Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Karabakh conflict'
To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Karabakh conflict.
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 41 dissertations / theses for your research on the topic 'Karabakh conflict.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse dissertations / theses on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Leckie, Chanda Allana. "The Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/32800.
Full textAbstract:
Out of the violent conflicts in the former Soviet Union, the war over Nagorno-Karabakh is the most threatening to the future development of the region, both economically and politically, as it is no closer to a solution than when the fighting ended in 1994. This is regrettable as there are some opportunities that provide the warring parties enough flexibility to move forward in the negotiation process. This thesis analyzes the evolution of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict under the aegis of the OSCE Minsk Group from 1992 to the present. It discusses not only the history of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict and what went wrong with the Minsk Groupâ s attempts to find a fair and objective solution to the conflict, but also the obstacles and opportunities for a settlement. From this discussion, suggestions to improve the Minsk Groupâ s performance are presented, and future predictions of a peaceful settlement to the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict will also be discussed.Master of Arts
2
Nikkar-Esfahani, Hamidreza. "The Nagorno Karabakh conflict: Causes of the conflict and obstacles to conflict resolution." Doctoral thesis, University of Bradford, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/4899.
Full text
3
Nikkar-Esfahani, Hamidreza. "The Nagorno Karabakh Conflict : causes of the conflict and obstacles to conflict resolution." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/5650.
Full textAbstract:
Since 1988, the states of Armenia and Azerbaijan have been engaged in conflict over the enclave of Nagorno Karabakh. The conflict has developed into one of the most intractable and complicated disputes in the international arena, with the main parties being the two rivalling sovereign states plus the 'unrecognised state' of Nagorno Karabakh. Despite the optimistic statements and claims by the OSCE and after many years of negotiations and talks, the peace process remains in stalemate. The research argues the virtues of Track Two diplomacy and highlights the successful instances where it has made important contributions to the 'official' or Track One diplomatic process. It also explores the potential of a 'no war no peace' situation by discerning the factors influencing the progress of the conflict. The research shows that a deeper understanding of the obstacles to peace is achieved by appreciating the significance of historical events as well as recognising the motives and interests of the different parties. The study reviews all major factors which have led to the failure of resolution efforts, particular the negative role played by Russia. It concludes that the scholars in the field of conflict resolution can bring about a lasting peace to this region, provided there is a fundamental change in the structure of the co-chairs of the OSCE.
4
Mayer, Timothy R. "Intractability and mediation of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict." Thesis, Monterey, California: Naval Postgraduate School, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/38976.
Full textAbstract:
Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited.Nearly two decades following a ceasefire, the conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan over the disputed territory of Nagorno-Karabakh remains unresolved. Often referred to as a frozen conflict, the status quo that has developed between these two nations has developed roots that touch many aspects of life in both countries. This thesis examines intractability by analyzing three distinct levels of this conflict. It scrutinizes the reasons underlying failed mediation attempts since 1994 at the level of the elite, the nation, and the international structure. It also explores the linkages between these three distinct levels that contribute to the complexity of conflict resolution. Despite periodic optimistic media reports that suggest mediators are nearing a final resolution, it will likely be decades before real progress can be made. Resolution of this conflict will require a compromise between these two nations that may only be possible through greater democratization on both sides. Simultaneously, the influence of larger states, notably Russia, have placed this regional dispute on the global stage and embedded the conflict in a larger polarized geopolitical contest for power and influence. Effective mediation depends on a shift in the regional balance of power or national interests of regional stakeholders.
5
Milanova, Nadia Kirilova. "The conflict over Nagorno Karabakh 1992-2002 : ten years of missed conflict resolution opportunities." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.251183.
Full text
6
Williams, Jessica. "The Nagorno Karabakh Conflict problems and possibilities for political resolution /." Click here to access thesis, 2009. http://www.georgiasouthern.edu/etd/archive/spring2009/jessica_r_williams/williams_jessica_r_200901_MASS.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (M.A.)--Georgia Southern University, 2009."A thesis submitted to the Graduate Faculty of Georgia Southern University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Master of Arts." Directed by Emilia Powell. ETD. Includes bibliographical references (p. 58-62)
7
Jumayeva, Lala. "Not ripe for resolution : the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, 1992-2013." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2018. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/8325/.
Full textAbstract:
The present research provides new insights into the main causes of the unsuccessful negotiation attempts made by the dispute parties in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict at different points in time throughout the peace talks from 1992 till 2013 and seeks to explain the failure of the sides to achieve a final settlement of the dispute. This research employs a qualitative research design and makes use of the congruence and process tracing methods whereby a time-series comparative analysis of six negotiation phases within the whole Nagorno-Karabakh peace process is undertaken. By studying both the domestic and international context in which the conflict has been embedded, as well as the contents of the proposed peace deals in the past, this study argues that the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict resolution process has failed to produce a final settlement due to the absence of a ripe moment, i.e. a mutually hurting stalemate, and mutually enticing opportunity, a winning formula, the political willingness, the particular quality of the Armenian and Azerbaijani political leaderships, as well as the presence of self-oriented mediators.
8
Sirin, Esil. "The Nagorno-karabakh Conflict And The Armenian Foreign Policy:1988-2007." Master's thesis, METU, 2007. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/2/12609155/index.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis analyses the impact of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict on the foreign policy of Armenia. It could be claimed that Armenia&rsquos relations with the other countries have been shaped by the Nagorno-Karabakh problem. The thesis demonstrates that because of this conflict, Armenian foreign policy has become more dependent on Russia and the Armenian diaspora in Russia, France and the United States despite its desire to be an independent state. Although Levon Ter-Petrossian and Robert Kocharian have advocated different foreign policies, their actions have been similar due to the impact of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. The thesis has six main chapters. The first chapter is the introduction. The second chapter explores history of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. In the third chapter the Armenian foreign policy under Levon Ter-Petrossian is examined. The fourth chapter discusses the foreign policy of Robert Kocharian. In the fifth chapter the foreign policies of the Ter-Petrossian and Kocharian are compared. The sixth chapter is the conclusion.
