Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Justice, Administration of – Latin America'
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1
Jiménez, Guillermo. "Nonjudicial administrative justice in Latin America : a case study of the Chilean Comptroller-General." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2018. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/10052326/.
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The design of appropriate institutional arrangements to satisfy the demands for legal accountability has been a pervasive challenge since the emergence of the modern administrative state. While some commentators have celebrated the development of increasingly searching judicial techniques to control bureaucratic power, others have expressed their preference for nonjudicial forms of administrative justice. Recent literature has explored the development of a rich accountability landscape inhabited by numerous institutions that complement and sometimes substitute for courts in the task of securing administrative compliance with the rule of law. This study examines the Chilean Office of the Comptroller-General as one of these nonjudicial institutions of administrative justice. The contribution of this legal accountability institution is particularly remarkable considering the Latin American context, which is characterised by strong presidential government, authoritarian experiences, and fragile bureaucratic capacities. This thesis suggests that this organisation represents an attractive institutional incarnation of the idea that legal accountability, and particularly administrative justice, could be realised through non-court arrangements. Adopting a socio-legal approach, this case study uses historical and archival data along with in-depth interviewing methods to explore the evolution and current performance of the Chilean Comptroller-General as an instance of nonjudicial administrative justice. The thesis looks at historical and current uses of legality within the administrative process in Chile and also its use in the interaction of public bureaucracy with other branches of government, as well as private affected parties. Addressing the historical evolution of the institution, the emergence, consolidation, and critical junctures for the Chilean Comptroller-General are analysed. In addition, the current contribution of the office to legality within the administrative process, and the delimitation of its role from the judicial function are examined. Overall, the thesis aims to shed light on the possibilities and limits of nonjudicial administrative justice in the modern Latin American state.
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Barreneche, Osvaldo 1958. "Crime and the administration of criminal justice in Buenos Aires, Argentina, 1785-1853." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/282402.
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This dissertation analyzes the emergence of the criminal justice system in modern Argentina, focusing on the city of Buenos Aires as case study. It concentrates on what I call the formative period of the postcolonial penal system, from the installation of the second Audiencia (superior justice tribunal in the viceroyalty of Rio de la Plata) in 1785 to the promulgation of the Argentine national constitution in 1853, when a new phase of inter-regional organization and codification began. During this transitional period, basic features of the modern Argentine criminal justice system emerged which I study in detail. They are: (a) institutional subordination of the judiciary; (b) police interference and disruption in the judiciary-civil society interface; (c) manipulation of the initial stages of the judicial process (sumario) by senior police officers (comisarios); and (d) utilization of institutionally malleable penal-legal procedures as a punitive system, regardless of the outcome of criminal cases judicially evaluated.
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Rogers, Ashley Sarah Frances. "Claiming the law : an ethnography of Bolivian women's access to justice and legal consciousness." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/27070.
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There have been a number of legal reforms in Bolivia since the first indigenous president, Evo Morales, came to power in 2006. In 2009 a New Constitution was enacted which included rights for women and expanded legal recognition of indigenous groups. In 2013, in order to address rising rates of violence against women, Law 348 to Guarantee Women a Life Free from Violence was established. Yet what meaning these legal changes have for Bolivian women is still unknown. This thesis explores Bolivian women's legal consciousness and subjectivities in the context of these changes, particularly in relation to law concerning violence. Twelve months of ethnographic fieldwork was conducted in the city of La Paz, Bolivia, between October 2014 and October 2015. Participant observation in a women's centre was the main field site, which offered the opportunities to gather women's life stories and explore women's narratives of the law. This was further supplemented with interviews with Civil Society Organisations and government in order to add different perspectives and further map the social structures of society that both constrain and enable meaning-making. This socio-legal ethnography presents women's engagements with the law, and offers insights into women's lived experiences of accessing justice and claiming rights, both directly and indirectly, as well as the influence that legality has on women's legal subjectivity and their sense of self. Doing so provides a narrative of Bolivian women's legal consciousness and reveals the meaning that law has for women in their everyday lives. Law works to shape the way they view themselves and their experiences as they engage with the processes of accessing justice. It can be concluded that law is a meaningful yet often contradictory presence in Bolivian women's everyday lives.
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Landa, Arroyo César. "Constitutional Justice in Latin America." IUS ET VERITAS, 2014. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/123250.
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From the relationship between Democracy and Constitutionalism in Latin America, the author addresses the issue of constitutional justice as an entity of control of the constitutionality of the laws, which would have power against majority when it derogates an unconstitutional legislation. Also, the author reflects on the protection of fundamental rights in the region, analyzing the nuances presented in terms of the various constitutional conceptions.A partir de la relación entre la Democracia y el Constitucionalismo en Latinoamérica, el autor aborda la problemática de justicia constitucional como entidad encargada del control judicial de las leyes, que ejercería un poder contra mayoritario de anular las normas legales inconstitucionales. Asimismo, se plantea una reflexión acerca del amparo de los derechos fundamentales en la región, analizando los matices que presenta en cuantoa las distintas concepciones constitucionales.
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Van, Lier Amadeus Moritz Christof. "International Outsourcing of Services towards Latin America." Thesis, Universidad de las Américas Puebla, 2011. http://catarina.udlap.mx/u_dl_a/tales/documentos/bce/van_l_am/.
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Cordovez, Mónica. "Transfer of technology to Latin America." Thesis, McGill University, 1991. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=60476.
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The acquisition of foreign technology is an imperative requisite for the economic and social progress of developing countries. However, the strong bargaining position of technology suppliers vis a vis technology acquirers unduly influences the terms and conditions under which technology is conveyed to developing countries and perpetuates their dependence on foreign sources of technology.State intervention, through the enactment of technology transfer legislation, is a viable alternative for strengthening the acquirer's bargaining position, and thus obtaining technology under fair and equitable terms. Technology transfer policies must focus on the generation of indigenous technological capabilities, rather than on the mere importation of consumptive technology. In order to achieve their ultimate goals--social and economic progress and technological self-reliance, developing countries' governments must integrate these policies within concrete and long-term economic development programs.
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Cremer, Thomas Karl Josef. "Commutation initiative for small reserve value business in Latin America." Thesis, Universidad de las Américas Puebla, 2010. http://catarina.udlap.mx/u_dl_a/tales/documentos/bce/cremer_tk/.
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Insurance companies transfer parts of the risk, they assume from their
policyholders, to reinsurers. Underwriting reinsurance business is the process
of relocating risks from an insurer to a reinsurer. A reinsurance business
is considered to be in run-off, if the reinsurer discontinues to underwrite
it. Various active run-off management approaches address the issue of such
legacy business. The content of this paper covers the development and
implementation of a specific run-off management project at the reinsurance
company, Swiss Re, called the commutation initiative for small reserve value
business in Latin America. In general terms, commutations are an instrument
to prematurely terminate contracts. To reach a commutation agreement, the
contractual counterparts negotiate a compensative payment, derived from the
remaining contract value. By transferring this commutation payment, all
contractual obligations are ceased and the contract reaches finality.
This paper describes the prioritization of the initiative within the Swiss
Re project landscape, the definition of the project scope, the estimated
impact of macroeconomic factors and the valuation technique used for the
calculation of commutation offers.(cont.) Based on the mentioned aspects, the paper contains reasonable expectations on the project performance and potential. Finally the paper contains the evaluation of the initiative, discussing the reasonableness of the project targets and the adequacy of the project approach for the specific situation at Swiss Re as well as the suitability of the process structure and the performance measures. The content of this paper also includes the assessment of the project´s impact on operations, especially concerning run-off administration costs. A final judgement on the project performance cannot be rendered yet, as the project is still in progress. The indications displayed in this paper suggest, that further research and future initiatives should focus on improving the accounting system and contract structuring in order to reduce the occurrence of run-off contracts. .
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Davies, Augusto Zampini. "Amartya Sen's Capability Approach and Catholic Social Teaching in dialogue : an alliance for freedom and justice?" Thesis, University of Roehampton, 2014. https://pure.roehampton.ac.uk/portal/en/studentthesis/amartya-sen’s-capability-approach-and-catholic-social-teaching-in-dialogue(25edea38-94e9-4d46-83d0-88f03c66988e).html.
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This thesis explores the connection between Amartya Sen’s Capability Approach (CA) and Catholic Social Teaching (CST). It questions whether their economic and theological views can be methodologically and practically compatible, articularly around issues of development as freedom and wellbeing as justice. The thesis proposes dialogue between CA and CST, framed by some parables of the New Testament, and argues that he fruit of such a dialogue can enhance human development and reduce injustices, especially in poor regions in Latin America.
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Boltaina, Bosch Xavier. "Public and Administrative Intervention in Social and Labor Relations: The New European and Latin American Paradigm." Derecho & Sociedad, 2017. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/118981.
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The following article analyses the progressive process of deregulation of labour and social relations through the withdrawal of the State and public authorities, as well as public administration, control and direction of the relations of this type, both individual and collective. The comparison is made between the Spanish and Peruvian model, but especially between the regulation of the European Union and several Latin American countries. Stands in the article between “public” intervention – regulation legislative or Government– of “administrative” intervention, control by the administration of the employment relationship, especially in this case through the labour inspection bodies.El artículo analiza el progresivo proceso de desregulación de las relaciones laborales y sociales a través de la retirada del Estado y de los poderes públicos, así como de la Administración Pública, en el control y dirección de las relaciones de este tipo, tanto individuales como colectivas. La comparativa se efectúa entre el modelo español y peruano, pero muy especialmente entre la regulación de la Unión Europea y de diversos países de América Latina. Se distingue en el artículo entre la intervención “pública” –regulación legislativa o gubernamental– de la intervención “administrativa”, control por parte de la Administración de las relaciones laborales, especialmente en este supuesto a través de los órganos de la inspección de trabajo.
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Niesing, Eva. "Nation Branding Practices in Latin America. A Diagnosis of Brazil, Chile and Colombia." Thesis, Universidad de las Américas Puebla, 2013. http://catarina.udlap.mx/u_dl_a/tales/documentos/bce/niesing_e/.
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In the globalized world of today a well-elaborated, long-term oriented nation branding strategy which includes the government, the public and the private sector as well as the nation´s citizens themselves can help nations to improve and to better control their nation image. Nation branding activities increase the countries´ competitiveness in the global marketplace and help to foster the tourism arrivals, inward foreign direct investment flows and exports as well as they help to attract talented workforce and students.
Despite its growing importance, most Latin American countries still have not engaged enough in the area of nation branding and mostly only focus their activities on the tourism promotion. The region´s countries have a good image regarding soft factors such as their people and tourism attractions but have a weak image regarding their products, services and investment opportunities. Brazil has a relatively good nation image in many dimensions but still has not developed an extensive nation branding strategy. Chile and Colombia are among the Latin American countries which have started to conduct more complete and advanced nation branding activities. Although such advances can be observed, there is still a lot of improvement potential in the nation branding practices of Latin American countries.
