Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Justice, Administration of – Europe'

Etudier l'administration de la Justice et l'évaluation de sa qualité, sous l'angle d'unecomparaison européenne, c'est en quelque sorte anticiper ce que pourrait être la Justice indépendante et démocratique du 21ème siècle. En initiant les démarches comparatives sur ce thème, le Conseil de l'Europe - et plus exactement la Commission européenne pour l?efficacité de la Justice (CEPEJ) - a mis en place un cadre d'évaluation et un réseau de tribunaux référents efficace, qui lui donnentaujourd'hui une longueur d'avance sur les travaux entrepris par ailleurs. La diversité des systèmes judiciaires du Conseil de l'Europe, par son ampleur, offre des possibilités de comparaisons élargies, permettant la mise en évidence de groupes d'Etats comparables et d'indicateurs de qualité nombreux et pertinents.En Europe, citoyens et classe politique brocardent fréquemment les circonstances dans lesquelles la justice est rendue. Mais, ce n'est plus comme autrefois la décision rendue pour telle ou telle affaire qui est le plus souvent dénigrée, c'est en fait la gestion du problème par l'ensemble de la chaîne judiciaire qui est remise en cause. Les indicateurs quantitatifs se multiplient, au risque de nuire à la qualité de la justice rendue. Pour répondre aux attentes nouvelles des citoyens sans mettre en péril l'indépendance et la qualité de la Justice, les Etats d'Europe doivent eux-mêmes évoluer et installer la question de l'administration de la Justice au coeur du débat public. Dans la première partie de l'étude, la recherche d'une bonne administration de laJustice permet de mettre en évidence certains indicateurs de qualité relatifs aux différentes formes d'indépendance et de transparence de la Justice. Elle permet aussi de s'interroger sur la nouvelle place de l'usager durant le procès et sur l'attente qui lui est imposée pour traiter son affaire. Il en ressort en définitive que le souci de bonne administration joue un grand rôle dans l'indépendance organique et déontologique, tant lors de la sélection et de la nomination des magistrats que de leur entrée en fonction et de l'exercice de celle-ci. Les différents niveaux considérés, institutionnel, fonctionnel et personnel, témoignent de possiblesévolutions, y compris en France où le pouvoir exécutif joue encore un rôle important. D'autres réformes, visant à rendre l'administration de la Justice plus proches de l'usager sont également souhaitables : en favorisant la concertation et l'échange avec les usagers et les 8 partenaires des juridictions, il deviendra plus aisé de définir la place de l'usager, de répondre à ses préoccupations et de rendre son attente véritablement utile.Dans la seconde partie de l'étude, la recherche d'une bonne administration de laJustice permet de mettre en évidence de nombreux indicateurs quantitatifs et qualitatifs relevant par exemple des moyens de la Justice, de la gestion des flux, du coût et de la qualité des procédures. Le dernier titre de l'étude élabore une synthèse ainsi qu'un outil à l'usage des praticiens. Il replace les principaux indicateurs relevés au cours de l'étude au sein de divers domaines d'évaluation et indique pour chaque indicateur les méthodes d'évaluation qui paraissent être les plus appropriées. L'intérêt et le caractère novateur de cette recherche résident dans la comparaison des différents modèles judiciaires, sans se limiter à une approche purement conceptuelle, « architecturale », de l'administration de la Justice, mais en y incluant largement les critères qualitatifs et quantitatifs dégagés au sein des Working Groups des organisations internationales. La bonne administration de la Justice n'est pas seulement la justice rendue, quantifiée par les rapports d'activité des juridictions, mais également la capacité du système à faire accepter et respecter, aussi bien dans les milieux judiciaires que dans l'opinion publique, les critères de bonne justice qui ont été dégagés par le droit européen
In a European comparative perspective, a study of administration of Justice andassessment of its quality means to anticipate what an independent and democratic Justice should be in the XXIst century. By carrying out comparative exercises in this field, the Council of Europe - and namely the European Commission for the Efficiency of Justice - has created an assessment framework and an efficient network of pilot courts, which put the Commission's endeavors ahead of any similar works done by other organizations. The diversity of judicial systems that make part of the Council of Europe offers large possibilities for comparison, which allow sampling and categorizing of different States and elaboration of relevant quality indicators. In Europe, citizens and political classes criticize the circumstances under which Justice is rendered. However, in contrast with the past, the critique does not target specific decisions rendered in a particular case, but more so the administration of the case by the entire chain of the judicial mechanism. Quality indicators are proliferating, at risk of hindering the quality of Justice rendered. In order to give an adequate reply to new demands of the citizens, without infringing independence and quality of Justice, the European States should themselves assessthe quality of Justice administration and put this issue in the heart of the public debate. In the First part of the Study, the quest for fair administration of justice allows to identify certain quality indicators relating to different forms of independence and transparency of Justice. Also, it raises the question of the new place that should be conferred to the user of Justice during the process and the timeframes to which his case is subjected. The study shows that, in the end, the quest for fair administration of Justice has a great role to play in ensuring structural and ethical independence during selection and appointment of magistrates, as wellas during their entering into function and their exercise thereof. The different levelsconsidered - institutional, functional and personal - allow projecting possible ways ofevolution of the matter in Europe, including in France where the executive power still plays an important role. Reforms aiming at making Justice closer to the user are recommended: by promoting exchange between users and different partners of jurisdictions, it will become easier to define the place of the users within the Justice system, to provide an adequate 11 remedy to their problems and to make useful the time that they spent awaiting a decision on their case.In the Second part of the Study, the quest for fair administration of Justice allows to identify multiple qualitative and quantitative indicators, which relate to the case flow, to the costs, to the quality of the procedures, as well as to the financial means allocated to Justice. The last title of the study provides a synthesis and a tool for practical use: it applies the previously identified indicators to different fields of assessment and designates to every indicator the most pertinent assessment methods. The interest and the novelty of the present research reside in the comparison of the different Justice models, going beyond a purely conceptual, -architectural - approach of Justice administration and exploiting qualitative and quantitative criteria elaborated by Working Groups of international organizations. Fair administration of Justice is not only the Justice rendered and quantified by courts' activity reports. It also reflects the capacity of the Justice system to make accept and respect - by the judiciary, as well as by the public opinion - the common European criteria of "fair justice"