9
San, Hakan. "The ethnic dimension of alliance formation alignment patterns in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2007. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion-image.exe/07Dec%5FSan.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Defense Decision Making and Planning) )--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2007.Thesis Advisor(s): Siegel, Scott N. "December 2007." Description based on title screen as viewed on January 18, 2008. Includes bibliographical references (p. 75-79). Also available in print.
10
Efe, Almula. "The Nagorno Karabakh Conflict And Its Impact On The Relations Between Azerbaijan And Turkey." Master's thesis, METU, 2012. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12615077/index.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis seeks to examine the relations between Azerbaijan and Turkey in terms of the role that the Nagorno Karabakh conflict plays in this relationship. The Nagorno Karabakh conflict, which is one of the long-lasting ethno-territorial
conflicts in the region, continues to be the major issue-area for Azerbaijan&rsquos foreign policy. In this respect, Azerbaijan&rsquo
s relations with Turkey, as well as NATO, the United States and Russia could be understood better through an academic study of the Nagorno Karabakh conflict. Contrary to the views of some scholars who claim that the Nagorno Karabakh conflict has become relatively less important vis-à
-vis the economic and energy issues in the relations between Azerbaijan and Turkey, this thesis argues that the Nagorno Karabakh conflict still maintains its centrality in the relations between Azerbaijan and Turkey. The thesis has five chapters, including introduction and conclusion chapters: Chapter Two explores the evolution of the Nagorno Karabakh conflict during the Elchibey period, while the Chapter Three and Chapter Four discuss the impact of this conflict on Azerbaijan&rsquo
s relations with Turkey under Heidar and Ilham Aliyev periods respectively.
11
Gomes, João Ricardo Pinto. "Repercussões securitárias de conflitos ‘congelados’: O conflito em Nagorno-Karabakh no contexto do Complexo Securitário do Mar Negro-Cáspio." Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/14982.
Full textAbstract:
Dissertação de Mestrado em Relações InternacionaisA Dissertação trata a problemática da influência securitária dos conflitos ‘congelados’, concentrando na influência do conflito em Nagorno-Karabakh dentro do Cáucaso e do proposto Complexo Securitário do Mar Negro-Cáspio (CSMNC). Utilizando como bases teóricas a Geopolítica Crítica e a Teoria dos Complexos Securitários Regionais, o mestrando efetua uma análise em três níveis teórico-conceptuais, iniciando no proposto Complexo, nomeadamente nas principais problemáticas securitárias e nas dinâmicas de securitização dos atores respetivos, passando depois para uma análise do Cáucaso, do seu ponto de vista conceptual, e da conflitualidade no mesmo. Em último, realiza-se primeiramente uma revisão acerca da problemática do conflito ‘congelado’, nomeadamente naquilo que o causa e na realidade das dinâmicas conflituais e não-conflituais nos territórios onde os conflitos ocorrem. Após tal revisão, transitar-se-á para a análise do conflito em Nagorno-Karabakh, de uma forma a obter uma compreensão holística das dinâmicas que o causaram, consolidaram e hoje perpetuam. Adicionalmente, serão analisadas as narrativas dos beligerantes e a posição dos atores internacionais no conflito, assim como as dificuldades de uma resolução efetiva para o diferendo, de uma forma a proceder a uma análise sobre a influência do conflito nos dois níveis superiores
The Dissertation deals with the issue of the security influence of ‘frozen’ conflicts, specifically the influence of the conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh in the Caucasus and the proposed Black-Caspian Seas Security Complex (BCSSC). Using Critical Geopolitics and Regional Security Complex Theory as theoretical supports, the candidate issues a three-level theoretical-conceptual analysis, initiating in the proposed Complex, namely the main security problems and on the corresponding actors’ securitization dynamics, on through an analysis on the Caucasus, from a conceptual standpoint, and the conflicts in it. Lastly, a review concerning the issue of ‘frozen’ conflicts is initially carried out, namely on what causes them and on the conflictual and non-conflictual dynamics in the territories in which the conflicts occur. After such a review, an analysis of the conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh is carried out, in order to obtain a holistic understanding of the dynamic forces that caused, consolidated and today perpetuate it. Additionally, the belligerents’ narratives and the international actors’ position in the conflict will be examined, as well as the complexities regarding an effective solution to the dispute, in order to proceed to an analysis on the influence of the conflict on the two levels above.
N/A
12
Sanamyan, Emil. "The Logic of Occupation in the Nagorno-Karabakh War: The Cases of Agdam and Shaumyan." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/71717.
Full textAbstract:
Why do warring parties sometimes end up occupying territories they do not claim while not occupying territory they do? How do they explain this and how can we, from this explanation, understand the logic of occupation at work in these cases? This is the puzzle and the research questions at the center of this thesis. Using a case study of the Karabakh War (1991-94) it seeks to understand the rationale behind the Armenian occupation of previously undisputed Azerbaijani-populated territories around the contested entity of Nagorno Karabakh (NK). To achieve this objective the thesis considers one of these districts – Agdam – and contrasts its occupation to the lack of a concerted effort to return control over previously Armenian-populated district of Shaumyan, a territory Armenians view as under Azerbaijani occupation. The thesis presents the circumstances and rationales provided by the Armenian leaders for these counter-intuitive policies of occupation they pursued during the Karabakh war. This necessitates examining the prior meanings of these places, the contested and changed significance of Agdam and Shaumyan since the Karabakh war.