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Arroyo, Pastor Jose. "Truth and Reconciliation Commissions and the Search for Justice: A Comparative Study of Chile, Argentina and Guatemala." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1783.
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During the mid to late 1900s many Latin American countries found themselves under the rule of violent military regimes and in civil war. The purpose of this paper is to discuss the atrocities committed in the late 20th century throughout Latin America and to discuss the ways in which these societies, affected by state violence, were able to overcome the past. In this paper, I will look at the purpose of truth and reconciliation commissions and their outcomes in Chile, Argentina, and Guatemala in order to find some similarities and compare and contrast the successes and failures of the different commissions in their respective settings.
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Chumberiza, Tupac Yupanqui Mayté Pamela, and Estrada Lucía Alejandra Guzmán. "How is the reform of justice in Latin America going? Interview with Dr. Luis Pasara Pazos." Derecho & Sociedad, 2017. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/118366.
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The present interview indicate how the legal tradition inherited Latin America, from Spain and France, has been changing being as in the Latin tradition the judge’s role has been subordinated to political power, unlike other countries. Thus it is arises the motivations to start and continue, in many cases, with the reform of the justice system, where what is needed is a set of actors that define and carry out this reform.La presente entrevista busca mostrar cómo la tradición jurídica que hereda América Latina, proveniente de España y Francia, ha ido cambiando puesto que en la tradición Hispanoamérica el papel del juez se ha visto subordinado al del poder político a diferencia de otros países. Es así que surgen las motivaciones para empezar y continuar, en muchos casos, con la reformar del sistema de justicia, donde lo que se necesita es un conjunto de actores que definan y lleven adelante esta reforma.
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Guilfoyle, Michael Hoag 1946. "Indians and criminal justice administration: The failure of the criminal justice system for the American Indian." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/291683.
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The criminal justice administration has failed the American Indian. Since the usurpation of traditional tribal criminal justice management by the local, state, and federal criminal justice systems, the impacts of Indian crime have become epidemic. The American Indian has the highest arrest rates, alcohol-related crime, violent-related crime, and conviction rates of any group in the United States. Indians are 15% less likely to receive deferred sentences, and 15% less likely to receive parole. In addition, the Indian offender has the highest recidivism rate of any ethnic group in the United State. This paper discusses the problems of Indians in the criminal justice system at the adult and juvenile level. As recommendations it stresses the empowering of the Indian community, the greater autonomy of tribal courts, the concepts of alternative sentencing programs for Indian offenders, treatment as justice, and the idea that Indian people can take charge of this problem and do a better job in addressing their relatives.
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Hanna, Faith Emily. "Entrepreneurship Policy in Latin America: Are Science and Technology Innovation Overemphasized?" Scholarship @ Claremont, 2014. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/896.
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This research will examine the literature, the context, and current policies intended to enhance entrepreneurship in Latin America. It will draw on examples from across the region, focusing on Chile in particular. It will also examine the strong emphasis on science and technology innovation in certain countries in Latin America. Because this is currently one of the primary features of entrepreneurship policy in the region, it is worth exploring the implications this trend has for development in Latin America and the impact it is having on the entrepreneurship policy goals of increasing productivity, resilience, and inclusive growth. The results of this analysis are concerning. By narrowly defining innovation, officials may be encouraging the development of enclave economies of limited benefit and diverting resources away from more inclusive policies. On the other hand, if aligned more closely with local business realities and needs, innovation policies could lead to inclusive and sustainable growth. It will conclude with specific policy recommendations that, with contextual adaptations, can be applied to enrich the environment for entrepreneurship across the region.
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Walter, Mariana. "Political ecology of mining conflicts in Latin America an analysis of environmental justice movements and struggles over scales." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/145402.
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América Latina es actualmente una de las fronteras mineras más atractivas del mundo, que concentra un tercio de las inversiones mundiales del sector. Sin embargo, mientras la presión por extraer metales aumenta, la región está viviendo una ola de movilizaciones sociales opuesta a la expansión de las actividades mineras a gran escala. Mientras las comunidades denuncian que las actividades mineras ponen en riesgo sus formas de sustento, desprecian sus derechos y su futuro, los gobiernos nacionales y las compañías mineras promueven la actividad como una fuente de desarrollo y bienestar social. Las críticas son vistas como motivadas por intereses políticos o desinformación.
Desde un marco de ecología política, nutrido por estudios sobre la política de las escalas, la tesis estudia los movimientos de justicia ambiental que se oponen a las actividades mineras metalíferas de gran escala en América Latina. A tal efecto, recurre a dos aproximaciones diferentes.
En una primera aproximación, la tesis analiza cómo y por qué los movimientos de justicia ambiental se forman, sus discursos, sus demandas y sus estrategias y el modo como estos movimientos se involucran en luchas por las escalas disputando su jerarquía y reivindicando el poder de las comunidades locales para decidir sobre los proyectos mineros. Se utilizaron métodos de investigación acción para realizar un estudio de caso del conflicto minero aurífero de Esquel (2001-2003, Argentina), donde se detuvo el proyecto tras un referéndum local. Adicionalmente, fuentes primarias y secundarias fueron utilizadas en un estudio de casos múltiples para analizar la emergencia y el despliegue de casos de consultas/referendo comunitarias sobre minería a gran escala en América Latina. En esta investigación, realizada con Leire Urkidi, estudiamos 68 casos de consultas locales ocurridas entre los años 2002 y 2012 en Peru, Guatemala, Argentina, Colombia y Ecuador. Alrededor de 700.000 personas participaron en estas consultas, expresando un rechazo masivo a las actividades mineras en la región. Se concluyó que las comunidades reclamaban el reconocimiento de sus miradas locales sobre el desarrollo que no eran compatibles con los impactos, riesgos e incertidumbres de la minería a gran escala. Los conflictos se exacerbaban porque los procedimientos de toma de decisiones no permitían incorporar adecuadamente las perspectivas locales sobre los aspectos técnicos y no técnicos que estaban en juego. Analizando la propagación de las consultas, sostenemos que se trata de una institución híbrida, multi-escalar, que simultáneamente construye una nueva escala de regulación (toma de decisiones) consistente en la participación local a través del referendo/consulta. Las consultas surgen como una respuesta de democracia local frente a las injusticias ambientales en contextos de represión y criminalización a activistas que ganan legitimidad en la medida que ofrecen espacios de participación a las comunidades afectadas. Son instituciones híbridas porque son promovidas por alianzas entre movimientos sociales y gobiernos locales que recuperan y resignifican derechos y leyes indígenas y de participación municipales, nacionales e internacionales. Así, las consultas no sólo desafían las escalas de significado hegemónicas que gobiernan a las actividades mineras sino, además, reconstruyen y ponen en práctica una nueva escala de regulación.
En una segunda aproximación, en colaboración con Sara Latorre y el apoyo de Giuseppe Munda y Carlos Larrea, se aplicaron técnicas de evaluación social multi-criterio y de construcción de escenarios para estructurar las implicancias multi-dimensionales de desarrollar actividades extractivas en áreas social y ambientalmente sensibles. En el capítulo dedicado al conflicto minero de Íntag (Ecuador), sostenemos que esta aproximación permite hacer visibles escalas, valores sociales e incertidumbres que son opacados por los discursos que hegemonizan el debate minero, enfocados casi exclusivamente en los resultados económicos a nivel nacional.Latin America is currently one of the most attractive mining frontiers in the World, concentrating one third of global mining investments. However, as the pressure to extract ores grows, the region witnesses a wave of social mobilizations against the expansion of large-scale metal-mining activities. While communities claim that mining activities endanger their livelihoods, and despise their rights and their future, national governments and companies promote this activity as a source of development and wellbeing. Complaints are framed as being politically motivated or based on misinformation. From a political ecology framework, nurtured by politics of scale studies, this thesis studies environmental justice movements contesting large-scale metal-mining activities in Latin America and their struggles over scales. Two different approaches are developed. In a first approach, the thesis addresses how and why environmental justice movements have formed, which are their discourses, their claims and strategies and how these movements engage in struggles over scales, contesting scalar hierarchies and reclaiming communities' power to decide on mining projects. Action research methods were used to conduct an in-depth case study in Esquel gold mining conflict (2001-2003, Argentina) where a project was stopped by a local referendum. Moreover, primary and secondary sources were used to conduct a multiple case study analysis of the emergence and spread of other community consultations/referenda on large-scale mining activities in Latin America. In this research, conducted with Leire Urkidi, we studied the 68 cases of community consultations/referenda that took place between 2002 and 2012 in Peru, Guatemala, Argentina, Colombia and Ecuador. About 700.000 people participated in these consultations, expressing a massive rejection to mining activities. I conclude that communities are demanding recognition for local views on development that are not compatible with large-scale mining, given its impacts, risks and uncertainties. Conflicts are exacerbated by the fact that mining decision-making procedures cannot adequately accommodate local views regarding technical and non-technical issues at stake. Analysing the spread of consultations I claim that they are a multi-scalar institution that constructs a new scale of regulation (decision-making): local participation via referendum/consultation. Consultations emerge as a local democratic response to environmental injustices in contexts of repression and criminalization of activists, and gain legitimacy as they become spaces of participation for affected populations. Consultations are moreover a hybrid institution, promoted by alliances between social movements and local governments that reclaim and re-signify municipal, national and international participation and indigenous rights and legislations. In this vein, consultations not only challenge hegemonic scales of meaning governing mining activities but re-construct and put in practice a new scale of regulation. In a second approach, in collaboration with Sara Latorre and with the support of Carlos Larrea and Giuseppe Munda, social multi-criteria evaluation and scenario techniques were applied to structure the multi-dimensional implications of developing extractive activities in socially and environmentally sensitive locations. In this chapter on the Íntag mining conflict (Ecuador), I claim that this approach is able to make visible scales, social values and uncertainties that are made invisible by hegemonic discourses in the mining debate that focus almost exclusively on economic results at national level.
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Sewell, Bevan. "A global policy in a regional setting : the Eisenhower administration, Latin America & Brazil, 1953-1961." Thesis, De Montfort University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2086/10671.
