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1
WHITHAM, WILLIAM. "A Reconsideration of John Stuart Mill's Account of Political Violence." Utilitas 26, no. 4 (August 8, 2014): 409–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0953820814000168.
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The received view that John Stuart Mill opposed the use of violence to attain desirable political goals has been undermined by authors stressing Mill's defence of revolutionary causes during his lifetime and his efforts to outline a justificatory theory of political violence. In light of this scholarship, claims of Mill's ostensible ‘gradualism’ with regard to the appropriate methods and pace of social progress may merit reassessment. At the same time Mill's account appears to sanction violence that respects criteria of justice but not of expediency and vice versa, making it untenable as a cogent guide for carrying out or evaluating acts of violence. That this tension is analogous to tensions elsewhere in Mill's writings provides more evidence for the view that his theoretical project was a systematic one, and raises new questions about his philosophical enterprise.
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Moss, Giles. "Media, capabilities, and justification." Media, Culture & Society 40, no. 1 (April 24, 2017): 94–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0163443717704998.
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In this article, I evaluate the use of the ‘capability approach’ developed by Amartya Sen and Martha Nussbaum as a normative perspective for critical media research. The concept of capabilities provides a valuable way of assessing media and captures important aspects of the relationship between media and equality. However, following Rainer Forst’s critique of outcome-oriented approaches to justice, I argue that the concept is less well placed to address important questions of power and process. In particular, when it comes to deciding which capabilities media should promote and what media structures and practices should promote them, the capability approach must accept the priority of deliberative and democratic processes of justification. Once we do this, we are urged to situate the concept of capabilities within a more process-oriented view of justice, focused not on capabilities as such but on outlining the conditions required to support such justificatory processes. After discussing the capability approach, I will outline the process-oriented theory of justice Forst has developed around the idea of the ‘right to justification’. While Forst does not discuss media in depth, I argue his theory of justice can provide a valuable alternative normative standpoint for critical media research.
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Cowan, Robert. "Epistemic perceptualism and neo-sentimentalist objections." Canadian Journal of Philosophy 46, no. 1 (February 2016): 59–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00455091.2015.1123037.
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AbstractEpistemic Perceptualists claim that emotions are sources of immediate defeasible justification for evaluative propositions that can (and do) sometimes ground undefeated immediately justified evaluative beliefs. For example, fear can constitute the justificatory ground for a belief that some object or event is dangerous. Despite its attractiveness, the view is apparently vulnerable to several objections. In this paper, I provide a limited defence of Epistemic Perceptualism by responding to a family of objections which all take as a premise a popular and attractive view in value theory – Neo-Sentimentalism – according to which values are analysed in terms of fitting emotions.
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Christiano, Thomas, and Gerald F. Gaus. "Justificatory Liberalism: An Essay on Epistemology and Political Theory." Philosophical Review 107, no. 3 (July 1998): 455. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2998448.
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Estlund, David, and Gerald F. Gaus. "Justificatory Liberalism: An Essay on Epistemology and Political Theory." Philosophy and Phenomenological Research 59, no. 3 (September 1999): 821. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2653803.
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Edmundson, William A. "WHY LEGAL THEORY IS POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY." Legal Theory 19, no. 4 (December 2013): 331–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1352325213000189.
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The concept of law is not a theorist's invention but one that people use every day. Thus one measure of the adequacy of a theory of law is its degree of fidelity to the concept as it is understood by those who use it. That means “saving the truisms” as far as possible. There are important truisms about the law that have an evaluative cast. The theorist has either to say what would make those evaluative truisms true or to defend her choice to dismiss them as false of law or not of the essence of law. Thus the legal theorist must give an account of the truth grounds of the more central evaluative truisms about law. This account is a theory of legitimacy. It will contain framing judgments that state logical relations between descriptive judgments and directly evaluative judgments. Framing judgments are not directly evaluative, nor do they entail directly evaluative judgments, but they are nonetheless moral judgments. Therefore, an adequate theory of law must make (some) moral judgments. This means that an adequate theory of law has to take a stand on certain (but not all) contested issues in political philosophy. Legal theory is thus a branch of political philosophy. Moreover, one cannot be a moral-aim functionalist about legal institutions without compromising one's positivism about legal norms.
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Brake, Elizabeth. "Rawls and Feminism: What Should Feminists Make of Liberal Neutrality?" Journal of Moral Philosophy 1, no. 3 (2004): 293–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/174046810400100305.
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AbstractI argue that Rawls’s liberalism is compatible with feminist goals. I focus primarily on the issue of liberal neutrality, a topic suggested by the work of Catharine MacKinnon. I discuss two kinds of neutrality: neutrality at the level of justifying liberalism itself, and state neutrality in political decision-making. Both kinds are contentious within liberal theory. Rawls’s argument for justice as fairness has been criticized for non-neutrality at the justificatory level, a problem noted by Rawls himself in Political Liberalism. I will defend a qualified account of neutrality at the justificatory level, taking an epistemic approach to argue for the exclusion of certain doctrines from the justificatory process. I then argue that the justification process I describe offers a justificatory stance supportive of the feminist rejection of state-sponsored gender hierarchy. Further, I argue that liberal neutrality at the level of political decision-making will have surprising implications for gender equality. Once the extent of the state’s involvement in the apparently private spheres of family and civil society is recognized, and the disproportionate influence of a sexist conception of the good on those structures—and concomitant promotion of that ideal—is seen, state neutrality implies substantive change. While—as Susan Moller Okin avowed—Rawls himself may have remained ambiguous on how to address gender inequality, his theory implies that the state must seek to create substantive, not merely formal, equality. I suggest that those substantive changes will not conflict with liberal neutrality but instead be required by it.
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Pilapil, Renante D. "Disrespect and political resistance." Thesis Eleven 114, no. 1 (February 2013): 48–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0725513612454363.
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This article examines the critical potential of Honneth’s theory or ethics of recognition by raising two concerns as regards the success of such a project. Firstly, this article argues that Honneth’s ethical turn in critical theory might not be completely warranted and that there are good reasons to supplement his theory of recognition with an account of justificatory practices. Secondly, it argues that the complexity of the beginnings of political resistance proves that an explanative gap remains to be filled to account for the way in which personal experience of disrespect can be transformed into a collective struggle for recognition. By way of conclusion, this article posits that instead of rejecting the critical potential of Honneth’s theory, the concerns raised therein are invitations to specify his theory further, so that contemporary struggles for recognition can be understood more profoundly.
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Knight, Jack, and Melissa Schwartzberg. "Institutional Bargaining for Democratic Theorists (or How We Learned to Stop Worrying and Love Haggling)." Annual Review of Political Science 23, no. 1 (May 11, 2020): 259–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-polisci-060118-102113.
