionist policy allowed Azerbaijan to regain most territories annexed by Armenia during the Karabakh war in the 1990s.

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Yumatov, K. V., and K. N. Sivina. "Azerbaijan – Turkey Relations in the International South Caucasus Context (1992–2020)." Bulletin of Kemerovo State University 22, no. 4 (January 5, 2021): 963–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.21603/2078-8975-2020-22-4-963-971.

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The research featured the history of the interstate relations between Azerbaijan and the Republic of Turkey, its main stages and issues, as well as its dependence on various internal political changes and political figures. What began as an internal conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan during Perestroika in the Soviet Union grew into an interstate affair, which currently involves the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic, Armenia, and Azerbaijan. The author believes that the situation in Nagorno-Karabakh after the military conflict of 2020 is an important part in historical and political studies on the Azerbaijan – Turkey relations. Initially, Turkey took a pro-Azerbaijani position in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. However, its negative attitude to Armenia put it on the periphery of the peacekeeping process in the OSCE Minsk Group. Guided by the ideology of "one people, two countries", Turkey helped Azerbaijan to overcome the political and economic crisis in the 1990s, as well as to lobby its interests in the UN, the NATO, the OSCE, and the OIC. In 2020, Erdogan’s expansionist policy allowed Azerbaijan to regain most territories annexed by Armenia during the Karabakh war in the 1990s.

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Avetikyan, G. "The 2020 war in Nagorno-Karabakh: the regional dimension." Pathways to Peace and Security, no. 2 (2020): 181–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/2307-1494-2020-2-181-191.

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The war in Nagorno-Karabakh that erupted in the autumn of 2020 is significantly different from the first Karabakh war of the early 1990s. First, this time the war ended in the Armenian defeat. Second, the role of Turkey has been significantly increased. Third, a Russian peacekeeping contingent has appeared in the disputed territory between Azerbaijan and Armenia for the first time. Russia's role in the conflict settlement has reached a fundamentally new level, while the roles of the USA, France and other European countries, and of the OSCE Minsk Group have diminished essentially. The article discusses the regional dimension of the new war and defines the main principles underlying the approaches to the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict of those states that directly border Armenia and Azerbaijan.

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Khashe, J., and M. Abdollahi. "The Impact of the Coronavirus Pandemic on the Resumption of the Conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh." Humanities and Social Sciences. Bulletin of the Financial University 11, no. 6 (January 29, 2022): 94–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.26794/2226-7867-2021-11-6-94-99.

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The Covid‑19 virus pandemic has affected all areas of human life in the past year at three levels: national, regional, and international. The frozen Nagorno-Karabakh conflict was expected to be less intense during the corona pandemic than in previous years. On the contrary, during the coronavirus pandemic, it went through its most stressful period. Moreover, it has entered a new phase in its history with the most casualties and the longest war. In this regard, this article seeks to answer the following question in a descriptive-explanatory manner: “What role has the coronavirus pandemic played in initiating and intensifying the recent conflict in the Karabakh region?”. Therefore, to answer the article’s central question, the authors presented the hypothesis in this way. Although important national and regional factors contributed to the escalation of these tensions, the coronavirus pandemic as a catalyst had a significant impact on the escalation of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, which had the highest human cost in the last three decades.

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Azer Aliyeva, Asmar. "FAKE NEWS AND PROPAGANDA AGAINST FREEDOM OF INFORMATION DURING THE NAGORNO-KARABAKH CONFLICT." SCIENTIFIC WORK 65, no. 04 (April 23, 2021): 191–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.36719/2663-4619/65/191-194.

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Fake news and propaganda are a problem that the whole world is struggling to fight. In particular, it is very difficult for the states to control fake news disseminate on the Internet that harms the interests of the states. The measures taken by states in this area sometimes impede freedom of expression, which is one of the fundamental human rights, and in this connection, access to information. Although fake news and propaganda are used for distinctive purposes in different places, the article highlights the measures taken by Azerbaijan to combat politically motivated fake news and propaganda during the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, their causes and consequences. Key words: freedom of expression on the Internet, freedom of information, fake news, propaganda, Nagorno-Karabakh conflict

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Huseynov, Ilyas. "The Armenian-Azerbaijani Nagorno-Karabakh conflict in the interparliamentary relations between Azerbaijan and Greece." Scientific Bulletin 2 (2019): 90–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.54414/oxjf9848.