Defence date: 24 May 2019
Examining Board: Professor Claire Kilpatrick, European University Institute; Professor Scott Cummings, UCLA; Professor Louise Trubek, University of Wisconsin; Professor Joanne Scott, European University Institute
Awarded the Mauro Cappelletti Prize 2020 for Best Doctoral Thesis in Comparative Law defended in 2019
This PhD thesis explores pro bono practice among large, international law firms in Europe. The central question addressed by the thesis is: does “Big Law Pro Bono” contribute to access to justice in Europe? The thesis commences with a review of the literature which both contextualizes and situates the thesis. This review also identifies gaps in the existing literature particularly related to the globalization and localization of law firm pro bono and its practice beyond the United States (i.e. its practice in other parts of the world such as Europe, Asia, Africa and Latin America). After identifying issues with the current definition of access to justice, used throughout much of the existing literature, the thesis proposes a new definition which is then used throughout the thesis to evaluate pro bono practice in Europe. Towards this end, the thesis first provides historical context to law firm pro bono practice by exploring the history of pro bono, legal aid and other models of progressive lawyering across Europe. Following this, the thesis closely explores the process by which large firm pro bono practice arrived in Europe (i.e. globalization), the contemporary practice and the process by which it adapted to the European legal, social and political ecosystem (i.e. localization). Ultimately, it is suggested that large firm pro bono does not contribute to access to justice in Europe insofar as access to justice is defined narrowly - in the way that it has been conceived of in much of the existing literature. However, by embracing a broader definition of access to justice, it is possible to perceive the actual (and possible) social and political impact of large firm pro bono practice in Europe.
Chapter 6 ‘Does Big Law Pro Bono contribute to access to justice in Europe? Can it?' of the PhD thesis draws upon an earlier version published as chapter 'The EU public interest clinic and the case for EU law clinics' (2018) in the book ‘Reinventing legal education : how clinical education is reforming the teaching and practice of law in Europe’