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Contemporary political science takes bargaining to be the central mechanism of democratic decision making, though political theorists typically doubt that processes that permit the exercise of unequal power and the use of threats can yield legitimate outcomes. In this review, we trace the development of theories of institutional bargaining from the standpoint of pluralism and positive political theory before turning to the treatment of bargaining in the influential work of John Rawls and Jürgen Habermas. Their ambivalence about bargaining gave rise to a new focus on the value of negotiation and compromise but this literature constitutes an unstable midpoint between the justificatory ambitions of deliberative democracy and the desire to provide plausible models of political decision making. Instead of advocating changes in mindset or motivation, we argue that a fair bargaining process requires institutional reform, as well as a justificatory framework centered on the preservation of egalitarian decision making.
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Trosow, Samuel E. "The Illusive Search for Justificatory Theories: Copyright, Commodification and Capital." Canadian Journal of Law & Jurisprudence 16, no. 2 (July 2003): 217–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0841820900003702.
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The traditional philosophical justifications for copyright policy fail to account for current expansionary trends. The proprietary logic of contemporary copyright policies is justified on neither utilitarian nor rights-based grounds. Instead, copyright developments are located within the broader framework of commodification and the logic of capital itself. Since copyright law has been outpaced by a technology that undermines both the legal framework and the underlying economic theory on which it is based, a critical theoretical framework rooted in political economy is needed to harmonize the use and dissemination of information with the developing productive forces in society. Central to this framework is the contradiction between use-value and exchange-value, which is inherent in every commodity. This tension, which is particularly acute in the case of the information commodity, becomes sharper with the use of new technologically enabled exclusion mechanisms, as well as with various policy initiatives that seek to expand the duration, scope, and intensity of the copyright monopoly. Reconceptualizing copyright theory through the lens of critical political economy will help raise issues that are often overlooked in the current policy environment, and should decrease the acceptance of traditional justifications without considering all of the policy alternatives.
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Brandtner, Christof. "Putting the World in Orders: Plurality in Organizational Evaluation." Sociological Theory 35, no. 3 (September 2017): 200–227. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0735275117726104.
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Sociologists have shown that external evaluation stimulates convergent organizational behavior, yet many evaluative practices are superficial or susceptible to manipulation. When does external evaluation lead to convergence in organizational fields? Organizations regularly and increasingly experience fragmented social orders based on orthogonal notions of value, or so-called plurality. I propose that the plurality of evaluative landscapes, that is, the universe of rankings, ratings, and awards in an organizational field, compromises the potential homogenizing influence of any single evaluative practice. Plurality in the evaluative landscape weakens the causal channels through which evaluative practices influence organizational behavior. Because evaluative activities are responsive to social conditions, plurality is suggested to be highest when organizations face multiple audiences, when the meaning of value is contested, and when access to evaluation is unregulated. Neoinstitutional organizational theory and the sociology of valuation, both of which inform this article, would benefit from a more integrated account of evaluative landscapes.
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Ladwig, Bernd. "Global justice, cosmopolitanism and moral path dependency." Philosophy & Social Criticism 39, no. 1 (December 16, 2012): 3–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0191453712467750.
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The article explains the essential features of a theory of global justice that combines justice for individuals with justice for political communities. It holds that arguing within the justificatory framework of cosmopolitanism is compatible with a conditional justification of states that are basically just. The justification rests on an argument I will name ‘the moral path dependency argument’. The article follows its normative consequences into the fields of a justly ordered community of legitimate states and of cosmopolitan principles of distributive justice. Thus, it reconciles the latter with claims to political autonomy of particular communities and with the fact of reasonable disagreement between them.
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Krobb, Florian. "Wallensteins Tod in der Geschichtsschreibung." Daphnis 47, no. 1-2 (March 5, 2019): 313–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18796583-04701003.
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This article investigates how contemporary news media, pamphlets and (slightly later) some more elaborate justificatory accounts of the events treated the death of Imperial Commander-in-Chief Wallenstein. The analysis of strategies of emplotment, structure and rhetorical devices of the relevant texts reveal how they all, regardless of the text’s position on either side of the religious and political divide, affirm the power of ‘history’ (fate, providence) to re-establish a balance that had previously been disturbed. A parallel analysis of Friedrich Schiller’s groundbreaking account of the Thirty Years War reveals how, 150 years later, the belief in the self-healing powers of history, the capacity of achieving its own equilibrium, still dominates his philosophy of history.
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Zelic, Nebojsa. "Is there a need for political liberalism to have an account of pre-overlapping consensus reasoning?" Filozofija i drustvo 25, no. 1 (2014): 57–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid1401057z.
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In his Liberalism without Perfection, Jonathan Quong argues for internal conception of political liberalism which goal is to show that a liberal well-ordered society is internally coherent ideal and that citizens who would be raised in such society could endorse and support their own liberal institutions and principles if those institutions and principles are justified in particular way These institutions should be justified by particular conception of public reason which main feature is that overlapping consensus is the first stage of its justificatory structure. So, public reasoning of citizens in well-ordered society should be based solely on values and ideas inherent to liberal conception of justice - freedom, equality, fair system of cooperation and burdens of judgment. Another important feature of Quong?s conception of public reason concerns its scope. Quong argues for a wide scope of public reason which demands that all coercive or binding laws or public policies should be justified (whenever possible) on basis of these values alone. Thus, reasonable citizens in well-ordered society by definition accord deliberative priority to public reasons over their other comprehensive or nonpublic beliefs whenever they exercise their collective political power over one another. The problem I raise in this paper is that it is very likely that in well-ordered society there will be a group of citizens that will not accord full deliberative priority to political values, especially not at all levels of political deliberation. On certain issues they will like to see their particular values being realized through common political institutions. If our political theory excludes this group from justificatory constituency on this particular issue or categorize them as unreasonable it can easily undermine their general adherence to liberal conception of justice and endanger stability of well-ordered society. Thus, my point is that we need a further development of political liberalism to solve such problems not as a part of non-ideal theory but as a part of its ideal of well-ordered society.
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Herzog, Lisa, and Bernardo Zacka. "Fieldwork in Political Theory: Five Arguments for an Ethnographic Sensibility." British Journal of Political Science 49, no. 2 (June 20, 2017): 763–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123416000703.
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This article makes a positive case for an ethnographic sensibility in political theory. Drawing on published ethnographies and original fieldwork, it argues that an ethnographic sensibility can contribute to normative reflection in five distinct ways. It can help uncover the nature of situated normative demands (epistemic argument); diagnose obstacles encountered when responding to these demands (diagnostic argument); evaluate practices and institutions against a given set of values (evaluative argument); probe, question and refine our understanding of values (valuational argument); and uncover underlying social ontologies (ontological argument). The contribution of ethnography to normative theory is distinguished from that of other forms of empirical research, and the dangers of perspectival absorption, bias and particularism are addressed.