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This thesis re-examines the Eisenhower administration's policies in Latin America, focusing specifically on the case study of Brazil (1953-1961). In doing so it moves beyond the existing historiography, which has divided the field in to two distinct camps. The Traditional school, led by scholars like Stephen Rabe and Mark Gilderhus, has argued that US policy during this time was informed by national security concerns and the fighting of the Cold War. However, the Revisionist school, led by scholars such as Walter LaFeber and James Siekmeier, has argued that US policy was more concerned with fighting Latin economic nationalism and extending the American economic system throughout the region. It is the contention here that there were, in fact, two separate objectives underpinning US policy at this time - economic preponderance and the need to be seen to be "winning" the Cold War - and that it was the relationship between these two aims that was the defining characteristic of US policy during this period. This division arose out of the way that US foreign policy evolved in the post-World War Two era and, therefore, was not a deliberate construct by US officials. As a result, there was an inherent tension within US policy between those aims in the strategic sphere and those in the economic sphere. Establishing a link between these two distinct areas of policy is the major theme of this thesis: as is demonstrated throughout, the lack of a defining Grand Strategy within US policy would prove to be enormously problematic for the Eisenhower administration as they struggled to reconcile the tensions between the differing aspects of their Latin American policy. Whilst this trend will be highly prominent in this analysis of US-Latin American relations, it is with respect to Brazil that the full impact of this tension between economic idealism and strategic pragmatism becomes most evident. By adopting an analytical framework that incorporates both strategic and economic aspects of US policy, this thesis expands upon the existing historiography relating to the field and offers up a new appraisal of the US approach in the Cold War period.
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Barron, Marcia Hoyle. "Finding our way : paths to justice reform in an Aboriginal community /." *McMaster only, 1998.
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Davis, Katherine Carroll. "Sowing the Seeds of Altruism in Social Interaction: Appealing to ?Empathic Proclivity? to Address Social Violence in Latin America." Scholarly Repository, 2008. http://scholarlyrepository.miami.edu/oa_theses/153.
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Social violence is a serious problem in Latin America, an assertion that is thoroughly supported by statistics that identify Latin America as one of the most violent regions in the world (?Searching for Solutions in Latin America and the Caribbean? 20). These violent statistics explored in the very first chapter set the stage for this proposal by establishing its dire purpose. Formative historical legacies are central to social development, and they can provide the root causes and resentments that spur such social violence. There are a few that are common to the area of Latin America as a whole, such as the colonial experience and the slave trade, and these are examined alongside legacies of key leaders and educators that have shaped the face of the region and produced both pillars of hope and some of the greatest obstacles to social change. Understanding the root causes of violence and the formidable obstacles against effecting social change are key elements in designing and instituting a solution to this problem. Within this solution, education is a universally valid channel that, if given the necessary resources and personnel, could affect the lives of the majority of citizens. Combining the ideas of Martin L. Hoffman on the effect of inductive discipline encounters on children through character education, education becomes a powerful tool for creating not only more intelligent and autonomous citizens, but more empathic ones more attuned to an ?ethic of care.? While such a proposal certainly offers no guarantees and its successful institution would need to co-exist with other much needed social, political and economic reforms, it is presented as an innovative and experimental solution to a pressing problem taking a toll on the social and economic capital of societies in the region; a toll that is not easily ignored, particularly those for whom violence is an every day reality.
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Freudenreich, Johannes. "Entschädigung zu welchem Preis? : Reparationsprogramme und Transitional Justice." Universität Potsdam, 2009. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2010/4813/.
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Transitional Justice bezeichnet staatliche Anstrengungen um vergangene Menschenrechtsverletzungen am Ende von Represionen aufzuarbeiten. Reparationszahlungen an die Opfer, die eines der Hauptinstrumente staatlicher Aufarbeitung darstellen können, blieben in der Transitional Justice-Literatur vergleichweise unerforscht.
Dieses Buch versucht diese Lücke zu schließen und fragt, warum manche Staaten solche Programme eingeleitet haben, während andere junge Demokratien darauf verzichteten. Dabei setzt sie Reparationszahlungen in den Kontext anderer Transitional Justice-Maßnahmen und greift gleichzeitig zwei Haupterklärungsansätze für gerichtliche Verfahren und Wahrheitskommissionen auf. In diesem Zusammenhang ist die Frage, inwieweit Transitional Justice aus moralischer Überzeugung oder aus taktischem Kalkül der neuen Eliten eingeleitet wurde. In dem die Arbeit diese Frage am Beispiel der Zahlung von Entschädigungsleistungen diskutiert, kann sie auch Aussagen darüber machen, wie valide die bestehenden Erklärungsansätze für Transitional Justice sind.
Anhand der südamerikanischen Regimewechsel in den 1980ern wird aufgezeigt, dass Reparationszahlungen oft zur Legitimation von Amnestien verwendet wurden. Wenn Täter und Opfer relativ starkes Drohpotential besaßen, versuchten Regierungen den Opfern durch Entschädigung entgegenzukommen um Amnestien für die Täter bei gleichzeitiger Anerkennung der Taten zu rechtfertigen. Entschädigungszahlungen wurden somit oft aus strategischen Erwägungen geleistet, was man bei der normativen Bewertung dieser Programme berücksichtigen sollte.Transitional justice refers to approaches that states use to address past human rights violations at the end of violence and repression. Providing reparations to victims, which can be understood as one of the main instruments of Transitional Justice, has so far received relatively little attention in the Transitional Justice literature. This book tries to fill this gap and asks why some states chose to implement reparation programs while others did not. Putting reparations into context this book adapts explanations for the realization of trials and truth commissions and asks whether they also hold for reparations. The main question is, whether state elites chose Transitional Justice mechanisms for moral or tactical reasons. Hence, by analyzing reparations this book can also help us to reappraise the validity of popular explanations for other Transitional Justice mechanisms. Studying the democratic transitions in South America in the 1980ies this book shows that reparations were often paid to justify amnesty decisions for the perpetrators. When perpetrators and victims posed a credible threat for the incumbents, they implemented reparation programs while crimes of the past went unpunished. In most cases reparations were paid due to tactical convenience rather than moral commitment, which should be considered when we evaluate the concept of reparations.
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Merino, Ismael. "Cross-Cultural Comparison of Servant Leadership in the United States and Latin America." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2016. https://dc.etsu.edu/honors/362.
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In this study, the subject matter evaluated is the difference between the United States and Latin America concerning the practice and acceptance of servant leadership. This research compares the practice and the acceptance of servant leadership between the United States of America and Latin America. In order to do this, a cross-cultural comparison was conducted between these two groups. The objective was to find the differences in the leadership styles of these two groups and subsequently analyze the results. The Hofstede’s cultural dimensions were used to be able to compare cultural differences, and understand why these differences appear in the societies of the two groups studied. A survey was conducted in order to gather different feedback from individuals of the U.S. as well as from Latin America. The approach for this research started by analyzing the results of the survey and dividing it into the two cultural groups. The results were tested using a one tailed t-test for the mean difference of independent samples. This research provides information on how and why leadership styles differ between the two groups studied and what are the characteristics that people seek in leaders of these two groups when testing servant leadership between the U.S. and Latin American samples.
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Gonzalez, Manuel. "The Question of Homeland Security in Rural America." ScholarWorks, 2016. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/2261.
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Following the issuance of the National Preparedness Guidelines in 2009 by the Department of Homeland Security, it remains unknown whether homeland security programs have been consistently implemented in the nation's rural areas. Research findings have been inconsistent and inconclusive on the degree of implementation. Two problems may result from inadequate implementation of these programs: weakened national security from the failure to protect critical infrastructure in remote areas and a threat to public safety in rural towns. The purpose of this qualitative case study was to explore and describe the reasons for possible noncompliance through purposeful interviews with 10 law enforcement officials and emergency managers in selected Midwestern rural towns. The study's theoretical foundation was based on Putnam's theory of social capital, which holds that community cohesion develops in direct relation to the adaptation of social networks that promote mutual cooperation during times of need. The research centered on the question of how rural emergency managers and law enforcement officials justified noncompliance with the National Preparedness Guidelines of 2009. The interviews and materials were transcribed and analyzed with qualitative analytic software using open, axial, and selective coding to identify themes and patterns. The study's key findings disconfirmed conclusions reported in previous studies and confirmed compliance with the Guidelines in the studied rural towns. Implications for positive social change include informing policymakers, emergency managers, law enforcement officials, and researchers. Application of social capital principles in all the nation's remote areas may enhance national security and improve rural public safety.
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Fang, Yang. "The comparison of victim-offender mediation programs between China and America." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 1994. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/883.
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Lawson, Amanda. "Development in the Rights Timing: How the Carter Administration Engaged NGOs in Latin American Foreign Policy." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1556893160797073.
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Vander, Veen Sarah. "Mock jurors' attitudes toward aboriginal defendants: a symbolic racism approach /." Burnaby B.C. : Simon Fraser University, 2006. http://ir.lib.sfu.ca/handle/1892/2688.
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Espinosa-Saldaña, Barrera Eloy. "When the Latin American constitutional judge forgets his/her job of conventionalization of law: reflections about a recent sentence of the Argentine Supreme Court of Justice." IUS ET VERITAS, 2017. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/123779.
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In this article, the author tell us about the job of the constitutional judge and the importance that this takes in a context of crisis. Also, he highlights the conventionalization of law as the central task of constitutional judges. Likewise, he details the difficulties involved in this task and the challenges to be faced for the consolidation of a common law in Latin America.En el presente artículo el autor nos habla sobre la labor del juez constitucional y la importancia que adquiere está en un contexto de crisis. Asimismo, resalta la convencionalización del Derecho como tarea central de los jueces constitucionales. De igual manera, detalla las dificultades que acarrea esta tarea y los retos a enfrentar para la consolidación de un derecho común en América Latina.
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Oshynko, Norma. "Claimant document production in Indian Residential Schools Resolution Canada's alternative dispute resolution process /." Burnaby B.C. : Simon Fraser University, 2006. http://ir.lib.sfu.ca/handle/1892/2703.
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Aaby, Makenzie Laron. "An Assessment of Sentencing Disparities among American Indians within the Eighth, Ninth, and Tenth Federal Circuit Courts." PDXScholar, 2018. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4459.
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Assessing the effect of race on crime is an important topic of criminology and criminal justice research. Prior investigations have sought to uncover if racial disparities exist within certain aspects of the criminal justice system, such as arrests, trials, and sentencing. The existing scholarship, however, has largely focused on assessing differences between Black and Hispanic offenders in relation to White offenders. There has been little academic exploration to examine if racial disparities exist among American Indian offenders during criminal justice processing. To address this gap in knowledge, this study analyzes data collected from the United States Sentencing Commission to assess if American Indians receive different sentencing outcomes, when compared to other racial groups. The findings from a series of binary logistic and ordinary least square regression analyses suggest that American Indians are sentenced to prison more often than White, Black, and Hispanic offenders, but receive similar sentence lengths compared to Whites and shorter sentence lengths compared to Blacks and Hispanics. The implications of these results are discussed.
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Monroy, Zambrano Katherine Estefania. "Internationalization of Financial Technology Start-ups (Fintechs) : Evidence from Ecuadorian case studies." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för marknadsföring (MF), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-96022.