L’émergence d’une justice pénale européenne ne saurait être envisagée sans l’autorisation des constitutions nationales des États membres de l’Union européenne. Ainsi, la Constitution du 4 octobre 1958 doit être perçue comme un support nécessaire au développement de l’espace pénal judiciaire européen. Dans un mouvement de réception, la Constitution s’adapte au droit de la coopération policière et judiciaire en matière pénale. Pour ce faire, le constituant est amené à réviser notre Loi fondamentale, tandis que la jurisprudence constitutionnelle l’interprète de manière constructive. Dans un mouvement de consolidation, le Conseil constitutionnel et le juge de droit commun participent à la construction de l’Europe de la justice pénale. Le Parlement, de manière plus nuancée, contribue également à l’avènement d’un véritable espace de liberté, de sécurité et de justice. A l’heure où une nouvelle phase d’intégration européenne se profile, cette étude se devait d’examiner dès lors les conditions et les limites constitutionnelles d’un éventuel Parquet européen
The emergence of an European penal justice would not be envisaged without the approval from the European Union member states through its Constitution. Thus, the Constitution of October 4th, 1958 must be considered as a basis for the development of the European judicial penal area in France. During a reception phase, the Constitution adapts itself to the law of the police and judicial cooperation in criminal matters. To that end, the constituent is brought to amend our fundamental Law, while the constitutional case law interpreters it in a constructive way. During a consolidation phase, the Constitutional Council and the judge of law participate in the construction of Europe for the criminal justice. The Parliament, in a lesser extent, also contributes to the development of a real area of freedom, security and justice. In the context of a new European integration phase, the constitutional limits and conditions of a possible European Public Prosecutor, needed to be analysed

Les juridictions communautaires (la Cour de justice, le Tribunal de première instance, les chambres juridictionnelles dont notamment le Tribunal de la fonction publique, et les chambres de recours) sont organisées et fonctionnent selon deux modes distincts. Elles sont liées par des rapports hiérarchiques dans le cadre de degrés de juridiction. Ainsi, les juridictions communautaires forment un système juridictionnel. Mais elles entretiennent également des relations plus égalitaires, faites d'interaction et de coopération. Ce faisant, elles constituent un réseau juridictionnel, qui est susceptible d'accueillir des juridictions non communautaires, telles que les juridictions nationales et la Cour européenne des droits de l'homme
The Community Courts (the Court of Justice, the Court of First Instance, the Judicial Panels, and the Courts of Appeal) are organised and work according to two different modes of functioning. First, they are related to each other in an hierarchical order, as levels of jurisdiction. This relationship leads, as a result, to the formation of a judicial system. Nevertheless, they also maintain a more egalitarian relationship, both interactive and cooperative. Therefore, it seems that a judicial network is emerging in between them, which tends to embrace other jurisdictions, such as national judges and the European Court of Human Rights