There are five distinct explanatory accounts of logics of occupation. These are accounts based on 1) military/security needs; 2) political elite-driven decisions, 3) economic gain, 4) psychological and 5) identity-related factors.
Process tracing and archival research points to primarily security and psychological rationales for the original actions, whereas economic gain played a secondary role. While these factors remain significant in justifying continued occupation, today they are also strongly augmented by newly-constructed identity markers and political elite-driven considerations.Master of Public and International Affairs
13
Papazian, Lalig. "Nationalism and militarized crisis : the case of Nagorno-Karabagh." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ37225.pdf.
Full text
14
Jocbalis, Mindaugas. "Transformative gender narratives in South Caucasus: Conversations with NGO women in the Armenian-Azeri conflict." Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-22166.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of this thesis is to discuss the role of women as intermediaries, mediators and arbitrators in conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan over the de facto region of Nagorno-Karabakh. It is highly relevant to comdev due to several reasons. First, it is an active issue. The number of deaths from border clashes has increased in 2014-2016 despite a ceasefire signed in 1994. Second, women and civil society groups are oppressed. This thesis explores the question of women’s contribution in solving conflicts considering masculinity, gender complex and war. Are women better at solving conflicts? Third, new media has become an important tool for cross border communication. Focus is given to use of social media by women in an attempt to facilitate change of discourses. Critical discourse analysis, hermeneutics and social constructivism are considered as methodologies to evaluate this. However, there is a number limitations here including use of English language, limited participant numbers and response bias.Background information on conflict is presented and includes analyzing the role of national and international organizations such as parliaments, the Minsk Group (OSCE) European Commission (EPNK) and the UN (1325). A brief literature review is then conducted focusing on conflict area, historical discourses and peace building narratives. This is followed by an examination of post-soviet literature on masculinity, nation-building, feminism and changing role of active women, centering on Caucasus and Nagorno-Karabakh. Topics explored are women’s rights, political involvement, language, religion and cultural turn. Next stage is a summary of research questions for qualitative interviews with five women participants who are or work with active women in Transcaucasia. From available data, main premise becomes new role of active women as peace builders in conflict acting individually, in NGO’s and in government and attempting to facilitate discussion with lawmakers and negotiators in conflict.After research, primary and secondary data is analyzed. Responses are evaluated over the methods mentioned and main contributions are considered to be on grassroots activism funded by international NGO’s. It is not clear whether women would be better at resolving complex but their contribution to nation building has been proven. New media becomes a tool for activist communication and propaganda. Women find themselves dealing with nationalism, marginalization and breakdown of democratic institutions. They turn to international NGO’s but this often backfires as Armenian and Azerbaijani society and government sees this as Western intrusion. Progress is slow and daily lives are ruled by uncertainty, discrimination and faint hope of resolve.
15
Poghossian, Lilit. "Will there ever be peace? an analysis of the international involvement in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict through the theories of neorealism and neoliberalism (Armenia, Azerbaijan) /." Click here for download, 2006. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/villanova/fullcit?p1432501.
Full text
16
Мальчевський, Ілля Сергійович. "Політична медіація як спосіб врегулювання політичних конфліктів." Bachelor's thesis, КПІ ім. Ігоря Сікорського, 2021. https://ela.kpi.ua/handle/123456789/43095.
Full textAbstract:
У роботі визначені поняття «воєнний конфлікт» та «політична медіація», також окреслені їх особливості. Проаналізована політична медіація у воєнних конфліктах: палестино-ізраїльському грузино-абхазькому та карабаському, освітлені сильні та слабкі сторони політичної медіації у кожному конкретному кейсі. Розібрані передумови та чинники початку конфлікту на Сході України. Описані особливості політичної медіації у кейсі України. Надані рекомендації щодо мирного врегулювання конфлікту на Сході України.The concepts and features of "military conflict" and "political mediation" are defined in the work. Political mediation in such military conflicts was analyzed: Palestinian-Israeli, Georgian-Abkhazian and Karabakh. Strengths and weaknesses of political mediation in each case were outlined. The preconditions and factors of the beginning of the conflict in the East of Ukraine were analyzed. Features of political mediation in the case of Ukraine were described. Recommendations for a peaceful settlement of the conflict in eastern Ukraine were provided.
17
Stark, Sanna. "Threat perception and its impact on international mediation efforts : A comparative case study of the divergent cases of Armenia-Azerbaijan in Nagorno-Karabakh and the Egypt-Israel Peace Treaty." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-10258.
Full textAbstract:
Although the topic of international mediation has been debated frequently amongst academic scholars, most literature has failed to address the notion of threat perception. This thesis examines the impact of threat perceptions from ideational and material force on the prospects for successful international mediation. In this comparative case study, I argue that threat perception is an influential factor conditioning the road towards peace agreements, by examining one case of failure and one case of success in international mediation of interstate conflicts. The first case in the comparison consists of the conflict between Armenia-Azerbaijan in the disputed region of Nagorno-Karabakh, where the OSCE Minsk Group has conducted mediation efforts. The second case examined is the conflict between Israel-Egypt which predominately have been mediated by the US. A conflict which ending was marked by the Camp David Accords in 1978 and resulted in a peace treaty the year after. The analysis shows that threat perception is indeed a factor of importance for outcome in relation to international mediation. Compared to previous research largely focused on material factors, the result shows that ideational factors should be considered to the same extent and are influential in both cases. This contribution to the field of war studies and international mediation literature also reflects the interconnectivity between threat perceptions from ideational and material force. An insight which I argue is pivotal for the comprehension of why some interstate conflicts appear to be resistant to resolution.