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Phillips, Robert A. "Stakeholder Theory and A Principle of Fairness." Business Ethics Quarterly 7, no. 1 (January 1997): 51–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3857232.
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Abstract:Stakeholder theory has become a central issue in the literature on business ethics/business and society. There are, however, a number of problems with stakeholder theory as currently understood. Among these are: 1) the lack of a coherent justificatory framework, 2) the problem of adjudicating between stakeholders, and 3) the problem of stakeholder identification. In this essay, I propose that a possible source of obligations to stakeholders is the principle of fairness (or fair play) as discussed in the political philosophic literature of Rawls, Simmons, and Cullity among others. The principle of fairness states that, “Whenever persons or groups of persons voluntarily accept the benefits of a mutually beneficial scheme of co-operation requiring sacrifice or contribution on the parts of the participants and there exists the possibility of free-riding, there exist obligations of fairness on the part of these persons or groups to co-operate in proportion to the benefits accepted.” In this essay I discuss the gaps in the current stakeholder literature, elucidate and defend a principle of fairness that fills the gap, compare the fairness model to other similar models of business ethics, and draw some conclusions for the future of stakeholder theory.
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Wolkenstein, Fabio. "Intra-party democracy beyond aggregation." Party Politics 24, no. 4 (June 21, 2016): 323–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068816655563.
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Contemporary scholarship on intra-party democracy pays a great deal of attention to aggregative procedures like primaries or membership ballots but widely ignores deliberative procedures within parties. This article begins by highlighting why scholars should care about deliberation within parties, discussing several functions intra-party deliberation is said to serve in the democratic theory literature. It then goes on to explore the deliberative credentials of political discussion between party members, drawing on group interviews with party members in two Social Democratic parties in Germany and Austria. Two issues are investigated: the preconditions for deliberation among party members and their justificatory patterns. The results of the analysis suggest that parties can be genuine vehicles of deliberation, and thus point towards a research programme on intra-party democracy that differs quite starkly from that which prevails.
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Hopkins, Thomas J., and Elizabeth Brooks. "Teaching evaluative research in developing countries: the practice before the theory." International Social Work 30, no. 4 (October 1987): 327–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002087288703000406.
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Martínez-Palacios, Jone, and Igor Ahedo. "How can critical deliberative theory help to solve the methodological challenges of evaluating from a gender + perspective?" Evaluation 26, no. 4 (April 17, 2020): 438–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1356389020912779.
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This article explains why and how it is possible to give greater democratic meaning to an evaluative process by bringing into dialogue the Gender + perspective and a critical approach to deliberative theory within its design. Furthermore, it identifies the methodological challenges of using this intersectional approach to create more inclusive evaluative procedures. Taking into account the experience of the evaluation of Law 4/2005 for Equality between Women and Men in the Basque Country (Spain, 2015–2016), the text explains that the enclave deliberation praxis proposed by critical deliberative theory helps to resolve the challenges that emerge from the implementation of the Gender + perspective in the evaluation of public policies. These challenges include the incorporation of the empowerment perspective into the evaluation, and guaranteeing dialogue between expert knowledge on gender and other more ‘intuitive’ types of knowledge.
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Duncan, Stewart. "Hobbes on the Signification of Evaluative Language." Hobbes Studies 32, no. 2 (October 4, 2019): 159–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18750257-03202001.
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Hobbes, in both the Elements of Law and Leviathan, argues that a wide variety of terms – including ‘good’, ‘bad’, and the names of virtues and vices – have a double and inconstant signification. This paper explores and explains that theory of Hobbes’s. (Two other interpretations are discussed: Pettit’s discussion in terms of indexicals, and Alexandra’s in terms of sense and reference.) This inconstancy of signification has considerable potential to cause confusion and conflict. Given those practical consequences, it is of some importance for Hobbes to find a solution to this problem. The paper examines several possible Hobbesian solutions to the problem. There is reason to think that these suggested solutions cannot completely solve the problem. Hobbes appears to believe that an appropriately powerful sovereign can resolve such problems when necessary, but this is a practical solution that relies on sovereign power, and the difficulty is never in principle resolved.
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Babelyuk, Oksana, and Olena Koliasa. "LANGUAGE MEANS OF EXPRESSING IMPLICIT EVALUATION IN CONTEMPORARY POLITICAL DISCOURSE: PRAGMATIC ASPECT." Scientific Journal of Polonia University 55, no. 6 (February 24, 2023): 9–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.23856/5501.
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This article deals with role of politics and politicians in modern world, the linguistic tendencies of study of contemporary political discourse and the category of evaluation in general, and language means of expressing implicit evaluation in particular, which is considered to be a semantic and pragmatic category and one of the most powerful means of influence on the audience. The pragmatic aim of contemporary political discourse texts lays in the interpretation of event, conveying a variety of indirect or direct, supportive or opposing evaluating attitudes toward it. This study focuses on different evaluative language means used by politicians in their political speeches on different occasions within the appraisal theory framework, under which in this paper we understand a variety of meaning-making language means used by the speakers to express their evaluative involvement in communication.
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Plemenitaš, Katja. "Framing violence in presidential discourse." Ars & Humanitas 14, no. 1 (June 23, 2020): 139–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/ars.14.1.139-155.
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The paper discusses the characteristics of modern American presidential political rhetoric with special reference to Barack Obama’s speeches in which he addressed the highly publicized killings of black Americans. Three of the analysed speeches contain Obama’s rhetorical reaction to the judicial decisions not to indict the police officers responsible for the killings, while one speech gives his immediate reaction to the mass murder of black parishioners by a white supremacist. The study is based on the discourse-linguistic analysis of attitudinal meanings and their functions, which are conceptualized as evaluative frames. Evaluative frames are used to highlight different kinds of discourse participants through judgments of behaviour, attributions of emotions and evaluations of semiotic phenomena and objects. The theoretical framework for the different categories of evaluative frames is based on the theory of news framing and theory of evaluative language within systemic-functional linguistics. The findings of the analysis show that Obama uses an interplay of positive and negative evaluations of different kinds to transcend racial categorizations and avoid a direct attribution of blame. When he acknowledges the continuing relevance of the racial divide in US society, he often applies evaluative frames in such a way that they unify rather than divide the discourse participants on both sides of the divide.