L'Europe est aujourd'hui une réalité politique, juridique et économique. Au cœur de cette construction institutionnelle se pose la question de la répartition verticale des compétences entre l'Union Européenne et les Etats membres. Le principe de subsidiarité est un principe qui pose la cadre juridique de cette répartition. Cependant, l'analyse juridique peut être complétée par une analyse économique de ce principe. Pour effectuer cette analyse du principe de subsidiarité, nous mobilisons les principaux outils méthodologiques issus de l'économie politique. Notre travail de recherche s'est construit autour de trois parties distinctes. Dans une première partie, nous analysons la richesse du principe de subsidiarité du point de vue économique, politique et juridique. Ensuite nous présentons la réalité institutionnelle européenne de ce principe à la fois au niveau politique et juridique. Cette analyse nous permet de cerner les limites de l'application pratique de ce principe et notamment de pointer la faiblesse du modèle de justice constitutionnelle européen au niveau du cadre de la répartition verticale des compétences. Nous présentons également un modèle d'application juridique du principe de subsidiarité à partir d'une boîte à outils construites sur les modèles économiques les plus récents. Notre dernière partie, nous interroge sur la dernière réforme constitutionnelle en France et plus spécifiquement sur la compatibilité du modèle étatique français à l'application du principe de subsidiarité comme outil juridique de répartition verticale des compétences
Today, Europe is a political, juridical and economic reality. In this new institutional organization, one important question is the vertical repartition of competencies between EU and the Member States. The principle of Subsidiarity is the legal framework of this repartition. However, this legal framework can be better if we use jointly an economical perspective. This search is built on three distinct parts. The first part presents the different aspects of subsidiarity: economic, political and juridical. In the second part, we show the European reality of this principle at the political and juridical side. This part presents the limits of the application of this principle and points the weakness of the European model of constitutional justice on the specific question of repartition of competences. After, we propose a practical model of subsidiarity with an economic toolbox. This model offers a better application of subsidiarity in the vertical repartition of competences. In the third part of this search, we focus on the last French constitutional reform and we ask the compatibility between the French Model of organization and the application of the principle of subsidiarity as a juridical tool of vertical repartition

Depuis quelques annees nous assistons a un interet croissant manifeste a l'egard du role joue par le parquet dans le traitement de la delinquance juvenile, tant au niveau national qu'international. Face a ce mouvement et afin d'en comprendre la signification, il s'est avere fort interessant de mener une etude comparative au niveau europeen en ce domaine. Nous avons constate la meme augmentation des prerogatives du parquet des mineurs en belgique, en espagne et en france. . En effet, grace a sa position strategique au sein de la procedure penale ce dernier peut-etre a l'origine d'une veritable politique penale educative. Politique a travers laquelle les substituts cherchent a obtenir un role de plus en plus interventionniste dans le traitement de la delinquance juvenile. Ne voulant plus se limiter a la simple fonction de classer ou de poursuivre les affaires, ils souhaitent aller plus loin dans la recherche de la signification de l'acte pose par le mineur afin de pouvoir lui apporter la meilleure reponse possible. Pour ce faire, ils ont developpe la pratique du deferrement qui permet une rencontre rapide entre la jeune et le magistrat, ainsi que des enquetes de personnalite. Ils ont aussi procede a divers amenagements des classements sans suite, tels que la mediation-reparation. Par cette derniere mesure, les parquets se placent sur le terrain de la resolution du conflit, ce qui n'est pas sans susciter quelques critiques de la part des autres intervenants judiciaires, et notamment des juges des enfants et des avocats. . Outre ces contestations, le developpement du nouveau role joue par le parquet dans le traitement de la delinquance juvenile demeure encore incertain tant au plan national qu'europeen. En effet, le poids des contraintes materielles et la diversite des pratiques selon les parquets, sont autant de freins a l'elaboration d'une politique penale commune et coherente des parquets des mineurs europeens et, la cooperation entre etats reste encore a ameliorer
For a few years, we have been attending an increasing interest demonstrated with reference o the part played by the public prosecutor in the treatment of juvenile delinquency on the national level as well as on the international one. Facing this movement and, its order to understand the meaning of it, evidently it has been very interesting to carry out a comparative study in this field on an european standard. We have noted the same increasing of the under-age public prosecutor's prerogatives in belgium and in spain and in france. Thanks to its strategic position within the penal procedure, it can be at the origin of a true education penal policy. Through this policy, deputy public prosecutors try to obtain a more and more interventionist roll in the processing of juvenile delinquency. Refusing to restrict themselves any longer to the mere function of carrying the cases or relinquish the proceedings, they wish to go further in the search for the meaning of the deed, set by the under-age in order to be able to bring him as good as possible answer. In that purpose, they have instituted different fittings of pursuit renunciations such as "mediation-redress", with this latest measure, the public prosecutor take up their position on the conflict-termination, which may not happen without giving rise to some critics from other judicial intervening parties and more especially from child-magistrates and from barristers. Besides these contestations, the development of the new roll played by the public prosecutor in the treatment of juvenile delinquency still remains dubious on the national field as well as on the european one. Indeed, the burden of compulsions to property and the variety of practices according to public prosecutors an as many bridles to the working out of european under-age public prosecutors common and coherent penal policy and cooperation between states still to improve