18
Piloyan, Torgom. "How does the ethnic kinship affect the mode of provided external support in an intra-state armed conflict?" Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-361641.
Full text
19
Kupcuk, Yeliz. "Azerbaijan'." Master's thesis, METU, 2006. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12607202/index.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
After the Soviet dissolution, the newly independent post-Soviet state of
Azerbaijan intensified its efforts at developing its relations with the United States.
Based on the analysis of the Azerbaijan&ndashU.S. relations between1991-2006, the thesis tries to answer which factors could account for the existing political problems between these countries, given that both countries have a common interest in deepening their cooperation concerning the Caspian energy resources as well as the fight against international terrorism. This thesis argues that although both countries have many interests in common, they are unable to deepen their level of cooperation because of the Nagorno-Karabakh problem which, since it breaches the territorial integrity of Azerbaijan, is that state&rsquo
s main priority. The thesis has four main chapters: after a general overview of the evolution of Azerbaijan&rsquo
s foreign policy in the post-Soviet era and the U.S. policies towards the Caucasus, I examine Azerbaijan&rsquo
s cooperation with the U.S. in the field of energy, the Nagorno-Karabakh problem in Azerbaijan&rsquo
s relations with the U.S., and Azerbaijan&rsquo
s cooperation with the U.S. in the fight against international terrorism. In this thesis I focus on these three interests of Azerbaijan in its relations with the U.S. because in analyzing this country&rsquo
s foreign policy these are vital issues that include economic development, territorial integrity and its global political role concerning security.
20
Huseynov, Elmar. "Change And Continuity In Russian Foreign Policy Towards Azerbaijan In The Post-soviet Era." Master's thesis, METU, 2005. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/2/12606384/index.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis analyzes Russian foreign policy towards Azerbaijan in the post-Soviet era. The dissolution of the Soviet Union paved the way for the independence of Azerbaijan. This development necessitated the redefinition of the relationship between Russia and Azerbaijan. However, post-Soviet Russia was reluctant to treat Azerbaijan as a fully independent state that could develop its relations other states freely. In this way, Moscow sought to keep Azerbaijan under its own sphere of influence. To this purpose, Russia used its influence in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict and the development of the Caspian Sea energy resources as its two main policy instruments for controlling Azerbaijan. When Vladimir Putin was elected as the President of Russia in 2000, it was not clear whether the previous Russian foreign policy towards Azerbaijan would continue as in the past or change. The developments between 2000 and 2005 show that Vladimir Putin changed the previous Russian stance on the Caspian Sea energy resources and took more collaborative posture towards Azerbaijan. However, Putin continued the earlier Russian position on the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. This study argues that there has been both change and continuity in Russian foreign policy towards Azerbaijan since Vladimir Putin&rsquos rise to Russia&rsquo
s presidency in 2000. In this sense, Russian foreign policy under Putin could be conceptualized mainly as a pragmatic foreign policy. This conceptualization makes it possible to identify both change and continuity in Russian foreign policy towards Azerbaijan.
21
Torossian, Sévag. "Le Haut Karabakh." Paris 2, 2004. http://www.theses.fr/2004PA020010.
Full text
22
Tomotoeva, Gulnara Jolicoeur Pierre. "Conflit sécessionniste en Azerbaïdjan peut-il y avoir d'autres Nagorno-Karabakh ? /." [S.l.] : [s.n.], 2004. http://www.enssib.fr/bibliotheque/documents/dessride/rrbtomotoeva.pdf.
Full text
23
Akdeniz, Bulent. "The Karabagh conflict and its effects on Turkey's role in the Caucasus." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2001. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA404736.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs) Naval Postgraduate School, Dec. 2001.Thesis Advisor (s): Tsypkin, Mikhail. "December 2001." Includes bibliographical references (p. 127-131). Also Available online.
24
Shabelnikova, Olga. "Evolution de la politique de l'Union Européenne en Azerbaïdjan : 1991-2014." Thesis, Strasbourg, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014STRAG047.
Full textAbstract:
Cette thèse consacrée aux études approfondies de la politique de l’Union européenne envers la République d’Azerbaïdjan (1991-2014). Son objectif est d’analyser l’évolution de la coopération entre l’UE et l’Azerbaïdjan, de mettre en évidence des facteurs internes ainsi qu’externes qui influencent la dynamique des relations bilatérales. Une attention particulière est accordée à l’étude des programmes de coopérations tels que la « Politique Européenne de Voisinage » et le « Partenariat Oriental », à la base des documents juridiques qui constituent la réglementation de leurs relationsThe PhD thesis considers the European Union’s policy towards the Republic of Azerbaijan (1991-2014). It studies the evolution of the EU - Azerbaijan relationship and the main factors that influence on its dynamics. Special attention is given to the main programs of the cooperation - the «European Neighborhood Policy» and the «Eastern Partnership». The main documents regulating the relations are reviewed
25
Jolicoeur, Pierre. "Influence de la Russie dans le conflit du Nagorno-Karabakh entre 1988 et 1996." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp04/mq26222.pdf.
Full text
26
Welt, Cory. "Explaining ethnic conflict in the South Caucasus : Mountainous Karabagh, Abkhazia, and South Ossetia." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/28757.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2004.Includes bibliographical references (p. 305-320).
