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Journal articles on the topic 'Justice Gacaca'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 1 June 2024

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1

Rettig, Max. "Gacaca: Truth, Justice, and Reconciliation in Postconflict Rwanda?" African Studies Review 51, no. 3 (December 2008): 25–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arw.0.0091.

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Abstract:In institutionalizing gacaca, the Rwandan government has launched one of the most ambitious transitional justice projects the world has ever seen. But gacaca is controversial, and its contribution to postconflict reconciliation is unclear. Through public opinion surveys, trial observations, and interviews, this study provides a window into how gacaca has shaped interethnic relations in one Rwandan community. Although gacaca has brought more people to trial than the ICTR, transnational trials, and the ordinary Rwandan courts combined, gacaca exposes—and perhaps deepens—conflict, resentment, and ethnic disunity. Lies, half-truths, and silence have limited gacaca's contribution to truth, justice, and reconciliation.

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2

Drumbl, M. A. "Post-Genocide Justice in Rwanda." Journal of International Peacekeeping 22, no. 1-4 (April 8, 2020): 247–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18754112-0220104016.

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The Rwandan genocide triggered a vast number of criminal and quasi-criminal prosecutions. Rwanda therefore constitutes an example of a robust and rapid implementation of criminal accountability for atrocity. Rwanda, moreover, departed from other countries – such as South Africa – by eschewing a truth and reconciliation process as part of a transitional justice process. This chapter unpacks three levels of judicialization that promoted criminal responsibility for atrocity in Rwanda: the ICTR, specialized chambers of national courts, and gacaca proceedings. The ICTR indicted roughly 90 individuals, the national courts convicted in the area of 10,000 defendants (with some proceedings remaining ongoing), while approximately one million individuals proceeded through gacaca. The ICTR and gacaca proceedings have been concluded for several years already. This article summarizes these proceedings, discusses the outcomes and assesses their impact. In addition, this article examines how these three layers of judicialization interfaced with each other.

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3

Megwalu, Amaka, and Neophytos Loizides. "Dilemmas of Justice and Reconciliation: Rwandans and the Gacaca Courts." African Journal of International and Comparative Law 18, no. 1 (March 2010): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e0954889009000486.

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Following the 1994 genocide, several justice initiatives were implemented in Rwanda, including a tribunal established by the United Nations, Rwanda's national court system and Gacaca, a ‘traditional’ community-run conflict resolution mechanism adapted to prosecute genocide perpetrators. Since their inception in 2001, the Gacaca courts have been praised for their efficiency and for widening participation, but criticised for lack of due process, trained personnel and attention to atrocities committed by the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF). To evaluate these criticisms, we present preliminary findings from a survey of 227 Rwandans and analyse their attitudes towards Gacaca in relation to demographic characteristics such as education, residence and loss of relatives during the genocide.

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4

O’Reilly, Colin, and Yi Zhang. "Post-genocide justice: The Gacaca courts." Development Policy Review 36, no. 5 (May 17, 2018): 561–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/dpr.12281.

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5

Nyseth Brehm, Hollie, Christopher Uggen, and Jean-Damascène Gasanabo. "Genocide, Justice, and Rwanda’s Gacaca Courts." Journal of Contemporary Criminal Justice 30, no. 3 (July 2, 2014): 333–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1043986214536660.

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6

Gasanabo, Jean-Damascène, Donatien Nikuze, Hollie Nyseth Brehm, and Hannah Parks. "Rwanda’s Inyangamugayo: Perspectives from Practitioners in the Gacaca Transitional Justice Mechanism." Genocide Studies and Prevention 14, no. 2 (September 2020): 153–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.5038/1911-9933.14.2.1642.

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The Gacaca courts have been the subject of much academic work. Yet, few studies have examined the elected individuals who presided over Gacaca court trials, reflecting a broader paucity of research on local practitioners of transitional justice. Accordingly, this study asks two questions: (1) How did the Gacaca court judges, known as Inyangamugayo, perceive their duties to fight impunity and facilitate reconciliation? And (2) What challenges did the Inyangamugayo face as they sought to implement these duties? To address these questions, we interviewed 135 former Inyangamugayo. Our interviews shed light on the Inyangamugayo’s understandings of punishment and accountability, as well as on their perceptions of reconciliation at personal and societal levels. The interviews also illuminate the problems the Inyangamugayo faced while presiding over trials. Taken together, these findings contribute to scholarship on transitional justice pursuits by highlighting the perceptions and experiences of the individuals who implement transitional justice mechanisms.

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7

Ingelaere, Bert. "‘Does the truth pass across the fire without burning?’ Locating the short circuit in Rwanda's Gacaca courts." Journal of Modern African Studies 47, no. 4 (November 12, 2009): 507–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x0999005x.

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ABSTRACTThe modernised tradition of the Gacaca courts has become the key mechanism for dealing with the past in Rwanda. The process needs to establish accountability for all acts of genocide and to foster reconciliation. Nevertheless, popular narratives and survey results reveal that a widespread ‘crisis’ accompanied the initial stages of the Gacaca process. We argue that a problematic quest for the truth is short-circuiting reconciliation in post-genocide Rwanda. Truth-telling is the cornerstone of the transitional justice framework due to the design of the Gacaca tribunals. On the basis of twenty months of fieldwork in Rwandan villages, we locate tensions at different levels. The Gacaca system is a distinctively modern phenomenon despite its traditional appearance. The state-sanctioned speaking of the truth according to a prosecutorial logic runs counter to the core values of the customary institution and established societal practices. This friction is further enhanced by the underlying Judeo-Christian model of truth-telling introduced with the Gacaca system in a socio-political environment mediated by a culture of deceit and dominated by a war victor. In such a socio-cultural context, communication serves the interests of the power holders (national and local), and not necessarily the interest of truth-telling and justice.