La résolution des litiges sportifs a démontré une extraordinaire vivacité ces vingt-cinq dernières années avec la mise en jeu de trois grandes formes de justice qui constituent les « justices sportives », à savoir la justice interne des organisations sportives (disciplinaire et administrative), la justice alternative (MARL, arbitrage et autorités indépendantes) et la justice étatique (française et européenne). A travers le dialogue des différents juges du sport, ces trois justices, pourtant si différentes, s’éclairent, se tolèrent, se respectent et se complètent, permettant ainsi une résolution cohérente et efficace des litiges sportifs. La présente étude visera aussi à mettre en lumière l’existence d’un dialogue entre les différents juges du sport. Ce dialogue participe à l’amélioration de la résolution des litiges sportifs et plus généralement des normes sportives. A travers le dialogue des juges, la justice interne des organisations sportives a considérablement évolué au plus grand profit des justiciables du mouvement sportif qui y ont trouvé des droits plus fermes et mieux garantis. Parallèlement, et tirant bénéfice là encore du dialogue des juges, la justice alternative a connu un développement remarquable, prouvant sa très grande efficacité dans la résolution des litiges sportifs. Reste que ces deux justices ne peuvent raisonnablement prétendre couvrir l’ensemble des litiges du sport et leur donner une issue définitive. En dépit des progrès de la justice sportive interne des organisations sportives, et malgré le développement de la justice alternative, l'intervention de la justice étatique demeure indispensable dans la bonne résolution des litiges sportifs
Sport disputes resolution has shown an extraordinary strength over the past twenty-five years through the interaction between the three main forms of justice as component of the "sport justices", i.e. the internal justice of the sport organisations (disciplinary and administrative justice), the alternative justice (ADR, arbitration and independent authorities) and the state justice (French and European justice).Through the dialogue between the various sport judges, we will also analyze how these three justices, despite their differences, enlighten each other, stand each other, respect and complete each other. This research also aims at highlighting the very existence of the dialogue between the different sport judges. This dialogue plays a part in the improving of sport disputes resolution and more generally of the sport rules.Through the dialogue of judges, the internal justice of the sport organisations has significantly changes to the benefit of the members of sport organsisations whose rights are more guaranteed. Alongside, thanks to the dialogue between judges, the development of the alternative justice is considerable, showing its significant efficiency in sport disputes resolution. Nonetheless, these two justices cannot pretend covering the whole sport litigation and handing down final and binding decisions. Despite the positive evolution of the internal justice of sport organisations and the development of the alternative justice, the involvement of the state justice remains indispensable in the good resolution of sport litigation