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In the past decade, the financial industry has been criticized to lack a faster digital transformation to provide more efficient services, where FinTech (a neologism generated from the contraction of “(Fin)ancial” and “(Tech)nology”) start-ups or fintechs represent a paradigm shift to reinvent the industry. FinTech is gaining attention in multiple academic disciplines, however, it was found that it has been neglected from the international business discipline to understand the internationalization process of fintechs. Furthermore, as the financial industry is an important cornerstone to foster economic growth and social welfare, particularly in the context of Latin American emerging countries, lack of studies in this context also motivated the development of this thesis. The purpose of this study is to accommodate FinTech in the international business discipline drawing from network theory and born-digital firms’ characteristics, emphasizing on core activities within the digital value chain to analyze the internationalization process and identify the main challenges. A conceptual framework was developed to analyze the internationalization process of Ecuadorian fintechs and the challenges faced. The research has a qualitative approach, employing multiple case studies strategy, where semi-structured interviews with founders and senior managers of four Ecuadorian fintechs were conducted. Empirical findings showed that despite having a high digital value chain and take advantage of internet technologies to internationalize faster, Ecuadorian fintechs followed a gradual regional expansion within Latin American countries and their internationalization process was mostly network-driven. Furthermore, besides the most prominent internationalization challenges such as liabilities of outsidership (LoO) and institutional regulations, additional resource-related internationalization challenges were found such as funding, skilled IT talents and innovation, which raise the importance to emphasize in such challenges for further research.
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McIntosh, Matthew James. ""Daylight" fails to shine on the reservation." Laramie, Wyo. : University of Wyoming, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1594495091&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=18949&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Rudling, Adriana. "La Senora Presidenta : Feminist policy-making by female Latin-American presidents?" Thesis, Halmstad University, School of Social and Health Sciences (HOS), 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hh:diva-2323.
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The following thesis is dedicated to the investigation of the comparative gender discourse of two of the current South American female Presidents: Michelle Bachelet, the first woman elected President in Chile for a four year term, in 2006 and Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, the first woman elected President in Argentina also for a four year term, but in 2007. Using secondary sources and critical discourse analysis, the study attempts to characterize their agenda on gender both before and after their election campaigns. Recognizing that a candidate must balance between many actors, as one of the principles of social constructivism runs, the essay presents a short history of the feminist movement in both countries and the current state that the movement finds itself in, either institutionalized or absorbed and fragmented by party politics. The conclusions that the study arrives to are that, of the two subjects, the one who has presented a more concrete and convincing stand on gender thanks to her political views, the space created for feminism by her coalition and the climate of her country, is Michelle Bachelet.
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Sánchez, Escobar Cathalina. "Le rôle du juge en Amérique Latine au XIXe siècle : entre tradition latino-américaine et influences étrangères." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012AIXM1062.
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En Amérique latine le XIXe siècle se caractérise par l'indépendance des anciennes colonies espagnoles, par le processus de formation des État-Nation et par la reconstruction des ordres juridiques des nouveaux États. Une fois le modèle républicain adopté, il fallait créer des institutions juridiques nouvelles et un système normatif qui régule le destin des nouvelles sociétés en concordance avec la réalité locale et, surtout, le plus différent possible de l'ancien régime colonial. Dans toutes ces transformations les hommes de loi (avocats, juges, juristes, bureaucrates) ont joué un rôle important. En tant que propriétaires du savoir juridique et politique ils étaient les personnages idoines, pour effectuer la tâche d'organisation de l'État. Parmi ces tâches, la structuration de la justice était essentielle pour les nouveaux États. Montrer l'implication du juge dans ce processus de consolidation, est une des finalités de ce travail. D'autre part, la construction de l'imaginaire juridique latino-américain s'est réalisée sous l'influence des modèles juridiques étrangers, dont la France, l'Angleterre, les États-Unis. Dans un classicisme juridique particulier, la réception et la transformation de ces modèles a créé une conscience juridique locale originale et très différente du modèle initial en combinant l'exégèse française avec le conceptualisme allemandThe nineteenth century in Latin America is characterized by the independence of the former Spanish colonies, the formation process of nation-state and the reconstruction of legal systems of the new states. Once the republican model adopted, it was necessary to create new legal institutions and a legal system to regulate the destiny of new societies according to the local reality and, above all, as different as possible from the old colonial regime. In all these transformations the jurists (lawyers, judges, jurists, bureaucrats) have played an important role. As owners of legal and politic knowledge, they were the ones suitable to organize the state. Among this organization task, structuring the justice was essential for the new states. To show the implication of judges in this consolidation process is one of the purposes of this work. Besides, the construction of Latin American legal imaginary was carried out under the influence of foreign legal models, like France, Britain and the United States. In a special legal classicism, the reception and transformation of these models has created a proper legal consciousness, innovative and very different from the original model, combining French exegesis with German conceptualism
En América Latina, el siglo XIX se caracteriza por la independencia de las antiguas colonias españolas, el proceso de formación de los Estados-Nación y la reconstrucción de los ordenamientos jurídicos de los nuevos Estados. Una vez adoptado el modelo republicano, fue necesario la creación de instituciones jurídicas nuevas y un sistema normativo que regulara el destino de las nuevas sociedades conforme a la realidad local y, sobre todo, lo más distante posible del antiguo régimen colonial. En todas estas transformaciones, los hombres de ley (abogados, jueces, juristas y burócratas) tuvieron un papel importante ; como proprietarios del saber jurídico y político, fueron los personajes idóneos para realizar la tarea de organización del Estado. Dentro de esa tarea, la estructuración de la justicia fue fundamental para los nuevos Estados. Una de las finalidades de este trabajo es demostrar la implicación de los jueces en ese proceso de consolidación. Además, la construcción del imaginario jurídico latinoamericano se llevó a cabo bajo la influencia de modelos jurídicos extranjeros dentro de los cuales se destacan Francia, Alemania y Estados Unidos. La recepción y tranformación de dichos modelos dentro de un clasicismo jurídico particular, que combinaba la exégesis francesa y el conceptualismo alemán, generó una conciencia jurídica local original y muy diferente del modelo inicial
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Scott, David. "Regionalism som motstånd : Två latinamerikanska staters motiv att ingå i integrationsprojektet ALBA." Thesis, Karlstad University, Faculty of Social and Life Sciences, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-5111.
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The formation of sovereign states in regional blocks has become an essential feature in the world system. Therefore, the purpose of this paper is to investigate which motives and driving forces that affect the creation of projects of regional integration outside Europe and the Western World. By choosing the Latin American project of integration ALBA (the Bolivarian Alliance of the Americas) as a case of regional integration outside Europe and the Western World, the study investigates the motives expressed by the most prominent actors of the project, Venezuela and Cuba. ALBA is chosen as a representative and a unique case and through the consumption of the gramscian and the realist approaches, the essay defines two motives that affect the creation of projects of regional integration. As a way of investigating the actors’ motives, the paper studies political statements, especially those of the Venezuelan president Hugo Chávez, and official positions expressed in central documents and declarations. The result shows that the motives behind ALBA are to promote a regionalism that gives priority to social welfare issues and to use this regional organization to create a multipolar world system. The essay concludes, with ALBA as a case, that the fundamental motives that could govern the regional integration process outside Europe and the Western World are, firstly, the will to resist a hegemonic world order that doesn’t give priority to social welfare issues and, secondly, to resist a unipolar world system and work as a “balancer”. While this applies to Venezuela, there are in the case of Cuba certain self-interests that could serve as motives. However, the study can’t rule out that also other motives can exist, but there is no evidence that can be used to prove that in this paper.
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Eriksson, Evelina. "Korruption i Latinamerika : En kvantitativ studie av korruptionens orsaker." Thesis, Mittuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskap, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:miun:diva-489.
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This paper examines the problem of corruption in the Latin American countries. Latin America is a region with a severe problem of corruption but there are also countries in the region that diverge by having a relatively low level of corruption. The aim of this study was to examine which factors can explain the differences in the extent of corruption in the region. On the basis of a number of theories and previous research regarding the causes of corruption, this study examines which effects democratization, the stability of democracy, decentralization, state intervention and social capital have on the level of corruption in the Latin American countries. A quantitative method with simple linear regressions was used to find out if there are any significant linear relationships between these variables and the level of corruption. The results of the study show a significant negative relationship between democratization and the level of corruption in the Latin American countries. Countries with a more developed democracy tend to have lower levels of corruption. The other variables can not significantly explain the variance in the level of corruption in Latin America.2008-06-05
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Bernardi, Bruno Boti. "O sistema interamericano de direitos humanos e a justiça de transição: impactos no Brasil, Colômbia, México e Peru." Universidade de São Paulo, 2015. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-12012016-122034/.
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O objetivo desta tese é analisar como e por que a normatividade do sistema interamericano de direitos humanos sobre o tema da justiça de transição pôde exercer impacto sobre questões de direitos humanos no Brasil, Colômbia, México e Peru. Partindo da abordagem emergente na literatura de que os efeitos dos regimes internacionais de direitos humanos são condicionados por fatores domésticos dos países aos quais se dirigem suas normas e pressões, a pesquisa buscou delinear como a política doméstica influencia e medeia o impacto potencial dessas normas internacionais que compõem a cascata de justiça, salientando o papel de organizações não governamentais (ONGs) de direitos humanos e da cúpula do Judiciário local, já que tais atores são centrais tanto para o processo de justiça de transição quanto para a ativação e aplicação da normatividade do sistema interamericano. Nesse sentido, a partir de um desenho de pesquisa qualitativo que se baseou na realização de entrevistas semiestruturadas com atores da sociedade civil e magistrados envolvidos com a temática, além da consulta a fontes secundárias e sentenças judiciais, testamos a hipótese segundo a qual o sistema interamericano adquirirá aderência doméstica se e quando esses atores forem capazes de entendê-lo e instrumentalizá-lo como um mecanismo efetivo para o seu empoderamento. Assim, contrariamente à maioria dos estudos que privilegiam a ação do Executivo para explicar o impacto de normas e pressões internacionais de direitos humanos, nossas conclusões apontam para a necessidade de que as agendas de pesquisa sobre o regime internacional de direitos humanos e justiça de transição atentem mais para o papel e perfil dos atores judiciais e organizações litigantes de direitos humanos, pois os avanços em termos de direitos humanos passam muitas vezes pela mobilização de uma normatividade internacional que não pode ser entendida de maneira divorciada da agência de ONGs e magistrados.The aim of this dissertation is to analyze how and why the norms of the Inter-American Human Rights System on transitional justice exerted an impact on human rights issues in Brazil, Colombia, Mexico and Peru. Based on the emerging theoretical approach according to which the effects of international human rights regimes are conditioned by domestic factors of the target-countries, our research seeks to unravel how domestic politics influences and mediates the potential impact of these international norms that comprise the justice cascade, highlighting the role of human rights non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and the local higher courts, since these actors are central both to the process of transitional justice and for the activation and enforcement of the Inter-American systems rules. In this sense, a qualitative research design based on semi-structured interviews with civil society actors and judges involved with the theme was adopted, in addition to the consultation of secondary sources and courts rulings. Then, from the analysis of this material, we tested the hypothesis that the Inter-American system will have a domestic impact if and when NGOs and local judges are able to understand and use it as an effective mechanism for their own \"empowerment\". Therefore, contrary to most studies that focus on Executives actions to explain the impact of international human rights norms, our conclusions urge the research agendas on the human rights international regime and transitional justice to pay more attention to the role and profile of judicial actors and domestic litigants, since human rights advacements are anchored on the mobilization of international norms that cannot be understood separately from the agency of NGOs and magistrates
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Ribeiro, Agatha Justen Gonçalves. "Democracia participativa no contexto latino-americano: entre o Estado, os heróis e a sociedade civil." reponame:Repositório Institucional do FGV, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10438/16984.