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Farmila, Riri Izzatul, Indah Adi Putri, and Jendrius. "Political Orientation of Women Legislative Candidates in the 2019 Election: A Case Study of Elected Women Legislative Members of Padang City." ENDLESS: International Journal of Future Studies 5, no. 1 (April 16, 2022): 176–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.54783/endlessjournal.v5i1.49.
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The purpose of this study is to analyze the political orientation of 6 female legislative candidates who were elected in the 2019 election in Padang City using the political orientation theory by Almond & Verba which consists of cognitive political orientation, affective orientation, and evaluative orientation. This research is a qualitative research with data collection through direct interviews with female legislators in the city of Padang. Cognitive political orientation in which female legislators of the city of Padang conveyed the importance of the political parties that nominate, this was proven by several female legislators of the city of Padang. The number of female legislative members of the City is 6 people, in political orientation there are several ways that the female legislators of the City of Padang have. Affective political orientation is a feeling towards the political system, its roles, actors and appearances that make a person accept or reject a political system. The political orientation of the female legislators of the City of Padang is how to believe in the community that we are able to convey the aspirations of the community and can solve the problems that the community complains about. Evaluative political orientation Decisions and opinions about political objects that typically involve a combination of value standards and criteria with information and feelings. Affective orientation talks about women's feelings towards political aspects. While the evaluative component talks about the assessment of the political system and its parts. From the results of interviews with researchers, in general, the 6 female legislative members of Padang City who were elected had 3 political orientations, namely cognitive, affective, and evaluative. The tendency of affective orientation is reflected in statements of liking or disliking that say or show women's political parties based on the fulfillment of only 30% quotas. The tendency of evaluative orientation is the ability to evaluate the process that is being implemented, namely the election process and the process as a member of the legislature.
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Wachspress, Megan. "Rethinking sovereignty with reference to history and anthropology." International Journal of Law in Context 5, no. 3 (September 2009): 315–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1744552309990140.
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While legal practice and scholarship are driven by the use and understanding of complex legal terminology, there has been little effort to incorporate the humanistic scholarship of anthropologists and historians into theoretical or practical accounts of these words and their usages. This paper attempts to historicise and complicate a term that serves as a bridge or meeting point between the legal and the political; sovereignty has been conceptualised since the sixteenth century as both a framing device that produces unity within the state while establishing mutual equality within the interstate order, and as the capacity to make law without being subject to that law. Recent anthropological literature has challenged the personification implicit in political–theoretical definitions of sovereignty, arguing instead for a theory of sovereignty that can be applied to ‘complicated’, post-colonial contexts, where legal orders are plural or overlapping and the state is weak or non-existent. What such critiques cannot explain, however, is how the concept of the ‘sovereign state’ became so central to political discourse on a global scale. This paper draws upon legal historical case-studies concerned with the production of the colonial or post-colonial state or the deployment of ‘sovereignty’ as a justificatory concept in colonial settings. In doing so, this paper argues for understanding sovereignty both as a practice across time and space that organises legal institutions and as a justificatory strategy in the intellectual and social history of those institutions, an approach that allows scholars to draw upon the insights of political theorists, anthropologists and historians. While primarily intended to instigate a broader interdisciplinary conversation, this paper also suggests a preliminary conclusion: sovereignty has historically been deployed as a means of including that which cannot be considered the same, mediating the colonial tension between ‘otherness’ and legal homogeneity.
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HAMATI-ATAYA, INANNA. "Knowing and judging in International Relations theory: realism and the reflexive challenge." Review of International Studies 36, no. 04 (July 14, 2010): 1079–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210510000550.
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AbstractThis article addresses the notion of reflexivity in international theory through an attempt to transcend the dichotomy between knowledge and judgement. It intends to demonstrate that neither ‘philosophical’ nor ‘scientific’ approaches to world politics can reconcile cognitive and evaluative claims, but that such an endeavour may be envisaged within a certain conception of knowledge, science and facts. A comparison of Morton Kaplan's approach with Hans Morgenthau's and Kenneth Waltz's suggests what kind of theoretical alternatives can bring together these two seemingly incommensurable orders of discourse under a unified, foundationally reflexive epistemology.
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Sardoč, Mitja. "Citizenship, Social Change, and Education." Center for Educational Policy Studies Journal 11, no. 2 (June 23, 2021): 97–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.26529/cepsj.1093.
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In recent decades, discussions regarding citizenship and citizenship education have evolved from a marginal issue in political philosophy and the philosophy of education to one of the most pressing topics in contemporary discussions about the civic aims of public schooling. The place and contribution of citizenship education in public schools have become central points of discussion and debate in terms of theory, research, policy, and practice. Yet, existing conceptions of citizenship education differ considerably over various issues, including the basic motivational impulses associated with the civic aims of public education. In particular, the recent upsurge of phenomena as diverse as hate speech, populism, the shrinking civic space, radicalisation, and violent extremism have shifted the main justificatory impulse from consequentialist to urgency-based arguments. This shift of emphasis has had some unreflected consequences related to the justification for citizenship education in public schools. The central purpose of this article is to expound on the two main impulses associated with the civic aims of public schools and their interrelationship with social changes. The main part contrasts these two opposing motivational impulses associated with the justification of citizenship education. Each of the two impulses is presented and then clarified with an example to shed light on the basic justificatory procedure associated with it. The concluding part of this paper sketches the most distinctive challenges of the alternative conception of justifying citizenship education and its interplay with social change.
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Brandmayr, Federico. "Social science as apologia." European Journal of Social Theory 24, no. 3 (February 17, 2021): 319–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1368431021990965.
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The social sciences are predominantly seen by their practitioners as critical endeavours, which should inform criticism of harmful institutions, beliefs and practices. Accordingly, political attacks on the social sciences are often interpreted as revealing an unwillingness to accept criticism and an acquiescence with the status quo. But this dominant view of the political implications of social scientific knowledge misses the fact that people can also be outraged by what they see as its apologetic potential, namely that it provides excuses or justifications for people doing bad things, preventing them from being rightfully blamed and punished. This introduction to the special issue sketches the long history of debates about the exculpatory and justificatory consequences of social science and lays the foundations for a theory of social scientific apologia by examining three main aspects: what social and cognitive processes motivate this type of accusation, how social theorists respond to it and whether different contexts of circulation of ideas affect how these controversies unfold.
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Thompson, Michael J. "The two faces of domination in republican political theory." European Journal of Political Theory 17, no. 1 (April 15, 2015): 44–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1474885115580352.