Dans de nombreux pays européens, l’institution judiciaire a connu de profondes transformations ces vingt dernières années - notamment, sous l’impulsion d’une logique gestionnaire, qui se caractérise par l’attention aux enjeux d’efficacité, d’efficience et de coûts, au-delà des préoccupations en termes de qualité. La recherche vise à analyser les diverses institutions européennes impliquées dans ce processus de circulation d’une approche managériale dans les systèmes judiciaires nationaux, ainsi qu’à étudier les dynamiques de circulation d’acteurs, d’instruments d’action publique et d’injonctions au changement entre les différents échelons. Pour ce faire, une analyse prosopographique relative aux ressources, carrières, moyens d’action, stratégies et réseaux des divers entrepreneurs de changement au niveau européen sera développée, à partir d’entretiens semi-directifs et de questionnaires. L’analyse des contributions de la Commission Européenne, de plusieurs comités du Conseil de l’Europe et d’autres réseaux d’acteurs judiciaires travaillant sur thématiques d’organisation, qualité et efficacité de la justice, ainsi que de leur construction et développement, intégreront l’analyse de cette espace européen d’élaboration de politiques publiques en matière judiciaire et de ces effets sur les processus de réforme nationaux et locaux en cours ou récemment aboutis en plusieurs pays de l’Europe occidentale
In many European countries, justice has widely changed in the last twenty years under the influence of a managerial rationality, focusing on efficiency and costs, besides the interest over quality. The research analyses the different European institutions implied in the process of circulation of a managerial approach in national justice systems. It shows the dynamics of change through the circulation of actors, practices, and policy tools between the various levels of policy-making. The origins of the managerial tools applied to justice in the United States is related to its adaptation to the European context by an array of European and national actors involving justice professionals, policy officers, researchers and consultants. The analysis focuses on multiple committees of experts of the Council of Europe specialised on issues related to the organisation of courts. It shows how their work has been appropriated and used by the European Commission to pressure EU Member States over judicial reform pursuing higher efficiency and quality of service for the citizens and businesses. Two case studies on France and Italy depict the mechanisms behind policy change at the national and local level showing the conditions that favour or limit the circulation of managerial practices and tools. The analysis relies on data coming from semi-direct interviews and a prosopographic survey of the European experts, semi-direct interviews with local justice professionals and from an extensive use of documents from the European, national and local institutions involved in judicial policy-making

The European Court of Justice (ECJ) has long been recognized as a major engine behind the European integration project for its role in passing judgments expanding the powers and scope of the European Community, while member states have consistently reacted negatively to judgments limiting their sovereignty or granting the Community new powers. It is this interplay between the Court and member state interests that cause the ECJ to pose a threat to the future of integration. Using a combined framework of neofunctionalism and rational choice new institutionalism, six landmark cases and the events surrounding them are studied, revealing the motivations behind the Court’s and member states’ actions. From the analysis of these cases is created a set of criteria which can be used to predict when the ECJ will make an activist decision broadening the powers of the Community at the expense of the member states as well as when, and how, member states will respond negatively.

La thèse effectue une revue de la littérature scientifique sur la Cour dans le processus d’intégration juridique, en classant les différentes positions selon qu’ils définissent le rôle de la Cour comme réactif ou pro-actif. En faisant cette revue de la littérature, cinq facteurs sont mis en exergue pour ce qui concerne la problématique de l’autonomie de la Cour, qui feront l’objet d’une analyse approfondie dans la suite de la thèse :

I) Limites inhérentes à l’interprétation juridique des Traités tels qu’ils se retrouvent dans les règles institutionnalisées du raisonnement de la Cour ;

II) L’interaction, au niveau européen, entre la Cour et les autres institutions ;

III) Les pressions et les stratégies d’influence des Etats membres vis-à-vis de la Cour comme agent de leurs préférences ;

IV) La dépendance structurelle de la Cour supranationale vis-à-vis ses interlocuteurs judiciaires au niveau national ;

V) Le degré d’obéissance que les appareils administratifs et exécutifs des Etats membres démontrent vis-à-vis la jurisprudence de la Cour.