(cont.) the USSR and finds that a focus on opportunity provides the best explanation for the presence or absence of mass mobilization. Finally, the dissertation argues that conventional state security concerns best explain the start of escalation. Union republic opponents, Azerbaijanis and Georgians, perceived regional mobilization to be manifestations of broader "interstate" conflicts pitting Azerbaijan and Georgia against, respectively, Armenia and Russia. They did not consider the actions of regional groups to be a product of group insecurities. The dissertation concludes by applying the above findings to the practice of conflict resolution.
This dissertation investigates the origins of ethnic conflict in the South Caucasus. It explains the mass mobilization of regional groups in Mountainous (Nagorno) Karabagh, Abkhazia, and South Ossetia from 1987 to 1989, variation in the goals of these groups (and of other regional groups in the USSR), and the start of the conflict-spirals that ultimately led to ethnic war. The dissertation examines three aspects of mass mobilization: group motivation, the commitment problem, and perceptions of opportunity. Utilizing historical memories, leadership rhetoric, signals of opponent intentions, and evidence of shifting capabilities, the dissertation assesses four hypotheses for group motivation: fear of violence, cultural extinction, demographic shift, and economic discrimination. It concludes that all three groups were mainly motivated by a fear of future demographic shifts and economic discrimination. The dissertation argues that the three regional groups also shared a political commitment problem--the absence of a mechanism that guaranteed union republic opponents would protect their demographic and economic interests after they agreed to a compromise. Contemporary signals of intent and historical precedents led groups to believe their opponents were committed to state centralization, not the expansion of regional autonomy. Regarding opportunity, two regional groups believed their demands coincided with Mikhail Gorbachev's commitment to rectify "deviations" from the early Soviet path of state development and could thus persuade the central government to accommodate their demands. The third regional group did not and so pursued a more modest political goal. The dissertation applies the above findings to cases of regional mobilization (and its absence) elsewhere in
by Cory D. Welt.
Ph.D.
27
Деревянко, Богдан Володимирович, Богдан Владимирович Деревянко, and Bogdan Derevyanko. "Про перспективи постконфліктного відновлення соціальної сфери й економіки окремих районів Донбасу та Нагірного Карабаху." Thesis, Київ: НАН України; ДУ «Інститут економіко-правових досліджень імені В.К. Мамутова НАН України», 2020. http://dspace.puet.edu.ua/handle/123456789/9932.
Full textAbstract:
Наведене у тезах доповіді говорить про економічну недоцільність відновлення більшості підприємств Донбасу. Після завершення конфлікту Україні випаде унікальна нагода спробувати відносно швидко перепрофілювати промисловий регіон у напіваграрний із меншою у порівнянні із 2013 роком кількістю мешканців, родючими землями та більш розвиненою у порівнянні із попередніми роками переробкою сільськогосподарської продукції з доведенням її до кінцевого споживача.The report presented in the abstracts speaks of the economic inexpediency of the restoration of most enterprises in Donbass. After the end of the conflict, Ukraine will have an unique opportunity to try to relatively quickly transform the industrial region into a semi-agricultural one with fewer inhabitants than in 2013, fertile land and more developed processing of agricultural products to the final consumer.
28
Mukhtarova, Mahira. "The EU’s Constraints in Involvement of the Post- Soviet Frozen Conflicts : (A Comparative Case Study on the Nagorno-Karabakh, Abkhazia and South Ossetia Conflicts)." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Statsvetenskap, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-169727.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines constraints of the EU’s engagement in the frozen conflicts of the South Caucasus, namely, the Abkhazia, the South Ossetia, and the Nagorno-Karabakh conflicts. The study begins with a puzzle in which the EU’s ambition for prioritizing the resolution of frozen conflicts mismatches with the reality related to the status quo of frozen conflicts. By using an abductive reasoning in an observed surprising fact, the research highlights that the complexity of the region can be the main contributor to the EU’s limitations. With this purpose, the ENP as a normative power of the EU is analyzed to identify how the EU is attempting to be a major actor in the region in order to secure its borders. Subsequently, the limitations of the EU in engaging in frozen conflicts are examined from ‘security dilemma’, ‘balance of power’ and ‘bandwagoning’ neorealism perspectives together with a comparative study on the three conflicts. The results show that the complexity of the region is a principal constraint for the EU. In particular, geopolitical rivalries with Russia and small states with their alliances contribute to the complexity of the region. However, this study also explores the idea that the complexity of the region is not only the best explanation for the EU’s limitations, but also the EU’s structure per se creates a lack of credibility with relations to the respective Caucasian states. For future studies, I suggest that the analysis of the social learning mechanism of the EU will be an asset for understanding the region and avoiding Eurocentric approaches towards Caucasian political systems and people. Regarding the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, policymakers can consider that it is possible to change the EU’s low profile either by having clear strategies concerning the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict or replacing one of the co-chairs of the OSCE Minsk Group with the EU.
29
Livingstone, Alma. "Unrecognized peace in unrecognized states : An analysis of the relation between post-war peaceand state processes in Nagorno Karabakh." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-175205.