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8

Tangwe, Abraham Tamukum, Gloire Sebuyange Victoire, and Patrick Kofi Benyin. "The Relevance of Home-Grown Solutions: A Comparative Analogy of Gacaca and Abunzi Mediation in Rwanda." Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal 10, no. 10 (October 27, 2023): 180–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.1010.15674.

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This paper examines the impact of the Gacaca and its contributions to the restoration of justice and reconciliation in Rwanda after the genocide, in relation to the Abunzi committees with the objective of assessing its relevance and why it was disbanded. The rationale is to know how the Gacaca system inspired a series of other home-grown solutions aiming at disputes settlement in a peaceful way, with much emphasis to the Abunzi committees. To attain this, the researchers adopted a qualitative approach using a thematic review through a desk study where a thematic analysis was used to compare and contrast the relevance of Gacaca and Abunzi with content analysis propagated deductively in an iterative manner. The findings indicated that the Gacaca and the Abunzi contributed tremendously to the acquisition of transitional justice in Rwanda as well as eradicating the culture of impunity and dispensing justice to the victims. Moreover, these courts laid the foundation of peace, reconciliation and unity. Perceptively, the Rwandese acknowledged the role of these courts because it exposed what had happened in their local communities and assisted many families to identify their missing family members and relatives thereby enhancing the importance of the sustainability of home-grown solutions. In perspective, this study will create an awareness in establishing a home-grown solution and will act as an addition to the yawning gap of the lack of documents. Members of the Gacaca and the Abunzi should undertake building of their capacity to be schooled in mediation as well as the government should be able to provide resources and trainings to boost their outputs.

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9

Reyntjens, Filip. "Le gacaca ou la justice du gazon au Rwanda." Politique africaine 40, no. 1 (1990): 31–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/polaf.1990.5421.

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The gacaca or lawn justice in rwanda. In Rwanda, neighbourhood meetings on the lawn (Gacaca) are the locally-recognized context for resolving legal disputes without legal provisions or state organization. It is a contemporary phenomenon, based on custom, which rests mainly on reconciling proximity disputes rather than reinforcing official jurisdictional authority. In this case, the possibility to choose between several courts improves access to justice and the elaboration of origi¬ nal judicial solutions better able to meet some local jurisdictional needs. Thus, jurisdictional pluralism represents a judicial policy that the African states have put aside too rapidly.

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10

Corey, A. "Retributive justice: The Gacaca courts in Rwanda." African Affairs 103, no. 410 (January 1, 2004): 73–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adh007.

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11

Paradelle, Muriel, and Hélène Dumont. "L’emprunt à la culture, un atout dans le jugement du crime de génocide ?*." Criminologie 39, no. 2 (January 15, 2007): 97–135. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/014430ar.

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Résumé Les auteures s’intéressent aux juridictions traditionnelles gacaca telles que réformées par le législateur rwandais afin de pouvoir être saisies de poursuites criminelles liées au génocide. Elles examinent les raisons qui ont amené les autorités gouvernementales à parier sur ce mode coutumier de justice dans une optique de réconciliation nationale et à réinvestir ce type de justice de proximité. Elles analysent ensuite les altérations profondes apportées au fonctionnement originel de ces instances qui empruntent tout à la fois à la palabre africaine et au droit pénal de facture occidentale et elles se demandent si les gacaca dans leur « version génocidaire » peuvent encore réaliser les finalités traditionnelles de cette justice participative et restaurative lorsque la tradition et la culture ont été à ce point réinventées. Enfin, les auteures réfléchissent aux difficultés multiples que pose le génocide, d’être un crime que l’on ne peut punir, ni pardonner, encore moins réparer, et qui sidère tout système de justice. Tout en identifiant quelques éléments positifs de cette justice de proximité fort imparfaite et en grande partie inadaptée pour juger du génocide, à leur avis, il reste encore difficile d’incarner et de traduire dans un système de justice, fut-il traditionnel ou moderne, une volonté de mettre fin à l’impunité et d’assurer une finalité de prévention générale. En guise de conclusion, les auteures suggèrent que les juridictions gacaca qui empruntent à la culture de la société rwandaise doivent, en tout état de cause, garantir la liberté de parole, la franchise et l’expression d’une vérité commune sur ce génocide pour que criminels et victimes rescapées puissent réapprendre à vivre ensemble.

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12

Doughty, Kristin C. "Inside Rwanda’s Gacaca Courts: Seeking Justice After Genocide." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue canadienne des études africaines 51, no. 2 (May 4, 2017): 337–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00083968.2017.1342938.

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13

KIRKBY, COEL. "RWANDA'S GACACA COURTS: A PRELIMINARY CRITIQUE." Journal of African Law 50, no. 2 (October 2006): 94–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021855306000106.