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I propose a theory of domination derived from republican political theory that is in contrast to the neo-republican theory of domination as arbitrary interference and domination as dependence. I suggest that, drawing on of the writings of Machiavelli and Rousseau, we can see two faces of domination that come together to inform social relations. One type of domination is extractive dominance where agents are able to derive surplus benefit from another individual, group, or collective resource, natural or human. Another is what I call constitutive domination where the norms, institutions, and values of the community shape the rationality of subjects to accept forms of power and social relations and collective goals as legitimate forms of authority. Each of these make up two faces of a broader theory of social domination that is more concrete and politically compelling than that put forth by contemporary neo-republican theory. I argue that this understanding of domination should be seen as a kind of ‘radical republicanism’ where the centrality of asymmetrical power relations are placed at the centre of all political concerns. I end by considering the relevance of the common interest as a central means by which to judge the existence of these kinds of domination as well as establish a convincing evaluative criteria for critical judgment.
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LAMB, ROBERT. "The Foundations of Godwinian Impartiality." Utilitas 18, no. 2 (May 19, 2006): 134–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0953820806001890.
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William Godwin is often cited in contemporary philosophical discussions of ethical impartiality, within which he functions as a sort of shorthand for a particularly crude and extreme act-utilitarianism, one that contains no foundational commitments other than the maximizing of some conception of the general good. This article offers a reinterpretation of Godwin's argument, by focusing closely on the ambiguous nature of its justificatory foundations. Although utilitarian political theories seem to have two possible justifications available to them – egalitarian and teleological – there has been little effort to establish which one of them Godwin's argument for impartiality relies on. This problem becomes more complicated when it is acknowledged that Godwin actually provides two different justifications for impartiality, only one of which is consequentialist. The other seems to make a case based on the recognition of moral worth and virtue. This is something confirmed through analysis of Godwin's writings on equality and suggests his political theory is more complex than most philosophers are willing to admit.
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Gizbert-Studnicki, Tomasz. "Filozofia polityczna a pozytywistyczna teoria prawa." Przegląd Prawa i Administracji 110 (November 30, 2017): 15–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/0137-1134.110.2.
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POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY AND POSITIVISTIC LEGAL THEORY The purpose of the paper is to explore the question whether the positivistic legal theory may be developed without any assumptions pertaining to political philosophy. The legal theory of H.L. Hart is examined. The author comes to the conclusion that Hart notwithstanding the declaration that his theory is purely descriptive adopts certain tacit evaluative assumptions, and, therefore does not maintain absolute neutrality vis-a-vis political values. Hart’s assumption are, however, minimal and therefore uncontroversial. This causes that his theory is not able to propose asatisfactory explanation of the normativity of law. Various understandings of the role of alegal theory in such an explanation are discussed.
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Michelsen, Danny. "State civil disobedience: A republican perspective." Journal of International Political Theory 14, no. 3 (June 27, 2018): 331–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1755088218783232.
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The article deals with the question of whether or under which circumstances it is reasonable to interpret some forms of illegal state action as civil disobedience and whether republican political theory can make a difference to the justification of those actions. It is argued that the theory of freedom as non-domination and the interpretation of the right to participation as the “right of rights” in a legitimate state provide a better justificatory scheme for cases in which developing or emerging countries break international trade laws for the purpose of protecting constitutional rights than Rawls’ theory of civil disobedience, because it takes the problem of power asymmetries in international relations and the status of social rights more seriously. However, these republican standards do not offer different practical solutions for a specific type of state disobedience, humanitarian intervention, because transferring the standards of non-domination and the fundamental right to participation to international relations would lead to a “maximalist” interpretation of human rights, which would undermine the function of such interventions as an instrument of last resort against oppressive governments.
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Williams, Geraint. "J. S. Mill and Political Violence." Utilitas 1, no. 1 (May 1989): 102–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s095382080000008x.
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The most common view of Mill sees him as the classic liberal and one key element in this liberalism is said to be that his thought ‘rests on the belief that the use of reason can settle fundamental social conflicts’. He is seen by a leading authority as ‘the rationalist, confident that social change could be effected by the art of persuasion and by the simple fact that men would learn from bitter experiences’. To point out that at various times in his life Mill supported the use of violence in political life is insufficient in itself to challenge this basic view. However, if it can be shown that Mill's support for political violence adds up to a coherent justificatory theory then Mill's standing as the model liberal upholder of reason might need to be revised. Or at least the commonly assumed opposition between reason and violence will need to be re-examined. Are there circumstances in which the use of violence rather than persuasion is the rational course? In looking at Mill's response to events in France, America, Ireland, and Canada as well as his attitude to British politics it is clear that there are numerous examples of his support for the use of violence: ‘I do not scruple to say that I have sympathised more or less ardently with most of the rebellions, successful and unsuccessful, which have taken place in my time’. Our present concern is to see whether he developed any general principles whereby such violence could be shown to be legitimate.
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Salam, Dara. "Public reason: A stranger in non-liberal and religious societies?" Philosophy & Social Criticism 45, no. 1 (December 9, 2018): 3–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0191453718814283.
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The article contributes to the discussion of political reasoning in general, and public reason in particular, analysed from the vantage point of comparative political theory. It aims to bring out the complexity and diversity of actual political reasoning, and it serves as a corrective to some over-simplified discussions of public reason, by defenders and critics alike. I argue that the notion of public reason can be extended to and is operative in non-liberal and religious societies, with the acknowledgment that it needs to undergo a methodological metamorphosis in the process. This requires what I call multiple justificatory strategy, which allows the use of different justifications in order to respond to the plurality existing in society. However, there are certain qualifications in the use of multiple justifications. I argue that this leads to two important conclusions, (a) that the functioning of an inclusive notion of public reason requires the strategy of multiple justifications, and (b) it contests the inclusivists’ argument of the end or superfluity of public reason.
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Kelly, Michael P., and Hilary Dickinson. "The Narrative Self in Autobiographical Accounts of Illness." Sociological Review 45, no. 2 (May 1997): 254–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-954x.00064.
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The paper analyzes autobiographical accounts of the experience of chronic illness and its treatment to develop a sociological theory of the self. It is suggested that ‘self’ is not a biologistic or psychologistic thing. Rather self is autobiographical narrative – hence the narrative self. It is argued that four elements constitute such narrative selves in autobiographical discourse: evaluative relationships between events in time; cosmology; power relationships; and conceptualisation of self as object.
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Zakki Maulana, Ahmad, Mangatur Rudolf Nababan, and Riyadi Santosa. "Evaluative Language Maintenance and Shift on Vice-Presidential Candidates Reportage: Translation Analysis of ‘The Conversation’ Political News." Script Journal: Journal of Linguistics and English Teaching 5, no. 2 (October 27, 2020): 181–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.24903/sj.v5i2.562.
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Background:
This paper seeks to shed some light concerning on evaluative language maintenance and shift at translation phenomenon of online news. Though this translation issue is frequently discussed in academic discourse, little has been concerned on comprehending to what extent the evaluation used in political news has been retained of shifted in their target texts.