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This thesis proposes to examine if institutional changes to introduce and expand direct/participatory democracy in public administration can promote real changes on SocietyState relationship in capitalist Nations. To this end, we analyse the constitutional models adopted in recent years in Latin American countries. We consider the historical process that justifies the emergence of the discussion about social participation mechanisms that are alternative to vote and how that discussion have been gone into the political agenda of some Latin American countries until being institutionalized. Theoretically, we examine the processes of institutionalized participation in the references countries – Bolivia, Ecuador and Venezuela. We consider the Brazilian case, because it is pioneer and because it is one of the most important countries in this region. We study carefully Bolivia, which recently appears as the most successful case. Methodologically, our epistemological base is dialectics. In addition, we do discursive analyses. Our hypothesis is that those changes, although represent political progress, have historical and structural limitations which prevent to achieve a high level of citizenship and the sustainability of those advances.
Esta tese se propõe a verificar o quanto as mudanças institucionais voltadas para a introdução e ampliação da democracia direta/participativa na gestão pública são capazes de promover mudanças reais na relação Sociedade – Estado em nações onde permanece dominante o modo de produção capitalista. Para isso, analisamos os modelos constitucionais adotados em anos recentes, no contexto da América Latina. Consideramos o processo histórico que justifica o aparecimento do discurso sobre mecanismos de participação sócio-política alternativos e/ou coadjuvantes ao voto e como essa discussão entrou e se destacou na agenda política de alguns países latino-americanos, a ponto de ser amplamente institucionalizada. Teoricamente, examinamos os processos de participação e mecanismos de exercício da cidadania nos países tidos como referenciais – Bolívia, Equador e Venezuela. Lavamos em conta a caso brasileiro, seja por seu pioneirismo, seja pelo significado econômico e político do Brasil. Estudamos com particular atenção a Bolívia, que recentemente vem apresentando-se como ponto alto desse processo de radicalização da democracia que se experimenta na América Latina. Metodologicamente, nossa base epistemológica é a dialética. Adicionalmente, utilizamos a análise de discurso. Nossa hipótese é de que tais mudanças, ainda que representem um progresso no plano político e mesmo se verificando em ambientes culturais diferentes, inclusive de tradição participacionista, possuem constrangimentos históricos e estruturais que não permitem alcançar o elevado patamar de cidadania que se almeja e muito menos assegurar sustentabilidade aos avanços realizados.
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Souri, Eirini. "Global Civil Society : A Study on the Transformative Possibilities of Civil Society as an Agent in International Relations." Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Management and Engineering, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-8530.
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Global Civil Society is a spectrum of diverse social actors, which offers an alternative to the making of contemporary politics, and towards social change; it provides us with a new approach to change the existing global order through development rather than confrontation. For this reason, global civil society has recently attracted increased interest in the academic and political discourse and consequently has left the margins and is placed in the centre of contemporary International Relations and political theory.
Utilizing neo-Gramscian ideas this study examines global civil society’s concept and core features and focuses on its role as well as transformative possibilities as an agent in contemporary world politics. This thesis demonstrates through the findings of our
case study on "Civil Society Organisations" Response to the Fourth European Union – Latin America and the Caribbean Summit in Vienna 2006” the alternative approach in dealing with political issues and actively working towards those ends.
This research’s conclusions designate the great potentialities of civil society’s organizations, if carefully managed to transform the contemporary world; as well as the necessity of addressing global civil society in order to understand the role of the social realm in reducing the gap of legitimacy in the contemporary world order.
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Brabazon, Honor. "'The master's tools' : Bolivia's landless peasant movement, the international legal turn, and the possibilities and perils of law-based resistance to neoliberalism." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:fc7d8e1c-be62-4013-b206-96fe9360e5e4.
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A perennial question amongst social movement strategists is to what extent movements can use the tools of the system they are struggling against in their efforts to change that system. Whilst this debate traditionally distinguishes between two camps – radical and reformist approaches – this thesis investigates one movement that breaks this mould. The thesis uses the example of Bolivia's Landless Peasants' Movement (MST) to intervene into renewed theoretical discussion about the possibilities and perils for such movements of using the legal system in the pursuit of systemic social change. Through its tactic of land occupation, the MST breaks the law by occupying unused land on large estates, whilst also invoking other laws stipulating that unused land must be redistributed to those who will work it. The thesis situates the MST's approach to law in the context of an intensified process of juridification in the neoliberal period, through which the logic and language of law increasingly have come to structure political debate and dissent, creating particular pressures for radical movements to engage with the law. Yet it also suggests that movements like the MST have developed subversive ways of engaging the law in response. By examining the MST's tactic as it interacts with this broader context of intensified juridification, the thesis clarifies and nuances the theoretical discussion by identifying how the particular conditions of political mobilisation in the neoliberal period bear on this theoretical debate. Moreover, by examining specifically how this movement's approach to law is differentiated from traditional radical and reformist approaches, and from other attempts to combine the two, the thesis reveals further potential options for radical movements seeking to engage the law. The thesis ultimately suggests that the transformative potential of law may not lie in employing the content of individual laws but in strategic manipulations of the contradictions inherent in the liberal legal form.
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Collazos, Velasco Maria Dolores. "Le rôle des Cours Constitutionnelles vis-à-vis du pouvoir Exécutif en Amérique Latine. Etude comparative : Chili, Mexique, et Colombie." Thesis, Paris, EHESS, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019EHES0069.
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Au cours des deux dernières décennies du XXe siècle, les Tribunaux Constitutionnels sont devenus des acteurs politiques majeurs en Amérique latine. Cette transformation découle de l’adoption de réformes constitutionnelles intervenues à la fin des années 80 et dans les années 90 avec pour objectif de faire des Cours Constitutionnelles des institutions plus indépendantes et dotées de pouvoirs plus importants.Cette thèse cherche à proposer des éléments de réponse permettant de comprendre comment et dans quelle mesure la conception institutionnelle introduite par les réformes façonne le comportement des Tribunaux Constitutionnels latino-américains vis-à-vis du pouvoir Exécutif. Plus précisément, cette recherche s’intéresse au rôle des Cours Constitutionnelles dans leur fonction d’arbitrage des lois du pouvoir exécutif au Chili, au Mexique ainsi qu’en Colombie après l’introduction de réformes constitutionnelles visant à renforcer la justice constitutionnelle, intervenues respectivement en 2005, 1994 et 1991. Bien que l’approche classique consiste à considérer que la conception des institutions est un élément fondamental pour la modélisation ducomportement judiciaire, et que ceux qui ont conçu les réformes avaient cette idée à l’esprit, mes résultats empiriques basés sur la recherche archivistique et l’étude des décisions de ces tribunaux suggèrent que la manière dont les juges constitutionnels construisent leur identité professionnelle, comprennent leurs objectifs en matière d’administration de la justice et assument leur rôle dans la démocratie, influent également sur la manière dont ils exercent leur contrôle juridictionnel. En d’autres termes, cette thèse soutient que la conception institutionnelle, bien que cruciale, n’est pas suffisante pour expliquer le comportement de la Cour Constitutionnelle à l’égard de l’Exécutif dans les pays ayant renforcé le contrôle juridictionnel après des périodes autoritaires, telles que celles étudiées dans mes recherches. Des recherches complémentaires sont nécessaires afin de mieux comprendre comment se forment l’idéologie et les conceptions professionnelles du juge et comment elles façonnent le comportement de la justiceThe last two decades of the 20th century constitutional Tribunals emerged as powerful political actors in Latin America. This transformation is the consequence of the adoption of constitutional reforms during the late 80s and the 90s oriented to turn the constitutional Courts into more independent and powerful institutions.This dissertation seeks to provide elements to understand how and to which extent the institutional design introduced by the reforms shapes the Latin American Constitutional Tribunals’ behavior vis-à-vis the Executive power. More precisely, this research focuses on the role of Constitutional Courts as arbiters of the Executive branch acts in Chile, Mexico, and Colombia afterthe introduction of constitutional reforms aimed to reinforce the constitutional justice in 2005, 1994 and 1991 respectively. Although the standard approach proposes that the institutional design is a fundamental piece to model the judicial behavior, and this idea was in mind of those who conceived the reforms, my empirical results based on archival research and the study of decisions from these courts suggest that the way the constitutional judges build their professional identity, understand their goals in administering justice and assume their role in democracy, also matters in how they exercise the judicial review. In other words, this dissertation argues that the institutional design, although essential, is not enough to explain the Constitutional Court's behavior before the Executive in countries having reinforced the judicial review after authoritarian periods, such as those of my research. Further research is needed to better understand how the judge’s professional ideology and conceptions are formed, and how they shape judicial behavior
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Lacerda, Jan Marcel de Almeida Freitas. "A influência da ONU, da OEA, dos seus corpos burocráticos e de suas interações administrativas na promoção e na defesa da democracia na América Latina." Universidade Federal de Pernambuco, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/11612/694.