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This article deals with the situation on the Armenian-Azerbaijani Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, which is one of the main topics of discussion during the meetings on the development of inter-parliamentary relations between Azerbaijan and Greece. An Azerbaijani-Greek working group on inter-parliamentary relations operates in the Milli Majlis of the Republic of Azerbaijan, and a Greek-Azerbaijani friendship group on inter-parliamentary relations functions in the Greek legislative body. In the framework of regular meetings of interparliamentary groups, among other issues, one of the main areas of discussion is the Armenian-Azerbaijani Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. The main goal of the study is to summarize the opinions voiced in the inter-parliamentary diplomatic meetings regarding the Armenian-Azerbaijani Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, put them in a chronological framework and identify some factors that undermine Azerbaijani-Greek inter-parliamentary relations. The unanimous opinion of Greek parliamentarians is that the Armenian-Azerbaijani Nagorno-Karabakh conflict must be resolved in accordance with international law. Greece is committed to the principles outlined in the Final Act of August 1, 1975 of the Helsinki Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe. In addition, the principles of territorial integrity and inviolability of borders, which are the basic principles of international law, are the priority in Greek foreign policy. However, Armenia and Greece have very close relations, and Greece is a state that officially recognizes the "Armenian genocide". Therefore, studying the GreekAzerbaijani relations at the academic level is very important for Azerbaijani political science.

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Broers, Laurence. "From “frozen conflict” to enduring rivalry: reassessing the Nagorny Karabakh conflict." Nationalities Papers 43, no. 4 (July 2015): 556–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2015.1042852.

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This article draws on international relations theory to attempt a reframing of the Armenian–Azerbaijani conflict in Nagorny Karabakh as an enduring rivalry (ER): a particular kind of interstate conflict known for its longevity and stability. The article begins by identifying a number of conceptual deficits circulating around this conflict, notably the notion that it is a “frozen conflict,” before introducing the ER framework and its analytical dividends for this case. Different layers of the ER between Armenia and Azerbaijan are then explored at systemic, interstate, domestic, decision-maker, and temporal levels, with a view more toward identifying directions for future research than conclusive findings. Among the article's tentative conclusions are the primacy of endogenous over exogenous factors in explaining the durability of the rivalry between Armenia and Azerbaijan, the impacts of the passage of time on the human and physical geography of the territory under dispute, and the convergence of conflict dynamics across disparate levels.

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Elshan Salimli, Elgul. "TERRITORIAL INTEGRITY IN THE MODERN EUROPEAN SPACE – THE POSITION OF EUROPE ON NAGORNO-KARABAKH CONFLICT." SCIENTIFIC WORK 52, no. 03 (February 28, 2020): 51–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.36719/aem/2007-2020/52/51-55.

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Gegelashvili, N. "The Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict: Positions of Turkey and of the West." Russia and New States of Eurasia, no. 1 (2022): 111–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/2073-4786-2022-1-111-122.

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The article reveals Turkey’s new priorities after the events happened in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict zone in October 2020. For the first time in the history dealing with the settlement of ethno-political conflicts in the post-Soviet space, a precedent was created when Ankara, being not a post-Soviet country, but a regional power, got involved in the conflict and won. This dramatically changed the configuration of the entire Transcaucasus in the field of security, where, on the one hand, Armenia was involved in rivalry between Russia, Turkey and Iran, while on the other - Russia and Turkey launched competitive cooperation in the region.

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Burke, Róisín. "International Law in the Buffer." Journal of International Peacekeeping 23, no. 3-4 (December 18, 2020): 249–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18754112-20200008.

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Abstract Territorial disputes historically have been commonplace in the Transcaucasian region. Nagorno-Karabakh is a region legally recognised as a part of Azerbaijan, but has historically been disputed by Armenia and Azerbaijan. It was an autonomous region during Soviet times, but fell within the administrative boundaries of the then Soviet Republic of Azerbaijan. Nagorno-Karabakh has operated de facto independently since 1992, when it declared independence. Azerbaijanis from regions bordering Nagorno-Karabakh were displaced from their homes in the 1990s. This created what some refer to a security buffer, but which constitute occupied territory. Azerbaijan seeks the return of all territories. For Karabakh Armenians any dispute settlement that would leave Nagorno-Karabakh within Azerbaijan is untenable, given security threats. The conflict is coloured by history, past injustices, and ideologies around identity. Despite decades of mediation attempts by the osce and others, the territory remains fervently disputed. Border skirmishes have been frequent since the 1990s. However, since September 2020 serious escalations in hostilities and violence in region risk a broader regional conflict and drawing in Turkey, Russia and Iran. The paper provides a historical exposition of factors underpinning the dispute, which are critical to understanding its context and ultimate resolution. It examines the claim to self-determination by the people of Nagorno-Karabakh from the perspective of international law. It addresses the interplay between conflicting norms of territorial integrity and self-determination. The paper reflects on questions of statehood, and on the emerging concept of remedial secession in cases of egregious human rights violations and where internal self-determination is denied, and their possible relevance to the Nagorno-Karabakh dispute.

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Kınık, Hülya, and Sinem Çelik. "The Role of Turkish Drones in Azerbaijan’s Increasing Military Effectiveness: An Assessment of the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War." Turkey's Grand Strategy 23, Fall 2021 (December 10, 2021): 169–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.25253/99.2021234.10.