Methodology:
Three political news articles published on ‘The Conversation’ online media were selected for the analysis. For doing so, appraisal system and translation technique theory-based concepts were adopted to guide the analysis as well as the discussion. We employed a noteworthy move in terms of data collection technique, that is focus-group discussion by involving a number of experts who are engaged in the field of linguistics and translation studies.
Findings:
This research findings can be understood as evaluative language maintenance dominating the data compared to translation shift. Translators attempted to bridge Indonesian readers by rendering some ideologically news, with the aim of knocking language distance down between English and Indonesian texts. Meanwhile, a plenty of translation techniques encourage translator awareness to take position upon rendering ideological news, in case of retaining, altering, as well as omitting the constructed meanings.
Conclusion:
It is pivotal, as a consequence, to increase news translators’ awareness of understanding attitude constructed in political news. Otherwise, there will be reframing phenomena as the cause of translators’ intervention depriving readers’ rights to understand mass media attitude.
Keywords: evaluative language; translation; political news
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Baum, Bruce. "On the Political Sociology of Intersectional Equality and Difference." Social Theory and Practice 48, no. 2 (2022): 197–234. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/soctheorpract2022225153.
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This article contends that Axel Honneth’s critical social theory provides a compelling general framework with which to map out the political sociology of social equality in a way that takes due account of class-based inequalities, social identity differences, and ecological challenges of contemporary globalized societies. Honneth joins an emphasis on equal respect for all—a core aspect of equality in modern democratic societies—with an account of social esteem recognition—which establishes evaluative distinctions among people—in a way that illuminates the interplay of equality and difference. This is so, I argue, even though Honneth himself has focused on struggles for recognition and social freedom rather than equality, and despite some notable limitations of his political sociology.
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Brousselle, Astrid, and Jean-Marie Buregeya. "Theory-based evaluations: Framing the existence of a new theory in evaluation and the rise of the 5th generation." Evaluation 24, no. 2 (April 2018): 153–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1356389018765487.
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In this article we defend the idea that theory-based evaluations—contribution analysis, logic analysis, and realist evaluation—are complementary components of a new theory in evaluation. We also posit that we are currently observing the emergence of a fifth generation in evaluation: the explanation generation. Theory-based evaluations have featured prominently in the discourse of evaluators since the mid-1980s. They have developed mainly in response to the need for evaluation of complex interventions. In this article we analyze certain approaches that have matured in their design and application. We use the framework of Shadish et al. to analyze the ontological, epistemological, and methodological foundations of various theory-based approaches in evaluation to appraise their similarities and differences. We observe that all these approaches are grounded in critical realism. Similarities seen in their ontological, epistemological, and methodological positionings, as well as their complementarity in terms of the evaluative questions they address, suggest we may be observing the consolidation of a new theory in evaluation and the emergence of a fifth generation.
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Papaioannou, Theodoros. "Market Order and Justice in Hayek's Political Theory: The Exclusion and Requirement of Substantive Politics." Social Science Information 42, no. 2 (June 2003): 229–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0539018403042002004.
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The article approaches Hayek's ideas on the market and procedural justice through his epistemology and methodology, providing an immanent critique of these ideas. It argues that the concept of the market as a catallaxy and the idea of justice as a system of general rules of conduct reflect a moral dimension that excludes but also requires substantive politics. The latter is a kind of politics that pursues goals which are formed through a normative/evaluative conception of social good. The moral dimension of Hayek's theory excludes substantive politics because such politics can never be explained in terms of the praxeological presuppositions of social spontaneity and cultural evolution. At the same time, that dimension requires substantive politics because only through it can social spontaneity and cultural evolution be preserved as a social good in terms of liberalism.
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Daly, Eoin. "Fraternalism as a Limitation on Religious Freedom: The Case of S.A.S. v. France." Religion and Human Rights 11, no. 2 (June 14, 2016): 140–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18710328-12341302.
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In upholding France’s ban on public face coverings, the European Court of Human Rights accepted that the manifestation of religious beliefs could legitimately be restricted in the interests of ‘vivre ensemble’—literally, ‘living together’—or what I label ‘fraternalism’. I will argue that fraternalism, in the French setting, is closely linked to the idea of a duty of civility in political theory: it is understood as a duty to practice a certain kind of fraternal sociability. This paper relates the Court’s judgment to France’s justificatory, ‘republican’ discourse. It argues that civility must be understood as a habitus—a set of learned orientations and bodily techniques—rather than as a set of discursive or speech constraints. In turn, this demonstrates the danger in the idea of civility (or fraternalism) as limiting religious liberties: far from simply fostering republican virtues, it will reinforce cultural and social power dynamics.
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Connelly, Steve, and Dave Vanderhoven. "The craft of evaluative practice: Negotiating legitimate methodologies within complex interventions." Evaluation 24, no. 4 (August 27, 2018): 419–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1356389018794519.
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Evaluations of complex interventions are likely to encounter tensions between different methodological principles, and between the inherent causal rationality of evaluation and the messy complexity of real institutional contexts. Conceptualizing evaluation as producing putatively authoritative evidence, we show how ‘legitimacy’ is a useful concept for unpacking evaluation design in practice. A case study of service integration shows how different approaches may have unpredictable levels of legitimacy, based in contrasting assessments of their methodological acceptability and actual utility. Through showing how practitioners resolved the tensions, we suggest that crafting a patchwork of different methodologies may be legitimate and effective, and can be seen as underpinned by its own pragmatic rationality. However, we also conclude that the explanatory power of theory-driven evaluation can be embedded in such an approach, both in elements of the patchwork and as an overarching guiding principle for the crafting process.
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Webster, Murray, and Joseph M. Whitmeyer. "Modeling Second-Order Expectations." Sociological Theory 20, no. 3 (November 2002): 306–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9558.00166.
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Theory-building is a continual, collective enterprise in which success is judged by logical consistency and successful explanation and prediction of specified empirical facts from a minimal set of assumptions. We describe some new attempts to develop Interactionist ideas on how communicated opinions from others can affect face-to-face interaction patterns and definitions of a social situation, including identities of the interactants. Our attempts take the form of developing theoretical models of how others' evaluative opinions are incorporated into existing performance expectations. We show how model-building depends on existing theoretical ideas and empirical evidence. The description illustrates some ways in which contemporary sociological theory develops.
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Zahn, Rebecca, and David Cabrelli. "Theories of Domination and Labour Law: An Alternative Conception for Intervention?" International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations 33, Issue 3 (September 1, 2017): 339–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/ijcl2017015.