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Just over a decade after the 1994 genocide, over 1,000 accused languish in Rwandan prisons. The International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda and the nation's domestic courts have struggled to bring them to trial. In response, the Rwandan government has embarked on an experiment in mass justice: the gacaca courts. The new courts are inspired by traditional dispute resolution mechanisms. The judges are elected by popular vote in their cells to hear cases such as murder, assault and property offences. The system permits appeals (except for property crimes), though not to the domestic courts. The setting is less formal than criminal courts and promotes confessions from perpetrators and forgiveness from survivors. Coupled with this process are two related schemes for victim compensation and community service for those convicted. This article examines these courts from the perspectives of retributive and restorative justice, within the Rwandan context. In practice, the gacaca courts embody both principles, as well as their tension. The judges are lay persons, yet are engaged in complex legal adjudication. The accused have no right to legal representation, nor an appeal to the domestic courts. More importantly, survivors are marginalized by the process as the practical and political pressures on the Rwandan government have made them opt for expediency (more and faster trials) over reconciliation (survivor compensation and manifest regret by the perpetrators). The gacaca courts hold out much promise of reconciling a deeply divided society, but redressing the needs of victims must become a priority.

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14

Dumas, Hélène. "Histoire, justice et réconciliation : les juridictions gacaca au Rwanda." Mouvements 53, no. 1 (2008): 110. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/mouv.053.0110.

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15

Geraghty, Mark Anthony. "Gacaca, Genocide, Genocide Ideology: The Violent Aftermaths of Transitional Justice in the New Rwanda." Comparative Studies in Society and History 62, no. 3 (July 2020): 588–618. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417520000183.

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AbstractThis article investigates the violent aftermaths of Rwanda's 1994 Genocide and Liberation war by analyzing its Gacaca Courts, which framed themselves as a “traditional” mechanism of transitional justice. These specialized genocide tribunals, in operation between 2002 and 2012, authorized laypersons to sentence their neighbors to up to life in prison. They passed judgment on almost two million cases, at an official conviction rate of 86 percent. I argue that through their practice, “genocide” came to be constituted as a crime whose contours extended far beyond the boundaries of any international legal definition. It included a wide range of acts, utterances, and inner states, as potentially infinite manifestations of a boundless criminal interiority named “genocide ideology,” the necessary ‘driving force’ behind acts of genocide. Within Gacaca, genocide ideology was constituted as the continuing destructive potential of Hutu to menace or even disrespect innocent Tutsi, who were constituted as metonymic of the “new” state. The paranoid hermeneutics of those trials led them to project such an interiority within ‘others,’ imagined as constantly on the verge of erupting into insurrectionary violence, threatening the state's very foundation. The figure of the “Hutu” was transformed into a negative political category operating as a spectral threat haunting the New Rwanda. Gacaca led to a realization throughout the vast population that it marked as “Hutu” that the crime of genocide could potentially inhabit any and perhaps even all of them, thereby producing a generalized fear and pervasive silence.

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16

Lingnau, Hildegard. "An alternative approach to justice – the Gacaca jurisdictions in Rwanda." Verfassung in Recht und Übersee 36, no. 4 (2003): 582–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0506-7286-2003-4-582.

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17

Gilani, Syed Raza Shah, Zahid Ullah, and Kiramat Ullah. "THE RWANDAN GENOCIDE (1994): A NEW PERSPECTIVE ON ITS CAUSES AND ON THE INDIFFERENCE OF THE INTERNATIONAL ACTORS AND INSTITUTIONS TOWARDS THE GENOCIDE." Pakistan Journal of Social Research 04, no. 04 (December 31, 2022): 708–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.52567/pjsr.v4i04.884.

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This Article explores the political, ethical, and legal implications of the Rwandan genocide, on the one hand, and the unsatisfactory role of the US and the UN in averting and/or containing the murderous violence, on the other. In addition, this article examines the advantages and disadvantages of community courts, i.e., the Gacaca Tribunals, which were established for trying/prosecuting those who were allegedly involved in the genocide. The role of the Gacaca Tribunals is analyzed in terms of their shortcomings in meting out justice to the perpetrators of the genocide at the grassroot level. Also, the functioning of the Tribunals is probed in terms of their capacity, or its lack thereof, of the Rwandan courts to deal with the number of cases, which it had to handle in case the government had not set up the Tribunals. This article argues that the genocide could have been averted if the Habyarimana-led Rwandan government was stopped from deliberately fanning ethnic tension between the Hutus and Tutsis ethnic groups for political purposes, and had the UN and the US intervened in a timely manner to stop the carnage. Keywords: Rwanda, Genocide, International Law, Rwanda Patriotic Force (RPF), Gacaca Tribunals.

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18

Nyseth Brehm, Hollie, Laura C. Frizzell, Christopher Uggen, and Evelyn Gertz. "Consequences of judging in transitional justice courts." British Journal of Criminology 61, no. 5 (April 5, 2021): 1169–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/bjc/azab008.

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Abstract Research has found that participation in transitional justice (TJ) is associated with increased social capital and decreased well-being. This article extends this scholarship by examining how TJ mechanisms affect the social capital and well-being of the people who implement them via interviews with 135 Rwandan gacaca court judges. In terms of well-being, judges discuss pride and confidence yet also highlight stress and trauma. In terms of social capital, many judges are now mediators and local leaders, though numerous judges have also experienced grudges from the families of those they sentenced. These negative consequences were particularly prominent among judges with more authority.

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19

Venter, Christine M. "Eliminating Fear Through Recreating Community in Rwanda: The Role of the Gacaca Courts." Texas Wesleyan Law Review 13, no. 2 (March 2007): 577–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.37419/twlr.v13.i2.11.