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This study focuses on Turkey as a rising drone power in the international arena in recent years. In this context, the article will scrutinize the case of the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War, which broke out on September 27, 2020. The Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, one of the frozen problems in the Caucasus region, was ended in favor of Azerbaijan less than two months later. Turkey took on a game-changing role in the region by supplying its ally Azerbaijan with unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) for use in the conflict, and significantly contributed to Azerbaijan’s victory. Turkey’s political, diplomatic, and military contributions to Azerbaijan will likely be discussed on the global agenda for years to come; this study will contribute to the literature on the role and impact of Turkey’s military support, especially its drones, on Azerbaijan’s Nagorno-Karabakh victory.

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Remezaite, Ramute. "Chiragov and Others v. Armenia & Sargsyan v. Azerbaijan (Eur. Ct. H.R.)." International Legal Materials 57, no. 3 (June 2018): 405–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ilm.2018.22.

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On December 12, 2017, the Grand Chamber of the European Court of Human Rights adopted its judgments on the compensation awarded to the applicants in the two landmark cases of Chiragov and Others v. Armenia and Sargsyan v. Azerbaijan. The Court ruled on the just satisfaction for the pecuniary and nonpecuniary damages incurred by the applicants, following the adoption of the principal judgments of June 16, 2015, on the merits of the cases establishing violations of the rights of families displaced by the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan in early 1990s. In these cases, the Court has for the first time dealt with the states' responsibility for violations of rights of hundreds of thousands of individuals forced to flee their homes and leave their property as a result of escalations of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, which remains unresolved. The Court reserved the issue of just satisfaction for a later stage due to the “exceptional nature” of the cases, i.e., their relation to continuous violations in the context of the unresolved conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh and the surrounding territories.

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KOCHARYAN, TIGRAN. "SOME CONSIDERATIONS ABOUT KARABAKH CONFLICT SETTLEMENT IN THE FORMAT OF THE MINSK GROUP." Main Issues Of Pedagogy And Psychology 4, no. 1 (April 13, 2014): 157–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.24234/miopap.v4i1.307.

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?he separated monitoring of the Nagorno–Karabakh conflict and the intended policy for peaceful regulation are very important in the system of providing national security of the Republic of Armenia in more acceptable format of the Minsk Group. During the regional visits of the Minsk group co–chairs are being realized regular controlling and monitoring the contact line of the conflicting forces. Tryaing to satisfy the conflicting parties, the Minsk Group offers a compromise according to the international norms, in which are some obvious discrepancies (The right of nations to self–determination and The territorial integrity). Recently, the regulation process of the Nagorno–Karabakh conflict remains in the active level, which, however, does not lead to substantial progress in the peace process. The Armenian part keeps giving priority of the intermediary activity to the OSCE Minsk group. Because of the negative position of the Azerbaijan part all intermediary initiatives are not leading to serious practical results. The freedom has the main place in the European value system, which can be the key for the regulation of the Nagorno–Karabakh conflict.

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Il'inyh, Aleksandr, and D. Romanyuha. "The Results of the Military Actions in Nagorno-Karabakh-2020: New Geopolitical Challenges for the Russian Federation." Journal of Political Research 5, no. 3 (October 13, 2021): 97–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/2587-6295-2021-5-3-97-106.

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The main purpose of the work is to analyze the geopolitical situation in Nagorno-Karabakh based on the results of the military operations between Armenia and Azerbaijan. The results of the conflict are considered from the perspective of positive and negative dividends for the Russian Federation. The methodological basis of the work consists of general scientific and private scientific techniques and methods including methods of analysis, synthesis, system method, comparative method, formal-logical scientific method, discourse analysis and some others. The article makes a theoretical contribution to the development of ideas about the place and role of the military conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh in the foreign policy of other states. The practical significance of the work lies in the possibility of adjusting the foreign policy priorities of international actors with an interest in Nagorno-Karabakh taking into account the conclusions made in the article. The armed clashes in Nagorno-Karabakh should be called a local war. The key factor that led to the defeat of Armenia in the fighting is the «cooling» of the foreign policy interaction with the Russian Federation that preceded the conflict. The article draws conclusions about the dual nature of the results of the local war for the Russian Federation: the positive and negative aspects are analyzed. The end of the armed conflict was not supported by a serious legal document but only stopped with the participation of Russia through the so-called «Statement» which in the medium term will most likely create prerequisites for a new round of armed confrontation.

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Suleymanli, Savalan. "The Nagorno-Karabakh conflict and its influence on the State-Building Process in Azerbaijan." Khazar Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 17, no. 4 (December 2014): 66–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.5782/2223-2621.2014.17.4.66.

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The article deals with the impact of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict on the state-building process of Azerbaijan and its influence on the security of the country and the whole region. It identifies that this conflict was the major obstacle in ensuring smooth functioning of state authorities in the initial period of the independence of Azerbaijan. It is mentioned that, nowadays, the state-building process are successfully carried out in Azerbaijan. However, deadlock in the solution of the conflict are the major source of threat and instability not only for Azerbaijan but also for the whole region. From this point of view, unless the solution of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, it seems that this problem will keep its negative impact on the smooth state-building process in Azerbaijan.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Karabakh conflict'

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