Full textAbstract:
After the fall of the Soviet Union a number of violent ethnic disputes were concluded through the establishment of ceasefires but have yet to be finalized through peace accords. This development resulted in the creation of de facto states in a setting known as ‘frozen conflicts’. These de facto states have managed to endure decades of unrecognition, stuck in a situation of “no war, no peace” and constitutes today “effective” political entities. The post-war development in these frozen conflicts has continuously surprised academia, defying pessimistic prediction of their sustainability. Following the positive, hybridized peace etymology laid out by Oliver Richmond, this thesis aims at exploring the peace- and state processes that has occurred during the Nagorno Karabakh peace process in order to explain the ambiguous developments that have been going on despite the limbo-like state of unrecognition. The relation between external and internal processes is interrogated through a periodization of key events, and thereafter a comprehensive analysis of how the processes relate to each other over time. The thesis concludes that the strong presence of identity politics regarding the historical Nagorno Karabakh favors the often violent and protective state formation process but is at least partially controlled by the international attempts at peace building. Local formations of peace do not allow for a reintegration of Nagorno Karabakh into Azerbaijan, at least not without explicit and extensive security and autonomy guarantees. Likewise, the external processes of peace and state building does not allow for local agency from Nagorno Karabakh, as it is viewed through a negative ontology of peace. The processes does provide some rather successful developments, as the almost finalized Land swap deal and the Madrid principles, but lacks the momentum of conquering the dominance of perceived or actualized violent state formation processes.
30
Papazian, Taline. "Dynamique de conflit dans la construction d’un État contemporain : le cas de la République d’Arménie et de la question du Haut-Karabakh." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011IEPP0007.
Full textAbstract:
Cette recherche fait l’hypothèse que le conflit politique et militaire du Karabakh, opposant, depuis 1988, trois anciennes entités de l’URSS, une région autonome, le Haut-Karabakh, et deux républiques de l'Union, l’Azerbaïdjan et l’Arménie, est un déterminant essentiel de la construction de l’Etat arménien contemporain. Ce travail cherche à démontrer que la structure spécifique d’un conflit politico-militaire joue un rôle moteur dans une entreprise contemporaine de construction de l’Etat. D’une part, en tant que question nationale, le conflit du Karabakh est le moteur de l’élaboration d’une pensée et d’un projet politique national centré autour de l’Etat ; d’autre part, en tant que conflit armé, le conflit du Karabakh encourage la mise en place des institutions militaires et de sécurité de l’Etat. Le rapport du conflit du Karabakh et de l'Etat arménien est différent de celui d'une guerre de libération nationale résultant en la création d’Etats sur une base nationale : il consolide l’Etat arménien existant en indiquant des modalités de construction spécifiques. Depuis la première expérience d’Etat arménien moderne en 1918 jusqu’à celle contemporaine, le conflit du Karabakh est à la fois un déterminant majeur de la construction de l’Etat arménien, en même temps qu’il est un symptôme de la spécificité de la place de l’Etat dans ce nationalisme. Le rapport entre le conflit du Karabakh et la constitution de l’Etat arménien est considéré selon trois dimensions : statut politique d’une nation ; appareil garantissant la sécurité nationale ; et mode d’exercice du pouvoir politique, de manière analytique pour la période 1988-1999, et synthétique pour la période 1999-2008The dissertation argues that the Karabakh conflict, a political and military conflict that has, since 1988, opposed three entities in the ex-USSR –the autonomous region of Nagorno-Karabakh and the two Union republics of Azerbaijan and Armenia- is a major factor in the building of the Armenian state. This research will seek to demonstrate that a specific type of political-military conflict plays a dynamic role in a contemporary endeavour of statehood building. On the one hand, as part of the national question, the Karabakh conflict has been the driving force of a state-centered political thinking and acting. On the other, as a military conflict, it led the crafting of such state institutions as were needed to ensure state security. Compared to national liberation wars leading to creation of states on a national basis, the relationship between the Karabakh conflict and the contemporary Armenian state is different: the conflict has not created the state; rather it has consolidated it in specific, conflict-induced ways. Since the first experience of a modern Armenian state in 1918 to the contemporary one, the Karabakh conflict is both a major determinant in state-building and a symptom of the state’s place in Armenian nationalism. The relationship between the Karabakh conflict and the Armenian state is interpreted along three dimensions: definition of a nation’s political status; creation of an apparatus ensuring national security; and mode of exercise of political power. This is done analytically for the period 1988-1999, 1999 being a rupture year, and synthetically for the period afterwards, from 1999 to 2008
31
Tranca, Oana. "Recherche de modélisation du risque de diffusion des conflits ethniques : une application aux cas de l'Azerbaïdjan et de la Macédoine." Thesis, Université Laval, 2009. http://www.theses.ulaval.ca/2009/26324/26324.pdf.
Full text
32
Ritter, Laurence. "Les recompositions de l'identité arménienne, diaspora /Arménie : de la victime au sujet." Paris, EHESS, 2005. http://www.theses.fr/2005EHES0080.