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A presente tese analisa a influência da Organização das Nações Unidas (ONU), da Organização dos Estados Americanos (OEA), de suas burocracias internacionais e de suas relações administrativas intra e extraorganizacionais na promoção e na defesa da democracia na América Latina. A partir das contribuições teóricas do construtivismo social e dos estudos de administração, é possível observar os corpos burocráticos das organizações internacionais como Administrações Públicas Internacionais (APIs) que influenciam a governança global ao distribuir níveis de governo e mudar as condutas dos Estados. A singularidade da América Latina alerta as Organizações Internacionais (OIs) e suas burocracias internacionais quanto às constantes crises democráticas na região, dos problemas econômicos e sociais e das distorções dos princípios democráticos nas sociedades latino-americanas. O objetivo desta tese, então, é investigar a influência das OIs, de suas burocracias e de suas interações administrativas na democracia latino-americana. É defendida a hipótese de que a cooperação entre a ONU e a OEA impacta nas democracias latino-americanas, por meio de suas atuações conjuntas em missões eleitorais, publicações e eventos. Para tanto, adotou o método de análise misto, com técnicas de pesquisa qualitativa e quantitativa combinadas para melhor explicar o fenômeno estudado. Qualitativamente, fez-se revisões literárias e análises documentais sobre as OIs, as burocracias internacionais e as relações interoganizacionais como atores externos nos processos de democratização da América Latina. Já na etapa quantitativa, realizou-se uma análise descritiva aprofundada do banco de dados inédito e foram empregadas as estimações por Mínimos Quadrados Generalizados (MQG) para dados organizados em painel, para 20 países latino-americanos, no período de 2000 a 2015. A estruturação do banco de dados inovador utilizou as atividades dessas organizações na área da democracia, incluindo os eventos, as publicações e as missões políticas e de assistência eleitoral entre os anos selecionados. Os resultados encontrados confirmaram a hipótese de que a cooperação entre ONU e OEA em suas atividades aumenta o nível de democracia latino-americana.The present thesis analyzes the influence of the United Nations (UN), the Organization of American States (OAS), their international bureaucracies and their administrative intra and extra-organizational relations in the promotion and defense of democracy in Latin America. By combining the theoretical contributions of social constructivism and management studies, it is observed that the bureaucratic bodies of international organizations such as International Public Administrations (IPAs) influence global governance by distributing the level of government and changing the conduct of States. The singularity of Latin America alerts the International Organizations (IOs) and their international bureaucracies about the constant democratic crisis in the region, the economic and social problems and the distortions of democratic principles in Latin American societies. In this sense, the purpose of this thesis is to investigate the influence of IOs, their bureaucracies and their administrative interactions in Latin American democracy. The working hypothesis is that cooperation between the UN and the OAS impact on Latin American democracies through their joint actions in electoral missions, publications and events. In order to do so, the mixed analysis method was adopted, with qualitative and quantitative research techniques combined to better explain the investigated phenomena. Qualitatively, the thesis uses literary reviews and documentary analysis about the IOs, the international bureaucracies and the inter-organizational relations as external actors in the processes of democratization in Latin America. The quantitative stage of the research included an in-depth descriptive analysis of the database and the usage of estimates by Generalized Least Squares (GLS) for panel data for 20 Latin American countries, from 2000 to 2015. The structuration of the innovative database of this thesis used the organizations’ activities in democracy including events, publications and political and electoral assistance missions during the selected years. The results confirm the initial hypothesis that cooperation between the UN and the OAS in their activities increases the level of democracy in Latin American.
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Souza, Artur César de. "O critério consequencialista como fundamento normativo ético de justiça ibero-americano (Uma análise hermenêutica jurídica e filosófica)." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/670213.
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O Código Ibero-Americano de Ética Judicial configura-se como um dos mais importantes preceitos normativos (não jurídicos) éticos da conduta do juiz no exercício da atividade jurisdicional. Dentre as diversas virtudes preconizadas pelo referido texto normativo de conduta judicial encontra-se a afirmação de que o fim
último da atividade jurisdicional é a realização da justiça por meio do direito. A tese
central do presente trabalho é justamente tentar desvelar entre as diversas teorias de justiça qual a que melhor se amolda ao Código Ibero-Americano de Ética Judicial. Como pressupostos de adequação à concepção ética de justiça sugerem- se a unidade do ser humano, o reconhecimento da multiculturalidade e a observância da interdisciplinaridade/transdisciplinariedade. Após transitar-se pelas diversas teorias de justiça, chega-se à conclusão de que o Código Ibero- Americano de Ética Judicial, de certa forma, adota a concepção filosófica consequencialista, em especial a filosofia jurídica indiana como critério a ser observado pelo juiz ibero-americano. Com base nessa concepção, realiza-se a diferenciação entre o ‘processo justo’ (niti) e a ‘justa decisão (nyaya), estabelecendo-se que não é suficiente a existência de instituições justas e corretas, sem que o juiz leve em consideração o que surge e como surge e a vida que as pessoas possam efetivamente viver. O desvelamento do critério consequencialista sugere que o juiz tenha em mente a aplicação da ética material como filosofia primeira, com base na produção, reprodução e desenvolvimento da vida humana. Porém, para que o critério de justiça recomendado pelo Código Ibero-Americano de Ética Judicial tenha eficácia transformadora no exercício da atividade jurisdicional, será necessária uma nova formação acadêmica do juiz ibero-americano, consubstanciada no imperativo ético e deontológico fundamental da aplicação do direito por meio da justiça, o qual não pode estar dissociado “da necessidade de uma formação técnica-jurídica sólida e de uma cultura judiciária que forneça efetivos valores de referência para a compreensão dos novos contextos políticos, culturais e sociais”The Ibero-American Code of Judicial Ethics sets one of the most important normative (non-legal) ethical precepts of the conduct of the judge in the exercise of judicial activity. Among the various virtues advocated by the normative text of judicial conduct is that which establishes that the ultimate purpose of judicial activity is the realization of justice through law. The main thesis of the present paper is precisely to unveil among the various theories of justice which one best fits the Ibero-American Code of Judicial Ethics. As assumptions of adequacy to the ethical conception of justice, the unity of the human being, the recognition of multiculturalism and the observance of interdisciplinarity / transdisciplinarity are suggested. After moving through the various theories of justice, it is concluded that the Ibero-American Code of Judicial Ethics recommends the consequentialist conception of Indian legal philosophy as a criterion to be observed by the Ibero- American judge. Based on this conception, a differentiation is made between the 'fair process' (niti) and the' just decision (nyaya), establishing that the existence of just and correct institutions is not sufficient, without the judge taking into consideration what arises and how it arises and the life that people can effectively live. The unveiling of the consequentialist criterion suggests that the judge keep in mind the application of material ethics as the first philosophy, based on the production, reproduction, and development of human life. However, for the criterion of justice recommended by the Ibero-American Code of Judicial Ethics to have transformative effectiveness in the exercise of jurisdictional activity, a new academic formation of the Ibero-American judge will be necessary, embodied in the fundamental ethical and deontological imperative of the application of law by justice, which cannot be dissociated “from the need for a solid technical-legal formation and a judicial culture that provides effective reference values for the understanding of the new political, cultural and social contexts”
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Duque, Silva Guillermo Andrés. "Cosmopolitismo Realista: El Control de Convencionalidad como instrumento para la justicia económica internacional." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/671538.
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La investigación aborda, con novedosos argumentos, una pregunta tradicional de la filosofía política; aquélla que indaga si: ¿Es posible hablar de justicia y de la necesidad de promover la equidad en la arena internacional, aun sin la presencia de un gobierno mundial? Con el tratamiento a esta cuestión se ponen a prueba las teorías contemporáneas sobre el cosmopolitismo y la justicia internacional de David Held, Thomas Pogge, Cristina Lafont y Jürgen Habermas, entre otros, respecto a las demandas de justicia distributiva y gobernanza global. La hipótesis sobre la que se sostiene el argumento central de la tesis, indica que: si desde las perspectivas predominantes en el debate sobre el cosmopolitismo el conflicto entre soberanías no ha cumplido un papel determinante para definir una concepción de lo justo a nivel internacional; una indagación profunda sobre la reconfiguración de los antagonismos entre Estados, ciudadanías y empresas – es decir una investigación sobre los criterios de decisión que aplican los Estados, las empresas y los ciudadanos cuando sus libertades entran en contradicción – tendría un potencial clarificador para definir: qué es una situación injusta a nivel global y cuáles podrían ser los cursos de acción normativos que le corrigiesen. En su propuesta, el autor examina las posibilidades que ofrecen herramientas jurídicas de los tribunales internacionales y regionales de derechos humanos para resolver las controversias entre Estados y en el interior de éstos, pero aplicados en la búsqueda de acciones redistributivas internacionales. En particular, la tesis defiende que, en la figura del Control de Convencionalidad, creada en el sistema interamericano de derechos humanos, se halla una semilla de cosmopolitismo realista que podría saldar el déficit de obligación jurídica internacional que se requiere para que un ideal de justicia económica tenga un nivel efectivo de realización práctica. Con la tesis, el doctorando plantea una perspectiva realista crítica o neorrealista del problema de la justicia en la arena internacional, con la cual aporta un nuevo capítulo en el debate sobre la justicia global interpretando el problema desde un punto intermedio entre el idealismo cosmopolita y el pesimismo realista.The investigation deals, with novel arguments, a traditional question of political philosophy; the one that asks if: Is it possible to speak of justice and the need to promote equity in the international arena, even without the presence of a world government? With the treatment of this question, the contemporary theories on cosmopolitanism and international justice of David Held, Thomas Pogge, Cristina Lafont and Jürgen Habermas, among others, regarding the demands of distributive justice and global governance are put to the test. The hypothesis on which the central argument of the thesis is sustained indicates that: if from the prevailing perspectives in the debate on cosmopolitanism the conflict between sovereignties has not played a determining role in defining a conception of fairness at the international level; An in-depth inquiry into the reconfiguration of antagonisms between States, citizenships and companies - that is, an investigation into the decision criteria applied by States, companies and citizens when their freedoms are in contradiction - would have a clarifying potential to define: what It is an unfair situation at a global level and what could be the normative courses of action that would correct it. In his proposal, the author of the thesis examines the possibilities offered by legal tools of international and regional human rights tribunals to resolve disputes between and within States but applied in the search for international redistributive actions. In particular, the thesis defends that, in the figure of Conventionality Control, created in the inter-American human rights system, there is a seed of realistic cosmopolitanism that could solve the deficit of international legal obligation that is required for an ideal of justice economic has an effective level of practical realization. With the thesis, the doctoral student raises a critical or neorealist realistic perspective of the problem of justice in the international arena, with which he contributes a new chapter in the debate on global justice, interpreting the problem from an intermediate point between cosmopolitan idealism and realistic pessimism.
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Périssol, Guillaume. "Le droit chemin. Jeunes délinquants en France et aux États-Unis au milieu du XXe siècle." Thesis, Sorbonne université, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018SORUL055.