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In previous work, the authors have sought to demonstrate how a particular strand of contemporary political theory can be usefully adopted to shed valuable light on labour law. In short, the conception of ‘non-domination’ grounded in contemporary civic republican political philosophy and associated with scholars such as Philipp Pettit and Frank Lovett prescribes a sophisticated account of freedom and a socially just order. In the latter’s framework, social justice is secured when laws and policies are introduced to subject private social relationships characterized by dependency and an arbitrary imbalance in social power to a measure of external control. As a subset of a socially just order, the previous work of the authors sought to sketch out how nondomination theory could act as a justification for labour laws. This would conceptualize labour laws as a set of measures that are designed to achieve a degree of ‘non-domination’ in the employment relationship. Labour law achieves this by introducing legal and policy controls limiting the employee’s dependence on his/her employer and restricting the arbitrary power imbalance inherent in the relationship between the employer and the employee. By serving to tone down the level of arbitrary decision-making vested in the employer, the dependency of the employee on the employer, and/or by counterbalancing the degree of power wielded by the employer, it was argued that procedural and substantive labour laws such as unfair dismissal/discharge, minimum wage laws, working time controls, and collective labour and trade union rights can be perceived as measures that are consistent with a legal framework designed to secure a degree of ‘non-domination’ of the worker. In this article, the various advantages of nondomination theory as a justification for labour laws are summarized before the discussion turns to a detailed assessment of the range of objections that can be levelled at such a justificatory framework. In particular, the accusation that it is not descriptively accurate as a model, nor normatively useful as a conception for labour laws, is subjected to greater scrutiny. The article concludes with the general proposition that although Pettit’s and Lovett’s non-domination model is insufficient to act as an abstract justificatory theory for labour laws, it can act as a driver for specific labour laws; and more specifically, for a particular conception or form of labour law that promotes a distinctive set of regulatory techniques, and vision of the role and function of the central notion of the contract of employment. The primary significance of this article rests in the insight that domination-based narratives of civic republicanism have the capacity to act as a bridge between existing individual, relational, autonomous, substantive and procedural accounts of the regulation of the law of the contract of employment and political philosophy: a ‘new normativity’, albeit one that is restricted in scope.
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BECK, NATHANIEL, GARY KING, and LANGCHE ZENG. "Theory and Evidence in International Conflict: A Response to de Marchi, Gelpi, and Grynaviski." American Political Science Review 98, no. 2 (May 2004): 379–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055404001212.
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In this article, we show that de Marchi, Gelpi, and Grynaviski's substantive analyses are fully consistent with our prior theoretical conjecture about international conflict. We note that they also agree with our main methodological point that out-of-sample forecasting performance should be a primary standard used to evaluate international conflict studies. However, we demonstrate that all other methodological conclusions drawn by de Marchi, Gelpi, and Gryanaviski are false. For example, by using the same evaluative criterion for both models, it is easy to see that their claim that properly specified logit models outperform neural network models is incorrect. Finally, we show that flexible neural network models are able to identify important empirical relationships between democracy and conflict that the logit model excludes a priori; this should not be surprising since the logit model is merely a limiting special case of the neural network model.
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Tan, Yan. "A Study of the Inaugural Address of John F. Kennedy From the Perspective of Appraisal Theory." Theory and Practice in Language Studies 12, no. 1 (January 2, 2022): 117–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.17507/tpls.1201.14.
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An Inaugural Address is a speech made by a speaker when he or she assumes a new position, stating his or her position, views and policies in light of domestic and international political and economic situations. Based on Martin's Appraisal Theory, this paper mainly uses the three subsystems of Appraisal Theory: Attitude, Engagement, and Graduation to explore and analyze the evaluative devices in Kennedy's Inaugural Address and its expression of the speaker's views and attitudes, and to fully reveal the reasons for the enduring popularity of this speech.
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King, Melanie Rose Nova, Ray J. Dawson, Steve J. Rothberg, and Firat Batmaz. "Utilizing a realist evaluative research approach to investigate complex technology implementations." Journal of Systems and Information Technology 19, no. 1/2 (March 13, 2017): 22–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jsit-04-2017-0027.
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Purpose This study aims to investigate the effectiveness of a theory-driven realist evaluative research approach to better understand complex technology implementations in organizations. Design/methodology/approach An institution wide e-learning implementation of lecture capture (LC), within a UK University, was chosen, and a realist evaluation framework was used, tailored for educational technology. The research was conducted over four, increasingly focused, evaluation cycles combining engagement analytics, user interviews and theory to refine what works (or does not work), for whom, in which contexts and why. Findings Despite explicit demand and corresponding investment, overall student engagement is lower than expected. Increased student use appears linked to particular staff attitudes and behaviours and not to specific disciplines or course content. The main benefits of LC are providing reassurance to the majority, aiding revision and understanding for the many and enabling catch-up for the few. Recommendations for future research are based on some unexpected outcomes uncovered, including evolving detrimental student behaviours, policy development based on technological determinism and future learner-centred system development for next-generation LC technologies. Practical implications The realist approach taken, and evaluation framework used, can be adopted (and adapted) for future evaluative research. Domain specific reference models, categorizing people and technology, supported analysis across multiple contexts. Originality/value This study responds to a call for more theory-based research in the field of educational technology. The authors demonstrate that a theory-driven approach provides real and practical recommendations for institutions and allows for greater insight into the political, economic and social complexity of technology implementation.
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MANN, RONI. "Non-ideal theory of constitutional adjudication." Global Constitutionalism 7, no. 1 (March 2018): 14–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2045381717000247.
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Abstract:When a constitutional court faces opposition from other branches of government or significant segments of the public, should it always hold fast to what it considers constitutionally right, even where this would potentially harm its status and perceived legitimacy? Or are constitutional compromises sometimes justified? Such ‘institutionally hard’ cases – those characterised by a sharp tension between constitutional principle and institutional prudence – pose a true dilemma for constitutionalism. This article advances a realistic, yet principled, liberal-constitutional approach to this dilemma, put forth in the vein of Rawlsian non-ideal theory. It addresses a troubling gap between, on the one hand, theidealisingdiscourse of constitutional theory – which overlooks or downplays the actual social and political pressures that courts must confront – and, on the other, a growing political science literature which, in the name of ‘realism’, views judges solely as strategic actors, leaving no role for principled reasoning. What has stepped into the gap in normative theory is a vague notion of ‘judicial statesmanship’, which praises or criticises judges post hoc, on an intuitive basis, without any tangible prescriptive bite. Developing evaluative and prescriptive guidelines for institutionally-hard cases, a non-ideal theory of constitutional adjudication should construct principles thatbothreinforce the commitment to ideal constitutional principle,andproperly situate constitutional courts within the real – contingent and often very non-ideal – social and political contexts in which they operate.