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More than a decade after the Rwandan genocide, the sheer magnitude of what took place still has the power to shock us: 800,000 people brutally murdered in a 100 day period; 500,000 who participated in some way in the genocide or in genocide related crimes; and the fact that the U.N. and western powers could allow this to happen without intervention. Given these horrendous facts, the notion of obtaining "justice" for the victims of the Rwandan genocide seems impossible. How can one speak of justice when one group of Rwandan society, the Hutus, came to see the other group of society, Tutsis and moderate Hutus, as so alien to the general community that their extermination became not only imaginable, but desirable? How can one dispense justice when so many participated in the genocide or in genocide related crimes such as assault, rape, and destruction of property? How can one enforce justice when Rwanda has insufficient jails to house the accused; insufficient lawyers, courthouses, and resources to prosecute and defend the accused; and insufficient police to investigate the crimes and protect the witnesses?

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20

Trzpis-Szysz, Katarzyna. "Judicial Dialogue after the Genocide in Rwanda." International Community Law Review 21, no. 5 (November 12, 2019): 421–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18719732-12341411.

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Abstract In this study, the author describes the dialogue between the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda and the Gacaca courts after one of the bloodiest conflicts in the contemporary history of Africa – the 1994 genocide in Rwanda. The purpose of this work is to show how international and internal cooperation can influence the solving of armed conflicts, especially in the process seeking justice for the civilian casualties. By recalling the historical context, the author emphasizes the importance of the juridical basics, which are established immediately after the armed conflicts. Furthermore, this study also shows how Gacaca courts were a new dimension of judicial proceedings in the Rwandan legal system. It analyzes how these courts were able to contribute to successfully prosecuting war criminals. This subject is not widely discussed in the literature and the size limitations necessarily imposed on an article of this nature do not allow for a detailed exploration of the subject here so it is vital that this subject is studied further.

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21

Brehm, Hollie Nyseth, Christi Smith, and Evelyn Gertz. "Producing Expertise in a Transitional Justice Setting: Judges at Rwanda’s Gacaca Courts." Law & Social Inquiry 44, no. 1 (January 1, 2019): 78–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/lsi.12347.

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22

Lahiri, Karan. "Rwanda's 'Gacaca' Courts A Possible model for local Justice in International Crime?" International Criminal Law Review 9, no. 2 (2009): 321–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181209x418544.

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23

ÖZDEMİR, Omca. "The Foundation of the Gacaca Jurisdiction as a Socio-Legal Judicial Mechanism within Transitional Justice." Ankara Hacı Bayram Veli Üniversitesi Hukuk Fakültesi Dergisi 26, no. 3 (July 31, 2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.34246/ahbvuhfd.1131799.

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1994 yılında Ruanda’da gerçekleşen soykırım; yüz gün içerisinde mağdur edilenlerin muazzam sayısı, Hutu nüfusunun katliama geniş katılımı ve genel olarak öncesinde belirli sosyal ilişkileri bulunan failler ve mağdurlar arasında mesafe olmaksızın gerçekleşen zulmün vahşeti ile soykırımlar tarihinde kendine özgü bir şekilde yerini almıştır. Soykırımın bu belirleyici nitelikleri, Ruanda toplumunun soykırım sonrası geçiş adaletine ilişkin tercihlerinde etkili olmuştur. Bu niteliklerin yansıması olan soykırım sonrası toplumsal durum, hem içerdiği maddi imkânların kısıtlılığı hem de parçalanmış sosyal dokunun yarattığı yeni şiddet dalgası tehlikesi ile uygulanabilecek mekanizmaları sınırlandırmıştır. Bu belirli bağlam içerisinde Ruanda, geleneksel çözüm mekanizması olan Gacaca’yı mevcut gereksinimler doğrultusunda yeniden şekillendirerek ve modern devlet imkânları ile destekleyerek bir geçiş adaleti mekanizması olarak yeniden işlevselleştirmiştir. Uzmanların değil halkın doğrudan katılımına dayalı olan Gacaca yargısı, bu özelliğiyle sosyal olan aracılığıyla soykırım faillerini yargılarken, aynı zamanda da salt cezalandırmadan farklı olarak etkisini sosyal olan içine yerleştirecek veya başka bir deyişle sosyal olanı dönüştürecek biçimde inşa edilmişti.

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24

Rombouts, Heidy. "Truth and reconciliation: Should the key notions be revised?: Experiences from South-Africa and Rwanda." Temida 5, no. 4 (2002): 33–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/tem0204033r.

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Both the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission and the Gacaca tribunals, which started recently in Rwanda, are framed in terms of truth and reconciliation. But what does the truth mean? What does reconciliation mean? It can be argued that searching the truth has a very precise meaning - namely determining the details of what factually happened. And it is in this sense that most people understand the search for the truth. However it can be questioned whether this fact-finding is what the search for truth aims at in a context of transitional justice. .

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Myl, Małgorzata. "Reconciliation Processes In Rwanda. The Importance of Tradition and Culture for Transitional Justice." Przegląd Prawniczy Uniwersytetu im. Adama Mickiewicza 11 (December 30, 2020): 83–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/ppuam.2020.11.05.

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In 1994, Rwanda suffered one of the worst genocides in history. It is estimated that up to 1,000,000 people were killed in the 100 days of mass slaughter. In 2019, 25 years after the atrocities, Rwanda and Rwandans are still involved in transitional processes aimed at rebuilding the country, handling the past crimes and, ultimately, achieving reconciliation. In the first part of the paper the significance of the reconciliation is elaborated. Reconciliation is often presumed to be one of the main goals for transitional justice and an essential element for rebuilding peace and security in post-conflict countries. It is also the process during which victims and perpetrators attain or restore a relationship and heal their trauma. In the second part of the paper, the importance of local tradition and cultures for transitional justice is discussed. The attention is paid to gacaca courts, reconciliation villages and umuganda, and to their roles in achieving reconciliation in Rwanda.