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La miséricorde ne se commande pas, Elle tombe comme la douce pluie du ciel ». Cette citation de Shakespeare sert encore dans les années 1950 de devise au Tribunal pour enfants de Boston. À la fonction traditionnellement répressive du droit, elle tend à substituer une fonction idéologique sous l’expression de l’amour. Le modèle américain de la juvenile court, saturé d’idéaux de compassion et de réhabilitation, connaît un succès mondial depuis la création à Chicago, en 1899, du premier tribunal pour enfants. Que cachent le progressisme des juvenile courts et le « néohumanisme judiciaire » vanté par le juge Jean Chazal après l’ordonnance de 1945, qui constitue le véritable acte de naissance des tribunaux pour enfants en France ? Que signifie le succès très rapide des tribunaux pour enfants aux États-Unis, en Europe et dans le monde ? La comparaison de deux pays occidentaux, reliés entre eux, aide à répondre à ces questions, venant combler un vide historiographique et permettant de mieux comprendre le système de la justice des mineurs et le phénomène de la délinquance juvénile. La période qui suit la Seconde Guerre mondiale est particulièrement propice à l’analyse, puisque se posent alors de manière aiguë des questions sur l’autorité et l’éducation dans un contexte de paniques internationales autour de la délinquance juvénile. Cette étude s’inscrit dans un champ interdisciplinaire innovant, au croisement de l’histoire de la jeunesse et de l’histoire de la justice et du contrôle. Tout à la fois qualitative et quantitative, elle s’appuie sur des archives inédites, comme les dossiers des tribunaux pour enfants de Boston et de la Seine, à ParisThe quality of mercy is not strain'd, It droppeth as the gentle rain from heaven.” This Shakespeare quote was still used in the 1950s as the motto of the Boston Juvenile Court. It tended to replace the traditional repressive function of the law by an ideological function expressed by love. The American juvenile court model, highly imbued with the ideal of compassion and rehabilitation, had had a worldwide success since 1899, when the first juvenile court was created in Chicago. What lies behind the progressivism of the juvenile courts and the “judicial neohumanism” praised by Judge Jean Chazal after the 1945 law which heralded the veritable birth of juvenile courts in France? What signification can we give to the very rapid success of juvenile courts in the United States, Europe and throughout the world?The comparison between two interconnected Western countries can help answer these questions, while filling a historiographical gap, in order to better understand the juvenile justice system and the phenomenon of juvenile delinquency. The post-WW2 period is most pertinent for analysis, as acute questions concerning authority and education were being raised amid international delinquency panics. The study takes place in an innovative and interdisciplinary field, where youth history intersects with the history of justice and control. It is qualitative and quantitative, and is based on new archival material, such as the case files of the Boston Juvenile Court and the Seine Juvenile Court in Paris
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Tarragoni, Federico. "« Il faut faire le peuple ! » : sociologie d’un populisme « par le bas » dans les conseils de barrio en Amérique latine contemporaine (Venezuela et Bolivie)." Thesis, Paris 10, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA100185/document.
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Le Venezuela d’H. Chávez et la Bolivie d’E. Morales sont les nouvelles terres d’élection du populisme et de la démocratie participative. Si ces deux formes politiques ont tendance à s’y hybrider et à témoigner d’un certain nombre d’affinités électives, les analystes ne se penchent jamais sur les expériences sociales spécifiques auxquelles elles donnent lieu. À travers une ethnographie des pratiques participatives dans des comités de décentralisation des politiques publiques situés dans les barrios - Conseils communaux vénézuéliens et Juntas vecinales boliviennes - cette thèse se propose de problématiser la relation entre pouvoir populiste et politique populaire. Son but est celui d’étudier le champ de pertinence d’un concept largement discrédité dans les sciences sociales, le populisme, à l’aune des politiques du peuple qu’il produit chez les exclus. À la confluence de sociologie des rapports ordinaires au politique et d’histoire « from below », notre thèse propose ainsi une nouvelle conceptualisation du populisme à l’aune des régimes d’identité, d’action et de rupture qu’il ouvre chez les dominés, et qui tournent autour du peuple comme opérateurEither as two exemplary democracies or two democracies of excesses, H. Chávez’s Venezuela and E. Morales’s Bolivia seem to attract nowadays more the ideological interpretations operating a rhetorical manipulation than informed social analyses. Far from wanting to discuss Chávez's ou Morales’s “exemplary” skills, the author proposes a policy ethnography focusing on the two radical populisms dynamics that can be observed in township assemblies for public planning (Consejos comunales and Juntas vecinales). These hybrid institutions are true political laboratories where lower classe people living in the country neighbourhoods can meet. Combining decentralization, deliberative democracy and populism, such institutions keep alive the treasure of the social construction of revolutionary policy in Venezuela and Bolivia. The participatory experience of ordinary people, which implies a community to integrate, an interest to defend and a collective identity to build, permits to track down the paradoxes and contradictions of a revolution in progress, and to reveal a sociology of action hidden by stereotyped concepts of faulty democracy or excessive democracy
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Larrouqué, Damien. "Les politiques d’inclusion digitale en Amérique latine : de la rénovation éducative à la recomposition de l’Etat (Argentine, Paraguay, Pérou, Uruguay)." Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016IEPP0044.
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L’enjeu de cette thèse est de mettre en lumière les transformations institutionnelles observables en Amérique latine à l’aune de la gestion des politiques d’inclusion digitale. Instaurés par certains pays de la région au milieu des années 2000, ces programmes socio-éducatifs s’inspirent de l’initiative promue par la fondation philanthropique nord-américaine One Laptop Per Child (OLPC). Ces politiques publiques ont pour double caractéristique d’être relativement coûteuses en termes financiers et d’être, sur le plan logistique, très contraignantes à administrer. Aussi, selon notre postulat de départ, elles nous permettent non seulement d’illustrer le « retour de l’Etat » en matière d’investissement social, mais encore d’apprécier son efficacité à l’heure de mettre en œuvre des initiatives présentées comme révolutionnaires. D’après notre principale hypothèse, leur concrétisation a été conditionnée par la capacité des pouvoirs publics à innover en matière de gestion administrative. La plus-value académique de ce travail repose sur le concept d’Etat néo-wébérien, lequel se situe à mi-chemin entre le modèle bureaucratique classique et le New Public Management. Nous soutenons que les programmes d’inclusion digitale étudiées (plan Ceibal en Uruguay, plan Conectar Igualdad en Argentine, plan Una Computadora por Niño au Pérou, plan OLPC au Paraguay) ont été couronnés de succès dans les deux pays du Bassin de la Plata (Argentine et Uruguay) qui ont su emprunter le plus aux caractéristiques de cette conception, certes idéal-typique, mais néanmoins éclairante à l’heure d’appréhender la réalité des mutations contemporaines de l’Etat en Amérique latineOur ambition is to bring to light the institutional transformations that derive in Latin America from the implementation of digital inclusion policies. These social and educational programs have taken inspiration from the project of the One Laptop Per Child foundation and they have been instituted in some South-American countries during the last decade. We consider that these public policies present two interesting characteristics. On the one hand, being very costly from a financial perspective, they illustrate the “return of the state” in terms of social investment. On the other hand, because they are logistically complex to run, they can be seen as examples of a new and effective policy-making process. Our main hypothesis is that their successful implementation has been triggered by the capacity of public authorities to innovate in the field of administrative management. The academic interest of our dissertation rests on the concept of Neo-weberian State. It designs a new institutional configuration, which borrows some properties from two administrative paradigms: the bureaucratic model of Weber and the New Public Management. Taking into consideration four digital inclusion policies, we argue that the successful implementation of two of them (the programs Ceibal in Uruguay and Conectar Igualdad in Argentina) can be explained by the use of a neo-weberian form of political and administrative management. In our opinion, although it remains an ideal type, the concept of “Neo-Weberian State” is considerably useful for whoever analyses the transformations of public institutions in Latin America
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Mancilla, Garcia Maria. "Pollution, interests and everyday life in Lake Titicaca : negotiating change and continuity in social-ecological systems." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:1ad3d62d-9be8-4d0c-98da-c3a08f7c91bc.
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Environmental governance is a challenging topic in development contexts. On the one hand, the traditional development paradigm is based on economic growth through environmental exploitation; on the other, environmental degradation reduces vulnerable populations’ options for development. In the last thirty years numerous attempts to integrate environmental concerns in development policies have proved unsuccessful, raising questions as to whether the current governance system can address the challenge. The literature on environmental management has focused on identifying rules for successful governance, leaving little space to explore the complexities of the interactions between actors and their environments, wherein the reasons for sustained degradation might lie. The questions that this thesis asks are: How do diverse groups of actors rationalize and interact with degraded ecosystems? And what role does the governance system play in codifying these interactions? To answer these questions, the thesis engages in an institutional study of Lake Titicaca, between Peru and Bolivia. The lake has witnessed a degradation of its bay in the last thirty years, as a result of urban and mining development in the region. A complex web of organizations that go from the bi-national to the community level manages Lake Titicaca. The investigation of the questions asked is particularly relevant in the current context, as the countries to which the lake belongs put forward significantly different visions of the environment. By drawing on the strengths of social-ecological systems frameworks proposed by the two mains schools – the Resilience Alliance and Bloomington Workshop – and filling some of their deficiencies using insights from the sociological literatures on negotiation and justification, I hope to have created a composite framework with which to give an insightful account of the complexity and diversity at play in the field. The thesis adopts a broad range of qualitative methods (observation, interviews, document analysis) completed with descriptive statistics for budget analysis. The thesis argues that the actors’ approaches to the ecosystem are complex, diverse and constitutive of social-ecological systems wherein relationships are negotiated between actors, between actors and the ecosystem and ‘within’ actors as they hold competing visions and strategies. Some of the variables shaping these negotiations are crafted through the interaction between social and ecological elements, which also influence the actors’ understanding of the system. Others are determined by parameters crafted in the social sphere, and the ways in which social-ecological interactions fit with those. Policy interventions to improve the condition of Lake Titicaca need a more sophisticated understanding of these social-ecological systems.
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Schwarzkopf, Anke. "Realpolitik or reinforcement of the EU’s normative power : A Case Study on the EU’s relations with the CELAC." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Statsvetenskap, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-130052.
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This research aims to understand the nature and underlying motives of the EU’s relations with the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC). The frequently claimed normative role of the EU will be examined in the context of the EU- CELAC summit relations, and the cases should be outlined that cause a switch to Realpolitik behavior. Thereby, the EU’s engagement in regional integration and interregional cooperation will be illustrated and EU-CELAC cooperation areas concerning the fight against poverty and social inequality, the consolidation of good governance and the promotion of peace, and lastly, the regional integration, trade, and economic cooperation are analyzed to reach an understanding of their normative or Realpolitik content. The research illustrates the ways of understanding the EU’s normative behavior and power, and the nature of the cooperation between the EU and the CELAC, whereby it should be shown that the EU acts according to normative consideration and only in few exceptions turns towards Realpolitik behavior.
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Pozzer, Marcio Rogerio Olivato. "Os paradigmas da administração pública e as políticas de patrimônio cultural em museus de Brasil e México." Universidade de São Paulo, 2015. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/84/84131/tde-21102015-100423/.