Full textAbstract:
Depuis le génocide de 1915, les Arméniens forment une diaspora. L'identité de cette diaspora est celle de la victime et de l'exil. En raison du refus de reconnaissance des faits par la Turquie, ce caractère victimaire se double de celui de victime niée. Les communautés de par le monde se sont partout reconstruites dans la mémoire de 1915. Le régime soviétique n'a pallié qu'en partie cette identité victimaire en Arménie même. A partir de 1970 - et dès avril 1965 en Arménie soviétique-, la revendication de la reconnaissance du génocide devient un mot d'ordre central. Les Arméniens font passer cette mémoire collective du crime de masse dans la sphère publique, interpellant autant leurs sociétés de résidence que la Turquie, y compris pour certains d'entre eux par le recours au terrorisme. Au tournant des années 80 et 90, le tremblement de terre en Arménie soviétique, le combat pour la récupération de l'enclave arménienne du Karabagh, l'indépendance de l'Arménie orientent la diaspora dans une nouvelle approche d'elle-même - et de ses relations à l'Etat comme à ses états de résidence. L'identité arménienne, en Arménie comme en diaspora, souffre encore de son ancrage victimaire et de définitions négatives de soi collectif, mais le passage de la victime au sujet est en cours, et devrait permettre aux définitions nationales et identitaires de se former ainsi qu'à des relations entre Etat et diaspora de se développer pour aboutir à un nouveau monde arménienSince the genocide of 1915, the Armenians are a diaspora. The identity of this diaspora is an identity of victim marked with exile. Because of Turkey's refusal to acknowledge the facts, this victimized identity is also an identity of denied victim. Armenian communities worlwide rebuilt themselves within the frame of 1915's memory. The soviet regime in Armenia itself did onlys partly palliate this feeling. Starting from 1970's -as son as april 1965 in soviet Armenia_ the armenian's claim for the recognition of the genocide became central. The armanians bring their collective memory of mass murder into the public sphere, calling upon both their own societies and Turkey, including for a few of them by resorting to terrorism. At the turn of the 80's and the 90's, the earthquake in soviet Armenia, the fight for taking back the Armenian enclave of Karabagh, the independance of Armenia turn the diaspora into a new approach of itself- and about its relationships with both the state and its states of settlement. Both in Armenia and in the diaspora, the Armenian identity still suffers from its anchoring in victimized identity and of its negative self-definitions, but the passage from victim to subject is in process, and should allow to national definition and to the Armenian identity to get a new shape and also, to relationships between the state and the diaspora to develop and to create a new Armenian world
33
Melikyan, Gevorg. "Paradoxical South Caucasus: Nations, Conflicts and Alliances." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1281673619.
Full text
34
Hasanov, Ahmad. "Participation and role of EU in resolving Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict." Master's thesis, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-340868.
Full textAbstract:
The thesis analyses the conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia over the region of Nagorno-Karabakh which both parties claim to be their historical territory. The thesis explains how the conflict started and continued with a full-scale military conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia, which is commonly referred to as the Nagorno-Karabakh War. One of the most important chapter of the thesis is the description of roles played by foreign mediators such as Russia, Kazakhstan, Iran and Turkey. All those countries pursued their own geopolitical and economic goals in the region, and wished to actively participate in it in order to spread their influence. The European Union has constantly been playing an important role in settlement of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict thanks to its active involvement in all peacekeeping and mediation processes in the region. Nonetheless, despite all international efforts, the conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh still continues as of today, and the parties cannot come to any compromise due to the antagonistic nature of their territorial disputes for Nagorno-Karabakh. Both, Azerbaijan and Armenia have started actively deploying their troops on the mutual borders, which raises fears among the international community that a new war for Nagorno-Karabakh might start already in the near future.
35
Zamanov, Ramil. "Gender, ethnicity and peacebuilding in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict." Master's thesis, 2020. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-436985.
Full textAbstract:
The Nagorno-Karabakh conflict is a territorial and ethnic conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan over the disputed region of Nagorno-Karabakh that has led to war, displacement, trauma and continuing animosities. This thesis examines the differential long-term effects of the conflict in the lives of Internally Displaced Persons (IDP) and refugees from Armenia, Azerbaijan and Nagorno-Karabakh who have remained largely excluded from current peacebuilding initiatives. Ethnographic fieldwork and interviews were conducted with displaced and refugee women and with queers in Sumgayit and Baku in Azerbaijan and around Tbilisi in Georgia. The research uses an intersectional sensibility to explore the constitution and effects of economic hardship, ill-health and social exclusion as well the militarization in the life histories and everyday experiences of IDP and refugee women and queers. On this basis, it reflects what their participation, insights and concerns could contribute to the stalled peace processes and what cultural and societal changes will be required for peacebuilding and a more lasting resolution of this frozen conflict. Key words: Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, gender, ethnicity, intersectionality, peacebuilding, militarization, queer community, IDP and refugee women 1
36
CHANG, SHIH-CHANG, and 張世昌. "The study of national conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh area(1988-1991)." Thesis, 1997. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/04869972588290713622.
Full textAbstract:
碩士淡江大學
俄羅斯研究所
85
This is the first study of Nagorno-Karabakh's national conflict in domestic. Writer with David Easton's political system theory to research the conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan. The conflict of Nagorno-Karabakh has so manyreasons, such as traditional,historical,political,religious,economical and cultural reasons...and so on. The period of this study is from 1988 to 1991.Because current conflict was from Feb.1988 and the post soviet union was break downin Dec.1991. Why the current conflict happened in Gorbachev's era? Which role did Gorbachev's political reform movements include PERESTROIKA,GLASNOST'and DEMOCR ITIZATION? Why international countries so concerned about the Nagorno-Karabakh area'snational conflict? Audior with six ch apters to research the program as follow : Chapter 1 : Introduction. Chapter 2 : The background of national conflict in Nagorno- Karabakh area. Chapter 3 : Analysis of fighters's structure : Armenia & Azerbaijan. Chapter 4 : Analysis of outside factors at Nagorno-Karabakh area's national conflict event. Chapter 5 : The model of Nagorno-Karabakh area's national conflict and Chapter 6 : Co its influence. Chapter 6 : Conclude.
37
Davidson, White Imogen. "Constructing Nagorno-Karabakh: a diachronic discourse analysis." Master's thesis, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-321907.
Full textAbstract:
In over 20 years of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, there has been no significant progress towards a peaceful agreement. It has been argued that there is not enough incentive for leaders to agree to a compromise and that the citizens are not ready to accept one. In this context, the way the conflict and the enemy are described in public discourse is important not only because it represents the viewpoints of those producing the discourse but because it can have a real effect on public opinion. This paper examines discourse on Azerbaijan and the future of Nagorno-Karabakh in an official newspaper, showing that distrust of Azerbaijan and rigid expectations about the future of Nagorno-Karabakh are dominant.