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26

Nowotny, Jordan. "The limits of post-genocide justice in Rwanda: assessing gacaca from the perspective of survivors." Contemporary Justice Review 23, no. 4 (January 30, 2020): 401–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10282580.2020.1719365.

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27

Schotsmans, M. "'But We Also Support Monitoring': INGO Monitoring and Donor Support to Gacaca Justice in Rwanda." International Journal of Transitional Justice 5, no. 3 (November 1, 2011): 390–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ijtj/ijr029.

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28

Vallière Luhahe, G., and F. Rognon. "Rwanda après le génocide des Tutsi : les juridictions « Gacaca », une justice pédagogique, pénale et restauratrice." Éthique & Santé 14, no. 2 (June 2017): 78–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.etiqe.2017.03.002.

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29

Ingelaere, Bert. "Learning “To Be” Kinyarwanda in Postgenocide Rwanda: Immersion, Iteration, and Reflexivity in Times of Transition." Canadian Journal of Law and Society / Revue Canadienne Droit et Société 30, no. 02 (May 20, 2015): 277–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cls.2015.15.

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Abstract The research activity generating data in times of transition is subject to politicization and needs to deal with widespread distrust due to the legacy of violence or atrocity. This article discusses the main principles of a research design that took into account these hindrances by making prudence its basic tenet. The objective was to generate understanding of the functioning of Rwanda’s gacaca court process through a heightened awareness in data collection. In doing so, this article calls attention to the importance of a reflective and adaptive research process in times of transitional justice. Two research principles are discussed in detail: immersion and iteration. The latter were adopted to facilitate the generation of context-specific knowledge on both breadth and depth of the transitional justice process. This article demonstrates how a pragmatic stance that draws on a variety of epistemologies and methodological approaches facilitates data collection as well as navigation of the field of study. It will be argued that data collection and the activity of navigating the field while collecting data reciprocally produce knowledge.

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30

Thomson, S., and R. Nagy. "Law, Power and Justice: What Legalism Fails to Address in the Functioning of Rwanda's Gacaca Courts." International Journal of Transitional Justice 5, no. 1 (December 23, 2010): 11–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ijtj/ijq024.

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31

SADAT, LEILA. "Transjudicial Dialogue and the Rwandan Genocide: Aspects of Antagonism and Complementarity." Leiden Journal of International Law 22, no. 3 (September 2009): 543–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156509990082.

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AbstractThe Rwandan genocide remains one of the most horrific atrocities of the twentieth century, resulting in the death of an estimated 500–800,000 human beings, massacred over a 100-day period. In the fourteen years since the genocide, attempts at justice and reconciliation in Rwanda have involved a delicate interplay between national legal systems and the international legal order. This article examines three fora in which Rwandans have been tried for involvement in the genocide: the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, Rwandan courts including Gacaca tribunals, and French attempts to exercise universal jurisdiction. Using Rwanda as a case study, the article illustrates the issues, concerns, and difficulties that arise when multiple jurisdictions assert a right to exercise criminal jurisdiction over the perpetrators of serious atrocity crimes. Beginning with a discussion of the political context, this article considers what the competing narratives and litigation in various fora have meant for the project of international and transnational criminal justice. Cases involving the commission of atrocities pose unique challenges for the international legal order. As the normative structure of international criminal law has arguably been strengthened, political constraints increasingly come to the fore. As illustrated by Rwanda, universal jurisdiction or other bases of jurisdiction may remain necessary vehicles for justice and reconciliation, or, at the very least, they may serve as a catalyst for change in Rwanda itself.

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Sarkin, Jeremy. "THE TENSION BETWEEN JUSTICE AND RECONCILIATION IN RWANDA: POLITICS, HUMAN RIGHTS, DUE PROCESS AND THE ROLE OF THE GACACA COURTS IN DEALING WITH THE GENOCIDE." Journal of African Law 45, no. 2 (October 2001): 143–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0221855301001675.

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Rwanda, since the genocide of 1994, has had immense difficulty in dealing with the past. It has pursued the model of prosecutions without being able to bring many of the alleged perpetrators before the courts. The article examines why this is so, as well as the political situation in Rwanda in the context of the country's human rights record, to determine whether sufficient weight is being given to truth, reconciliation, peace and stability. The proposed new gacaca community courts are examined to determine whether the stated government intention of using these structures to deal with genocide cases outweighs the potential problems they may cause. The article suggests that as so many years have elapsed since the genocide of 1994 that the authorities cannot, and should not, seek to prosecute all those accused of participating in the slaughter because attempting to prosecute all those in detention may cause more harm than good.

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Fisher, Duncan, and Jolyon Mitchell. "Portraying Forgiveness through Documentary Film." Studies in World Christianity 18, no. 2 (August 2012): 154–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2012.0013.

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At the heart of this article is an analysis of two documentary films that focus on the topic of forgiveness, one in Rwanda, in the wake of the 1994 genocide, and the other in northern Uganda, following the ravages of the Lord's Resistance Army. This essay includes a description of the production background of both films, a brief outline of the historical context in which they are set, and a more detailed examination of both documentaries. Special focus is placed upon how these films reflect the way in which local traditions are used in the aftermath of violence in an attempt to bring about reconciliation. Through this discussion the observation is made that while neither film actually shows the local Gacaca gathering in Rwanda nor the Mato Oput rituals in Uganda at work, the films do draw these practices into a larger narrative about forgiveness. These traditions of ritualised forgiveness and local justice pre-date the arrival of Christianity in central East Africa. In this context, it is suggested that the filmmakers have appropriated and used these practices for a particular rhetorical purpose: to show how forgiveness is possible even after unimaginable cruelties.