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As políticas públicas de patrimônio cultural em museus adotadas no Brasil e no México exemplificam como os modelos de desenvolvimento, os arranjos institucionais da administração pública e a governança das políticas públicas refletem as mudanças que historicamente ocorreram nos Estados latino-americanos. Esta tese centrou-se na hipótese de que a transformação do \"pequeno\" Estado liberal do século XIX (com função apenas de garantir a propriedade e os contratos) para o \"grande\" Estado social do século XX (com responsabilidade de manter inúmeros serviços sociais) praticamente inviabilizou a racionalidade instrumental defendida pela administração burocrática tradicional weberiana e contribuiu para a crise fiscal dos Estados da América Latina do final do século XX. A investigação recorreu ao estudo comparado de Brasil e México a partir de pesquisa documental e de entrevistas com gestores dos órgãos nacionais de patrimônio, seguidas de um esforço de revisão bibliográfica que forneceu substrato teórico e metodológico para a tese. Os dados coletados, tratados e analisados, levaram à conclusão de que os dois países passaram por processos semelhantes de institucionalização das políticas de museus, em períodos históricos diferentes, sendo que a expansão dessas políticas relacionada, nos dois casos, à consolidação de um projeto nacional que buscava afirmação internacional e que recaem sobre processos de empresariamento urbano que paradoxalmente \"transformam em mercadoria\" a cultura. As crescentes críticas da sociedade à inoperância do modelo burocrático para apresentar respostas às demandas por serviços públicos cada vez mais complexos inseriram o modelo gerencial da administração pública nas agendas políticas locais dos dois países. Inspirado nos paradigmas da administração de empresas, o modelo se estruturou a partir do discurso de que o setor privado teria maior capacidade de atender às demandas sociais quando comparado ao setor público.Contudo, o modelo, que prometia superar as limitações e avançar na qualidade dos serviços e das políticas públicas em geral, não logrou o sucesso preconizado e foi parcialmente abandonado na maioria dos países latino-americanos, como foi o caso do Brasil. Os países que experimentaram governos de esquerda e centro-esquerda construíram uma agenda alternativa de desenvolvimento no início do século XXI, abrindo espaço para a construção e a disputa de novos valores sociais e para a tentativa de se implementar um modelo alternativo de administração pública denominado \"reorientação participativa para os serviços públicos\". Assim, conjuntamente às políticas neodesenvolvimentistas adotadas em parcela da América Latina, caracterizadas por se constituírem como um modelo híbrido, composto por traços liberais e neoliberais, por um lado, e, por outro, de bem-estar social e desenvolvimentista, deram origem a uma administração pública também hibrida. Esse modelo se caracterizou pela retomada do protagonismo do Estado, pela ênfase na construção de sistemas de políticas públicas, pela valorização da qualidade dos serviços públicos prestados, pela radicalização da participação social e pelo destaque às funções e aos valores exclusivos do setor público, com foco na responsabilização. Enquanto isso, o México reforçou sua opção por um modelo neoliberal de desenvolvimento, sem, contudo, implementar plenamente um modelo gerencial de administração pública, mantendo suas políticas públicas de patrimônio cultural em museus estagnadas, mas com ilhas de excelência, com museus de qualidade internacional, desenvolvidos num momento histórico em que o país contava com um projeto desenvolvimentista.Public policies for cultural assets in museums adopted in Brazil and Mexico are an example of how development models, institutional arrangements of public administration and the government of public policies reflect the changes that historically took place in the Latin American States. This dissertation focused on the assumption that the transformation of the \"little\" 19th-century liberal State (whose function was merely ensure private property and contracts) into the \"great\" 20th-century social State (whose responsibility is to provide a number of social services) virtually made it infeasible to implement the instrumental rationality advocated by Weber´s traditional bureaucratic administration and contributes to deepen the tax crisis in the Latin American States by the end of the 20th century. The investigation compared Brazil and Mexico through documental research and interviews with managers of national asset bodies, followed by an effort of bibliographical review which provided theoretical and methodological substance for the dissertation. Data was collected, treated and analyzed, which led to the conclusion that both countries went through similar processes of institutionalization of their museum policies, at different times, and the expansion of such policies is related, in the two cases, to the consolidation of national project that sought international affirmation and which affect the processes of urban enterpreneurship that paradoxically \"change culture into a commodity\". The increasing criticism by society to the inoperativeness of the bureaucratic model in providing responses to the demands for public services that are more and more complex made way to the managerial models of public administration in local political agendas in both countries. Inspired in the paradigms of business administration, the model was structured around the discourse that the private sector would have greater capacity to meet the social demands when compared to the public sector. However, the model, which promised to overcome the limitations and improve the quality of public services and policies in general, did not achieve the expected success and was partly abandoned in most Latin American countries, as was the case in Brazil. Countries experiencing moderate left- and left-wing governments were able to build an alternate agenda of development in the early 21st century, making room for the construction of and contention for new social values and the attempt to implement an alternate model of public administration called \"participative reorientation of public services\". Thus, together with the neo-developmental policies adopted in part of Latin America, whose main feature is the fact that they are a hybrid model, consisting of liberal and neoliberal traits, on one hand, and developmental social welfare on the other hand, gave rise to a public administration that is also hybrid. This model was characterized by the resume of the State playing the main role, by the emphasis on the building of public-policy systems, by the increase in the quality of the public services provided, by the radicalization of social participation, and by the highlight given to the functions and values that are exclusive of the public sector, focusing on accountability. Meanwhile, Mexico reinforced the country´s option for a neoliberal development model; however the managerial model of public administration was never fully implemented as the public policies of cultural assets in museums stagnated, even if with islands of excellence as in museums of international standard, implemented in a historical moment when the country relied on a developmental project.
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Scott, David. "Tjänar amerikansk media utrikespolitiska maktintressen? : En granskning av två amerikanska tidningars rapportering av statskuppen i Honduras sommaren 2009." Thesis, Karlstad University, Faculty of Social and Life Sciences, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-5815.
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Essay in Political Science, D-level, spring 2010. “Do the American mass media serve foreign policy interests? – A scrutiny of two American newspapers’ coverage of the coup d’état in Honduras in the summer of 2009”, Author: David Scott. Tutor: Anders Broman
The bias of the American mass media has been widely discussed among scholars. Not only has this phenomenon caught the attention of political scientists, but also academics from other scientific fields. Two of the most known researchers of the American media are the linguist Noam Chomsky and the professor of Finance Edward Herman. They apply, on the American media, a so called “propaganda model” which claims that the media will serve the interests of the domestic power elites. One of the interests that the media try to satisfy is the foreign policy goals of the American state, which is to vilify enemy states and idealize client states. This thesis is applied on the American media coverage of the coup d’état that resulted in the ousting of leftist President Manuel Zelaya from the presidency in Honduras in 2009. In this case the model predicts that Zelaya will be vilified as an enemy and that the cause of the coup will be portrayed as legitimate. The essay studies, in the newspapers New York Times and Wall Street Journal, the portraiture of three aspects of the coup: the cause of the coup, the role of the military and the victims of violence and, finally, Zelaya as a president and the support to versus the resistance against his presidency. Through a textual analysis of the material, the essay concludes that there is a bias and that this means that the propaganda model can be verified. The bias consists of that the papers tend to legitimize the clients (the perpetrators of the coup) by portraying Zelaya as violator of the Honduran constitution and as a radical leftist aligned with Venezuela’s president Hugo Chávez. The legitimization goes further through the toning down of the military’s role in the use of violence against demonstrators. Although this is the bias, it must be stressed that it is subtle and has been detected through an extensive interpretation of the material.
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Schlemmer, Jimmi Joe. "THE INTERSTATE RELATIONS BETWEEN THE PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC OF CHINA AND CHILE : A case study of the PRC’s foreign political and economic relations." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Statsvetenskap, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-141920.
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In the recent years, the PRC has demonstrated strong economic growth and intensified its diplomatic connections with the globalized world. The Deng reforms of the 1970s were the starting point for this ‘open-up’ approach. The particular relevance for the LAC region became an utmost important part in the development of the PRC in the 21st century. Therefore, natural resources are the driving force of their economic growth and a high supply of agricultural products is essential to feed their growing population. These two economic aspects are in the center of the foreign political and economic interests of the PRC. However, the intentions of nation states are always unclear, which gives room for various theoretical interpretations. The possible threat of the rising PRC is consequently contrasted by the perspective of a ‘peaceful rise of the PRC’. It is inevitable that the LAC region looms large over this debate. This research will analyze and contribute towards a better understanding of the rise of the PRC. To be able to provide a precise contribution, this research focuses on the case of the China-Chile economic and foreign political relations after the coming into force of the FTA in 2006. Based on a conceptual analysis of the foreign and economic relations of the PRC with Chile, this research will also apply defensive neorealism and neoliberal institutionalism to provide a better understanding of the strategies and motivations of the PRC towards Chile. Even though Chile is an independent country of the LAC region, this research will also partly integrate the research finding into the bigger picture of the relations between the PRC and the LAC region in general.
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Baronnet, Bruno. "Autonomía y educación indígena : las escuelas zapatistas de las cañadas de la selva Lacandona de Chiapas, México." Thesis, Paris 3, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009PA030087.
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A partir des pratiques éducatives des paysans zapatistes du Chiapas, l’autonomie se conceptualise comme la construction collective d’un projet des peuples indiens dans un champ de domination et de résistance sociale. Au cœur de la dispute avec l’Etat nation, le contrôle des communautés sur les éducateurs qu’elles désignent et évaluent est mis en perspective avec d’autres contextes, discours et actions d’organisations politiques autochtones en Amérique latine. Avant 1994, des programmes indiens d’éducation, d’abord clandestins, comme dans le Quiché guatémaltèque et le Cauca colombien, constituent des antécédents à l’expérience zapatiste d’autonomie radicale. En tant que politiques endogènes, sui generis, et historiquement situés dans des territoires ou des refuges multiculturels, ils remettent en question la capacité et la légitimité de l’Etat nation dans la gestion administrative et pédagogique des écoles. Avec l’autorité de l’assemblée des familles et de nouvelles charges communautaires [notamment les « promoteurs d’éducation »], les relations de pouvoir et les positions d’intermédiation sociale se reconfigurent entre les acteurs de l’Etat et des territoires rebelles. La participation active des militants Tzeltal contribue à l’appropriation sociale de l’école, en étant un frein à la différenciation sociale et à l’assimilation culturelle. Elle est un moteur de la dignité et de la légitimité de gérer l’espace et le temps scolaire, mais aussi les méthodes et les contenus. Les changements liés à l’autonomie bousculent ainsi les continuités de l’organisation de l’école, du rôle politique et du travail des enseignants, et des choix pédagogiques pertinents du point de vue des Indiens zapatistesBased on the educational practices of the Zapatista peasants of Chiapas, autonomy is conceptualized as the collective construction of a project of Indian peoples in a field of domination and social resistance. At the center of the dispute with the nation state, control over educators by the communities who designate and evaluate them is put into perspective with other contexts, discourses and actions of indigenous political organizations in Latin America. Before 1994, Indian education programs, primarily clandestine, as in the Quiché [Guatemala] and Cauca [Colombia], were antecedents to the Zapatista experience of radical autonomy. As endogenous policies, sui generis, and historically located in multicultural territories or refuges, they call into question the capacity and legitimacy of the nation state in the administrative and pedagogical management of schools. With the authority of the assembly of families and of new communitarian roles! [including the “promoters of education”], the power relations and the social positions of intermediation are being reconfigured between State actors and rebel territories. The active participation of Tzeltal activists contributes to the social appropriation of the school, thus becoming a barrier against social differentiation and cultural assimilation. This participation is an engine for dignity and legitimacy in managing space and time at school, as well as methods and contents. Changes related to autonomy destabilize the status quo in terms of the organization of the school, the political role and work of teachers, and the educational choices relevant for Zapatistas indigenous people