Par rapport à ces facteurs, et leur importance relative dans la détermination de la ligne d’action de la Cour de Justice, la thèse évalue les changements et les défis auxquels est soumise la fonction de la Cour de justice au niveau de l’Union européenne, en particulier par rapport à l’environnement de plus en plus critique ou évolue la trajectoire jurisprudentielle de la Cour par rapport aux acteurs politiques et juridiques, l’érosion du caractère sui generis du droit communautaire dans le contexte du droit international, le rôle de plus en plus affiché des cours nationales, et le contexte institutionnel dans lequel se trouve à agir cette juridiction.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Dissertação de Mestrado em Administração Pública
As mudanças mundiais nos diferentes níveis durante as últimas décadas requerem de Estados que garantam respostas oportunas e adequadas às mesmas, e por tanto, a Administração pública deve ser mais eficiente e eficaz com o objetivo de adaptar às suas necessidades com a própria capacidade financeira. A doutrina da governança pública estimula e fomenta a interação dos diferentes atores do Estado, com o propósito de encontrar meios eficazes para atingir os objetivos que têm sido construídos socialmente num ambiente de inclusão, interdependência, administração responsável dos fundos públicos e eficiência. Em conformidade com informação oficial do Ministério de Justiça de Portugal, a modernização da Justiça constitui um dos desígnios do XXI Governo Constitucional, entre outras iniciativas, através do Plano de Ação “Justiça mais Próxima”. Este Plano tem por objetivo contribuir para o desenvolvimento de uma Justiça ágil, transparente, humana e mais próxima do Cidadão. O Plano refere uma estratégia potenciada pelo digital e focada nas reais necessidades dos diferentes públicos-alvo e ambiciona ser um motor de alteração do paradigma vigente no setor. Esta investigação resulta de uma descrição e análise de um processo de modernização dentro do setor de Justiça de Portugal à luz da doutrina da Governança pública, sob dois pilares: inovação e eficiência.
The global changes at different levels during the last decades require States to guarantee timely and adequate responses to this changes, and therefore, the Public Administration should be more efficient and effective aiming to adapt their needs with their own financial capacity. The doctrine of Public governance stimulates and encourages the interaction of different actors of the State, with the purpouse of finding effective means to achieve the objectives that have been socially constructed in an environment of inclusion, interdependence, accountability and efficiency. According to official information from the Ministry of Justice of Portugal, the modernization of Justice is one of the aims of the XXI Constitutional Government, among other initiatives, through the Action Plan "Justiça mais Próxima". The objective of this Plan is to contribute to the development of an agile, transparent, human and closer to the Citizen justice. The Plan refers a digital-enhanced strategy focused on the real needs of the different target audiences and aspire to be an engine for changing the current paradigm in the sector. This research stems from a description and analysis of a modernization process within the Justice sector of Portugal in the light of the doctrine of Public governance, under two bases: innovation and efficiency.
N/A

Ce travail de recherche, "Le Budget participatif en Europe – Les communes européennes sur le chemin de la "Solidarkommune" ? ", s'intéresse à la réponse que la commune apporte à la mondialisation. Précisément, il se demande dans quelle mesure la participation des citoyens peut constituer un instrument permettant au système politique et administratif local de mieux relever les défis de la mondialisation. L'hypothèse centrale de ce travail est que les projets de démocratie locale n'ont jusqu'à présent pas réussi à venir à bout des nouveaux défis. Le besoin d'un nouveau concept d'orientation (Leitbild) se fait donc sentir. Nous qualifierons ce concept de " commune solidaire" (Solidarkommune) qui, pour lui donner une première définition, repose sur l'articulation d'une modernisation administrative orientée vers le citoyen, d'une justice sociale et d'une responsabilité écologique réalisées au moyen de la participation, dans le but de contribuer à délester le système politique et administratif. Dans les quatre parties de ce travail, nous nous demanderons si ce concept d'orientation est concevable, et dans quelles conditions, au prisme de la recherche des logiques de la mondialisation (première partie), d'une analyse des modèles existants de démocratie locale (deuxième partie), d'une étude des projets participatifs en Allemagne (troisième partie) et dans d'autres pays (quatrième partie). De cette façon, la définition du nouveau concept d'orientation se concrétise un peu plus dans chaque partie jusqu'à ce que nous disposions, pour la conclusion, d'une définition approfondie, qui propose non seulement un cadre théorique mais aussi les principes d'une participation efficace
This thesis tries to answer the question how municipalities can deal in a better way with the challenges of globalization. More precisely the involvement of citizens in local politics is investigated. Is citizen participation a suitable instrument for a better governance of local political institutions? The central hypothesis states that the existing concepts of local democracy are not sufficient to tackle the new challenges and therefore a new strategy is needed. For this reason we propose the "Solidarkommune" (solidarity commune) as concept, which is based on participative modernization of administration, social justice and ecological responsibility. It is analyzed under which conditions participation can link these three dimensions of the new concept and contribute to a positive outcome. The thesis investigates these questions in four steps: First the challenges of globalization are identified, then existing concepts are analyzed and in the third and fourth part the conditions of the new concept are studied by case studies of participatory budgets in Germany and other European countries. In each chapter the definition of the new concept will be specified. . The concluding part contains criteria for the practical application as well as a theoretical framework of the "Solidarkommune"