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Panepinto, Alice. "Phil Clark, The Gacaca Courts, Post-Genocide Justice and Reconciliation in Rwanda: Justice Without Lawyers. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2010, ISBN: 978-0-521-19348-1, 388 pp." International Criminal Law Review 12, no. 1 (2012): 101–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181211x617766.

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VERHOEVEN, HARRY. "PHIL CLARK, The Gacaca Courts, Post-Genocide Justice and Reconciliation in Rwanda: justice without lawyers. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press (pb £65.00 – 978 0 52119 348 1). 2010, pp. 392." Africa 81, no. 3 (July 22, 2011): 507–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972011000362.

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Lala, Girish, Craig McGarty, Emma F. Thomas, Angela Ebert, Mick Broderick, Martin Mhando, and Yves Kamuronsi. "Messages of Hope: Using Positive Stories of Survival to Assist Recovery in Rwanda." Journal of Social and Political Psychology 2, no. 1 (August 20, 2014): 450–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/jspp.v2i1.290.

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For the past twenty years, the overriding story of Rwanda has been centred around the events and consequences of the genocide. In Rwanda, public expressions of that story have occurred in the gacaca courts, where survivors and perpetrators testified about their experiences and actions, during ongoing annual remembrance and mourning commemorations, and in memorial sites across the country that act as physical reminders of the genocide. While important as mechanisms for justice, testimony, and commemoration, on their own such events and installations also have the potential to re-traumatise. Accordingly, Rwandan agencies have encouraged a focus on the future as the overarching theme of recent national commemorations. Yet, opportunities for Rwandans to recount and disseminate positive, future-oriented stories of survival and healing remain sparse. Creation and awareness of positive stories have the potential to assist in recovery by increasing feelings of hope and efficacy; and recent research has demonstrated the value of hopefulness, well-being, and social support for vulnerable people. The Messages of Hope program seeks to leverage those ideas into a framework for generating positive messages by Rwandan survivors, providing an opportunity for everyday Rwandans to record and transmit their own positive stories of survival to demonstrate recovery and growth after the genocide, and to reinforce connectedness by sharing their challenges and aspirations. We describe the development and early implementation of this initiative and its potential longer-term application in other contexts of vulnerability.

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Rafferty, Judith. ""I Wanted Them to Be Punished or at Least Ask Us for Forgiveness”: Justice Interests of Female Victim-Survivors of Conflict-Related Sexual Violence and Their Experiences with Gacaca." Genocide Studies and Prevention 12, no. 3 (December 2018): 95–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.5038/1911-9933.12.3.1556.

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Allinne, Jean-Pierre. "Les gacaca du Rwanda : justices traditionnelles ou justices transitionnelles ?" Histoire de la justice N° 33, no. 1 (December 6, 2022): 183–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rhj.033.0183.

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Ibreck, Rachel. "Investing in Authoritarian Rule: Punishment and Patronage in Rwanda's Gacaca Courts for Genocide Crimes by Anuradha Chakravarty New York: Cambridge University Press, 2016. Pp ix + 367, £64·99 (hbk). - Inside Rwanda's Gacaca Courts: Seeking Justice after Genocide by Bert Ingelaere Madison, WI: The University of Wisconsin Press, 2016. Pp xi + 234, US$64.99 (hbk). - Courts in Conflict: Interpreting the Layers of Justice in Post-Genocide Rwanda by Nicola Palmer Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015. Pp v + 224, £59·00 (hbk)." Journal of Modern African Studies 56, no. 1 (March 2018): 169–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x17000532.

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Beristaín, Carlos Martín, Darío Páez, Bernard Rimé, and Patrick Kanyangara. "Efectos psicosociales de la participación en rituales de justicia transicional." Revista de Psicología 28, no. 1 (March 14, 2010): 9–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.18800/psico.201001.001.

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El análisis de las experiencias de la Comisión de la Verdad y la Reconciliación en Sudáfrica, los juicios populares o Gacaca en Ruanda y los rituales de los procesos de transición a la democracia concluye que la participación en comisiones y juicios implica un coste emocional para los participantes (aumenta la emocionalidad negativa y los síntomas) y aumenta el clima emocional negativo en la sociedad, pero también aumenta la sensación de control y eficacia de los participantes, disminuye algunas emociones negativas en los sobrevivientes como la vergüenza, y aumenta los estereotipos positivos y una visión más diferenciada del exogrupo. En países de América Latina donde se han desarrollado procesos y comisiones de verdad más eficaces, se constató una mejora del respeto a los derechos humanos.

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Jessee, Erin. "Kristin Conner Doughty, Remediation in Rwanda: grassroots legal forums. Philadelphia PA: University of Pennsylvania Press (hb US$65 – 978 0 812 24783 1). 2016, 283 pp.Bert Ingelaere, Inside Rwanda's Gacaca Courts: seeking justice after genocide. Madison WI: University of Wisconsin Press (hb US$64.95 – 978 0 299 30970 1; pb US$21.95 – 978 0 299 30974 9). 2017, 234 pp." Africa 89, no. 03 (July 16, 2019): 608–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972019000548.

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Hidalgo Rueda, Francisco, and Irving Vargas Rodríguez. "El respeto de los principios laborales y el acceso a la justicia en los procesos de empleo público y seguridad social tramitados ante la jurisdicción contencioso administrativa." Revista Espiga 14, no. 30 (September 29, 2015): 65–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.22458/re.v14i30.932.