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VOYIAKIS, EMMANUEL. "International Law and the Objectivity of Value." Leiden Journal of International Law 22, no. 1 (March 2009): 51–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156508005633.
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AbstractThe familiar critical claim that propositions of international law cannot be both objective and normative casts a long shadow over international legal theory. The claim relies on the conjunction of two ideas: first, that the truth-conditions of any proposition of international law will include some element of evaluative judgement (about the right or the good) that gives the proposition its normative character, and, second, that evaluative judgements cannot be objectively true or false. International lawyers have two main strategies for defending their discipline against this sceptical challenge. A more modest strategy would accept that legal objectivity and normativity are incompatible and attempt to sidestep the sceptical critique by abandoning the claim to normativity. A second and more ambitious strategy would resist the sceptical challenge by disputing the plausibility of its attack on the objectivity of evaluative judgements. This strategy would rely on the claim that objectivity and normativity are not mutually incompatible and that the aim of producing an account of international law that displays both features is realistic. My aim in this paper is to show that there exists at least one version of this second strategy that can succeed against the sceptical challenge. I argue that scepticism about values is incoherent and, therefore, that the opposition between the objectivity and the normativity of international law is illusory. Setting such scepticism aside will allow international lawyers to concentrate fully on the substantive normative questions that drive theories of international law and on the values that provide the best account of its content.
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Switzer, Stephanie. "A contract theory approach to special and differential treatment and the WTO." Journal of International Trade Law and Policy 16, no. 3 (September 18, 2017): 126–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jitlp-10-2017-0034.
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Purpose This paper is prompted by the dissatisfaction of developing countries regarding the grant of special and differential treatment (SDT) under the legal framework of the World Trade Organisation (WTO). As a result of such dissatisfaction, the Doha Round of multilateral trade negotiations explicitly called for a review of such treatment with a view to making it more precise, effective and operational. This mandate has not yet been met to the satisfaction of many developing countries. This paper aims to provide an alternative way of examining and evaluating the contestation which exists regarding SDT in the WTO. Design/methodology/approach This paper uses the conceptual framework provided by the economic contract theory and in particular, the concept of the incomplete contract to provide a scaffold for analysing SDT. This approach is intended to offer insights beyond those elucidated so far in the literature on the topic. Findings This paper, by using an economic contract theory approach, finds that SDT is constructed as an incomplete contract. Furthermore, the suboptimal outcomes associated with incomplete contracts are apparent in the constitution of SDT. This finding is useful in both an evaluative and programmatic sense, providing us with an alternative entry point to explain some of the shortcomings with SDT, as well as garnering us with a useful conceptual tool to think upon how SDT can be improved. Originality/value The paper contributes to the literature on SDT within the WTO in particular and differential treatment in international law in general. Drawing on literature on the WTO as an incomplete contract, the paper provides an original frame for analyzing SDT and draws attention, in particular, to the utility of the economic contract theory as a programmatic and evaluative frame for SDT and differential treatment more generally.
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Boeva-Omelechko, Natalya B., and Ksenia P. Posternyak. "Transformation of the Image-Concept of Russia in British Political Media Discourse: A Diachronic Aspect." Imagologiya i komparativistika, no. 16 (2021): 148–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/24099554/16/10.
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The images of states as special mental models are created in mass media discourse with its powerful persuasive capacity. The image of one and the same state can be different. This article focuses on the mechanisms of such a change of the image of New Russia in British mass media discourse on the basis of a comparative analysis of the linguistic ways of surfacing the nucleus of the concept “Russia” and its three basic layers - metaphorical, evaluative, and etnocultural associative - in the period after the collapse of the Soviet Union (1991-1993) and in the modern one (2013-2018). The relevance of this work is due to the growing interest of the British media in our country and the need to study the dynamics of verbalization of the conceptual, figurative, evaluative and associative components of the concept “Russia” in British media discourse over the past 30 years. The results of the study confirmed our hypothesis that two different images of New Russia were created in British political media discourse in the two periods: one in 1991-1993 after the collapse of the Soviet Union and the other in 2013-2018 when British-Russian relations sharply escalated. In 1991, British journalists still used phrases such as former Soviet Union, Russian-Soviet state, Russian Empire to designate our state. Currently, there are such nominations as the Russian State, the Kremlin, Putin’s Russia. The metaphorical image of Russia has changed from a connotation associated with the concept of a weak, sick, newborn or defeated country to an offensive image of an enemy, a puppeteer, an active participant in military games, or aggressive animals, such as a bear, gorilla or octopus. The evaluative layer of the image-concept of Russia in the 1990s was represented by epithet utterances with some positive connotations associated with the hope of restoration and friendliness on her part. Currently, almost no positive connotations are found. The associative layer of the image-concept of Russia in the 1990s was represented in the British press by former superpower tokens opposing weak Russia to the powerful Soviet Union. Russia, as the successor to the USSR, was associated with the empire, with the green color of rebirth, with the East and mystery. However, objective journalists are sure that Russia is not an enemy, that cooperation between the two countries is mutually beneficial, given the positive historical experience of the interaction of the two great cultures. The analysis scheme proposed in the article can be used to study the transformation of images of other states. The article can be used in training courses for linguists, journalists and politicians.
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Gawaya, Milbert, Desiree Terrill, and Eleanor Williams. "Using rapid evaluation methods to assess service delivery changes: Lessons learned for evaluation practice during the COVID-19 pandemic." Evaluation Journal of Australasia 22, no. 1 (January 12, 2022): 30–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1035719x211057630.
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The COVID-19 pandemic required large-scale service delivery changes for government, and provided the opportunity for evaluators to step up and support decision makers to understand the impact of these changes. Rapid evaluation methods (REM) provide a pragmatic approach for generating timely information for evidence-based policy and decision-making. Grounded in developmental and utilisation-focused evaluation theory, REM incorporates a team-based, mixed methods design, executed over a 6–8-week period. Customised rubrics were used to rigorously assess effectiveness and scalability of practice changes to inform COVID-19 response planning. REM is an alternative approach to full-scale evaluation models frequently implemented to assess policies and programs. Adapted use of REM suggests that meaningful insights can be gained through use of smaller scale evaluations. This article shares lessons learned from a novel rapid evaluation method applied in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic. The rapid evaluation approach was implemented to provide real-time insights and evaluative conclusions for 15 program and practice adaptations across Victorian health and human service settings. The article shares insights about the practical applicability of balancing rigour and timeliness when implementing a rapid evaluation, and strengths and limitations of working within a fast-paced evaluation framework. Findings can inform evaluative practice in resource and time-limited settings.