38
Hroch, Jaroslav. "Napomáhá mediální pokrytí porozumění konfliktu? Redefinice konceptu mírové novinařiny a analýza českého zpravodajství o Kypru a Náhorním Karabachu." Master's thesis, 2019. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-405077.
Full textAbstract:
The aim of this thesis is to contribute to theoretically sound concept of Peace Journalism, which combines theoretical foundations from two spheres: conflict and peace studies and media studies. Influence of journalists as intervening force and explaining factor with regard to (violent) conflict is neglected. However, Peace Journalism is not theoretically strong and builds upon dualistic definition vis-á-vis so-called War Journalism. The concept of Peace Journalism has to overcome this delamination in order to reflect theoretical underpinnings of conflict transformation theory and conflict analysis. Moreover, Peace Journalism has to differentiate media according to an involvement of given societies in a conflict. This offers an opportunity to specifically and accurately analyse news coverage of conflicts. Case studies analysing Czech coverage of Cyprus and Nagorno-Karabakh conflicts illustrates this approach. The coverage is essentially flat, distorts a reality of the conflict, pays attention to visual and physical aspects of the conflict and closes the conflicts in arbitrary time boundaries.
39
Kuľková, Miroslava. "Strategické přístupy k řešení arménsko-ázerbájdžánského konfliktu zúčastněnými státy a klíčovými vnějšími aktéry." Master's thesis, 2016. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-350608.
Full textAbstract:
Master thesis "Strategy of Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict resolution by participating states and key external actors"deals with the conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan, in the center of which lies the dispute about the Nagorno Karabakh. Using qualitative analysis of grand strategy of Armenia and Azerbaijan and grand strategies of key regional and external stakeholders it uncovers interests, objectives and postures of the players in their strategic environment. On the basis of comprehensive analysis of the grand strategies I assess their effectiveness in relation to fulfillment of the state's goals and also the role, which conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan plays in their strategy. In theoretical part I present short overview of the evolution of the concept of grand strategy and also operationalization of assessment of the strategies. In the second chapter I describe the historical background of south Caucasus, which is crucial for understanding of the conflictive nature of some interstate states in the region. In the third chapter I analyze grand strategies of Armenia, Azerbaijan, Iran, Turkey, Russia, USA and EU. In the last chapter I summarize the effectiveness and relevance of chosen strategies.
40
Doix, Vincent A. "Les difficultés d’application du droit international au conflit du Haut-Karabagh : effectivités et causes géopolitiques." Thèse, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/11002.
Full textAbstract:
Conflit présenté comme gelé, la guerre du Haut-Karabagh n’en est pas moins réelle, s’inscrivant dans une géopolitique régionale complexe et passionnante, nécessitant de s’intéresser à l’histoire des peuples de la région, à l’histoire des conquêtes et politiques menées concomitamment. Comprendre les raisons de ce conflit situé aux limites de l’Europe et de l’Asie, comprendre les enjeux en cause, que se soit la problématique énergétique ou l’importance stratégique de la région du Caucase à la fois pour la Russie mais également pour les Etats-Unis ou l’Union Européenne ; autant de réflexions que soulève cette recherche. Au delà, c’est l’influence réciproque du droit international et du politique qui sera prise en compte, notamment concernant l’échec des négociations actuelles. Les difficultés d’application du droit international à ce conflit sui generis se situent à plusieurs niveaux ; sur le statut de la région principalement, mais également sur les mécanismes de sanctions et de réparations devant s’appliquer aux crimes sur les personnes et les biens et qui se heurtent à la classification difficile du conflit.The Nagorno-Karabagh conflict, often described as frozen, reveals the certainty of a war encompassed in complex regional geopolitics. To understand this complexity, one must look closer to the history of peoples, of conquests and of ruling politics over this region. Not only are to be understood the energy issues, but also the strategic importance regarding the interests of Russia, the United States or the European Union. Here is the purpose of this research. Also, the relationship between international law and politics is of a particular importance, especially regarding the difficulties of the current negotiations. The difficulties in regard of the application of international law to this sui generis conflict are to be seen at different levels; concerning the statute of the province, as well as the mechanisms of sanctions and compensations that must be applied over crimes on people and goods, facing the issue of the definition of this conflict.
41
Ganjaliyeva, Farahkhanim. "Third parties' role in the frozen conflicts of the South Caucasus. The Cases of Nagorno-Karabakh, South Ossetia and Abkhazia." Master's thesis, 2018. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-388752.
Full textAbstract:
The thesis aims to discuss effectiveness of the international conflict resolution in the region of the South Caucasus, analyzing the challenges to international efforts to solve the three conflict cases: the conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh is among the frozen disputes in the region, the others Abkhazia and the South Ossetia are nominally independent states, however de facto occupied by Russia. It is the fact that three regional players Russia, Turkey and Iran and global players Russia, US, EU have different type of impacts to conflict settlements in the region which directly relate to their political and economic interests. Therefore, after two decades of mediation by powerful states provided no final resolution with numerous attempts at mediation, wherein the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) has taken the lead. The complicated and interdepended relations of states make this region highly sensitive area for war and peace in the world theatrical chessboard. Author also analyzes the effectiveness of conflict management between the parties by focusing on conflicts in the South Caucasus region mentioning their historical, political, security and ethnic dimensions, where international organizations, namely OSCE, UN, EU involve.