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En este artículo se exponen y analizan las implicaciones que ha tenido la declaratoria de inconstitucionalidad del artículo 3.a) del Código Procesal Contencioso Administrativo (Ley Nº 8508 del 28 de abril del 2006, vigente a partir del 1 de enero del 2008, Gaceta N° 120 del 22 de junio del 2006), así como del numeral 402.d) del Código de Trabajo (Ley Nº 2 del 27 de agosto de 1943), mediante los votos de la Sala Constitucional números 9928, de las 15:00 horas del 9 de junio, 11034 de las 14:51 horas, del 23 de junio y 17900, de las 15:00 horas del 27 de octubre, todos del 2010.

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Apáez Pineda, Oscar. "Dignidad Humana y Justicia Social en el derecho laboral del sistema jurídico mexicano." LOGOS Revista de Filosofía 136, no. 136 (January 28, 2021): 41–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.26457/lrf.v136i136.2875.

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El presente artículo de investigación presenta un análisis del concepto Dignidad Humana positivizado en las interpretaciones jurisprudenciales de la Suprema Corte de Justicia de la Nación; mismo que a partir de la reforma en materia de derechos humanos del año 2011, ha sido interpretado de tal manera que ha provocado un cambio en la interpretación de las normas jurídicas del sistema jurídico mexicano. La argumentación que se presenta en el presente texto intenta mostrar cómo el concepto de Dignidad Humana se ajusta frente al de Justicia Social en la rama del derecho laboral, con ello se intenta responder la interrogante. ¿Qué repercusión tiene la concepción de Dignidad Humana con la JusticiaSocial en el derecho laboral del sistema jurídico mexicano? Para ello se parte del análisis de las tesis de jurisprudencia de Justicia Social y Dignidad Humana sostenidas por la Corte y el análisis de una interpretación realizada en la que se aplican conjuntamente la Dignidad Humana y la Justicia Social para resolver cuestiones procesales de un litigio de carácter laboral. Palabras Clave Dignidad Humana, Justicia Social, derecho laboral, Sistema legal mexicano, Suprema Corte de Justicia de la Nación Referencias Congreso de la Unión. (1 de Abril de 1970). Ley Federal del Trabajo. México, México: Diario Oficial de la Federeación. Congreso de la Unión. (2 de Abril de 2013). Ley de Amparo Reglamentaria de los Artículos 104 y 107 de la Constitución Política de los Estados Unidos Mexicanos. México: Diario Oficial de la Federación. Congreso de la Unión. (2 de Julio de 2019). Ley Federal del Trabajo. México: Diario Oficial de la Federación. Cuarta Sala de la Suprema Corte de Justicia de la Nación. (Septiembre de 1994). DEMANDA EN EL JUICIO LABORAL. SI EL TRABAJADOR OMITE RATIFICARLA EXPRESAMENTE EN LA AUDIENCIA DE LEY, LA JUNTA DEBE HACERLO OFICIOSAMENTE. Semnario Judicial de la Federación . Organización de Estados Americanos. (22 de Noviembre de 1969). Convención Americana sobre Derechos Humanos. San José , Costa Rica: Organización de Estados Americanos. Pleno de la Suprema Corte de Justicia de la Nación. (29 de agosto de 2011). Acuerdo General número 9/2011. México: Suprema Corte de Justicia de la Nación. Pleno en materia de Trabajo del Primer Circuito. (Septiembre de 2019). ACCIÓN DE REINSTALACIÓN O DE INDEMNIZACIÓN. EL HECHO DE QUE EL TRABAJADOR UBIQUE EL DESPIDO INJUSTIFICADO EN UN DÍA DE DESCANSO OBLIGATORIO POR LEY, O INHÁBIL PARA ÉL, POR CORRESPONDER AL DE SU DESCANSO SEMANAL NO CONLLEVA NECESARIAMENTE LA IMPROCEDENCIA. México: Semanario Judicial de la Federación. PRIMER TRIBUNAL COLEGIADO DEL NOVENO CIRCUITO. (Octubre de 2003). Tesis: IX.1o.71 K. Jurisprudencia. Concepto, Clases y Fines. México, San Luis Potosí: Semanario Judicial de la Federación y su Gaceta. Primer Tribunal Colegiado en Materias Administrativa y de Trabajo del Décimo Primer Circuito. (Enero de 2016). DERECHO HUMANO AL DEBIDO PROCESO EN SU VERTIENTE DE DEFENSA ADECUADA EN EL JUICIO LABORAL. PARA NO TRANSGREDIRLO, SI EL TRABAJADOR Y EL PATRÓN (PERSONA FÍSICA) ACUDEN SIN UN ABOGADO, LA AUTORIDAD DEBE CUESTIONARLES SI QUIEREN PROSEGUIR EL PROCESO. Morelia, México: Gaceta del Semanario Judicial de la Federación. Primer Tribunal Colegiado en Materias Civil y de Trabajo del Quinto Circuito. (Enero de 2009). Tesis: V.1o.C.T. J/67 LEY DEL SERVICIO CIVIL PARA EL ESTADO DE SONORA, SÓLO ADMITE LA SUPLETORIEDAD DE LA LEY FEDERAL DEL TRABAJO, CUANDO DEBAN APLICARSE LOS PRINCIPIOS DE JUSTICIA SOCIAL. Sonora: Semanario Judicial de la Federación.

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Bratanic, M. "Gacic, Milica. English-Croatian Dictionary of Law, International Relations, Criminal Investigation and Justice, Criminology and Security (Englesko-hrvatski rjecnik prava, medunarodnih odnosa, kriminalistike, kriminologije i forenzicnih znanosti)." International Journal of Lexicography 20, no. 3 (March 12, 2007): 335–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ijl/ecm010.

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Rodríguez Del Vasto, Julio César. "Comentarios al Fallo de la Corte Suprema de Justicia que declaró que son inconstitucionales el artículo 182-A y la frase “Por tener setenta y cinco (75) años de edad”, contenida en el artículo 182-B (modificado mediante Acuerdo del Consejo General Universitario N°7-16 de 23 de junio de 2016), del Estatuto Universitario de la Universidad de Panamá." Revista Ratio Legis 2, no. 3 (November 29, 2022): 243–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.61311/2953-2965.30.

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En fallo de veinticinco (25) de noviembre de 2021, publicado en la gaceta oficial digital N°29498-A de 18 de marzo de 2022, la Corte Suprema de Justicia declaró inconstitucional el artículo 182- A y la frase “Por tener setenta y cinco (75) años de edad”, contenida en el artículo 182-B (modificado mediante Acuerdo del Consejo General Universitario N°7-16 de 23 de junio de 2016), del Estatuto Universitario de la Universidad de Panamá. De acuerdo con la primera norma demandada, el personal académico que tenga setenta y cinco (75) años de edad, finalizará automáticamente su relación laboral con la Universidad de Panamá. Por su parte, la frase “por tener setenta y cinco (75) años de edad”, contenida en el segundo artículo demandado, es con respecto al derecho de recibir bonificación por antigüedad.

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MacArthur, Julie, and Alison MacAulay. "FRAMING “RWANDANNESS”: STUDYING RWANDA IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY - Kristin Conner Doughty. Remediation in Rwanda: Grassroots Legal Forums. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2016. 283 pp. Illustrations. Notes. Bibliography. Index. $65.00. Cloth. ISBN: 9780812247831. - Bert Ingelaere. Inside Rwanda’s Gacaca Courts: Seeking Justice after Genocide. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 2016. 234 pp. Maps. Illustrations. Tables. Appendixes. Glossary. Notes. Bibliography. Index. $64.95. Cloth. ISBN: 9780299309701. - Erin Jessee. Negotiating Genocide in Rwanda: The Politics of History. Basingstoke, U.K.: Palgrave MacMillan, 2017. 302 pp. Chronology. Map. Terminology. Illustrations. Bibliography. Index. €106.99. Cloth. ISBN: 9783319451947. - Andrea Purdeková. Making Ubumwe: Power, State and Camps in Rwanda’s Unity-Building Project. New York: Berghahn Books, 2015. 306 pp. Glossary. Maps. Illustrations. Notes. Bibliography. Index. $100. Cloth. ISBN: 9781782388326." African Studies Review 60, no. 3 (October 11, 2017): 221–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2017.111.

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Hollie Brehm, Nyseth, Louisa L. Roberts, Christopher Uggen, and Jean-Damascene Gasanabo. "‘We Came To Realize We Are Judges’: Moral Careers of Elected Lay Jurists in Rwanda’s Gacaca Courts." International Journal of Transitional Justice, October 24, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ijtj/ijaa018.

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Abstract In the wake of the 1994 genocide, Rwanda’s government created the Gacaca courts to hold suspected perpetrators accountable. Although much has been written about these courts, researchers know comparatively less about the 250,000 individuals who served as Gacaca court judges (inyangamugayo). We draw upon 135 interviews to explore how the inyangamugayo entered and adapted to their new public roles as moral arbiters, how these judges understood Gacaca’s missions, and how their social identities evolved over the course of multiple status transitions. Building on Erving Goffman’s sequential approach to moral careers, we trace the process of becoming a judge. In doing so, we highlight the two overarching missions that surfaced during the interviews – justice and reconciliation – and how the judges continued to view themselves as inyangamugayo even after the courts closed.

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Agaba, S. "Participatory Justice: an overview of Gacaca Courts in Rwanda." Mtafiti Mwafrika (African Researcher) 18, no. 1 (June 8, 2007). http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/mtafiti.v18i1.38354.

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Brewer, Beth. "Women and the Rwandan gacaca courts: gender, genocide and justice." Journal of Modern African Studies, February 23, 2023, 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x22000404.

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Abstract This article examines the gacaca trials of women accused of perpetrating the Rwandan genocide, asking whether and how ideas about their gender impacted their defences, testimonies and experiences as defendants. It uses court reports of the trials of 91 accused women; a set of sources that provides novel insights into the role of gender in an African transitional justice system. These sources reveal that ideas about gender – particularly female peacefulness and passivity – were commonly invoked by both accused women and wider trial participants. These gendered ideas not only helped women to achieve acquittals, but they also contributed to the Rwandan state's construction of a ‘truth’ narrative that ordinary Rwandan women are not capable of genocide violence. Additionally, women's trials reveal a further function of the gacaca process: as a political tool that made moral judgements about contemporary Rwandan women's domestic roles and place within the household.

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Hancock, Landon, and Tamra d’Estrée. "Culture and Procedural Justice in Transitioning Societies." Peace and Conflict Studies, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.46743/1082-7307/2011.1126.

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In any transitional justice mechanism there are tradeoffs between the search for retributive justice and the practical limitations on what can be accomplished. To date, this tension has been discussed in reference to internationally established norms of justice, which the authors argue are limited in the extent to which they can explain why certain mechanisms—such as the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission or Rwanda’s gacaca courts—have been considered successful. We argue that mechanisms that have a high overlap between local culture and elements of procedural justice are perceived as more fair and just, even to those who may not benefit—or indeed may be burdened—by their operation.

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