The problem of world poverty is appalling in human terms. Almost half of all the humankind lives below the poverty line of $2 per day, whereas affluent parts of the world continue to enjoy enormous technological and economical progress. In the light of such discrepancy, the debate in political philosophy regarding “global justice” has renewed significance. The current debate between those who agree global justice is important, is those who think that positive duties towards poor is enough, and those who think that morality requires a re-designation of the ground rules operating at the global level.

The Cosmopolitan view grounds its theoretical framework in this second view. This study aims to analyse if, and how, the normative debate in the European Parliament reflects the assumptions, arguments and considerations of the Cosmopolitan approach. This study identifies central concepts of the Cosmopolitan approach, and then analyses how these concepts are discussed in the European Parliamentary debates. In addition, I identify who discusses what in the parliamentary debates. The analysis reveals how Cosmopolitan ideas are reflected in the discourse within the debates, and the second dimension identifies which party groups discuss and hold which key concepts of Cosmopolitanism.

L’attitude du juge administratif français face à la Cour de justice et au regard des obligations imposées par la procédure préjudicielle est particulièrement démonstrative des difficultés de mise en place d’un dialogue des juges, bien que le mécanisme préjudiciel soit considéré comme le canal privilégié de celui-ci et comme son pendant juridique. Le juge administratif a cru pouvoir affirmer son indépendance et son autonomie en usant de la théorie de l’acte clair et de la règle du précédent. Les abus commis dans l’utilisation de ces moyens procéduraux, occultant le renvoi préjudiciel, ont posé des difficultés et il en fut de même pour l’autorité et les effets des arrêts préjudiciels. De son côté la Cour a aussi exprimé des volontés contraires ou incompatibles avec l’instauration d’un dialogue entre juges par la voie préjudicielle. Elle a voulu affirmer son autorité en utilisant de façon extensive les compétences que lui avaient délivrées les Traités. Fort heureusement, par plusieurs assouplissements jurisprudentiels de part et d’autre, les relations dialogiques préjudicielles se sont bonifiées. Une acceptation mutuelle des compétences et des autorités a été acquise par la voie de dialogues qu’il convient de cerner, d’entretenir, de favoriser et de fortifier par le biais d’échanges courants et de techniques nouvelles, mieux adaptées au pluralisme juridique européen et au renouvellement actuel de l’office du juge en Europe
The difficulties to establish a dialogue between judges are well illustrated by french administrative judge’s attitude with respect to the Court of Justice of European Union and regarding the preliminary ruling proceedings. Indeed, french administrative judges have clearly considered that they could assert their autonomy through the use of the acte clair doctrine and the rule of precedent (stare decisis) to prevent the preleminary ruling. The excessive use of both procedural approaches has been the source of numerous problems, notably for the authority and effects of preliminary ruling decisions. For its part, the Court also took positions either radically opposite to that of the national judges, or that at least were not in favour of a putative dialogue. Indeed, the Court has clearly wished to assert its authority over the national judges by an extensive use of the competences European Treaties awarded to it. This context has fortunately started to resolve itself through a reciprocal acceptance of competences and prerogatives by the concerned authorities in the dialogue. This emerging dialogue must be reinforced and promoted via routine exchanges and novel techniques. Both jurisdictions will have to steer in harmony in this direction of the european legal pluralism

Under the competences of the European Union's intergovernmentally controlled Justice and Home Affairs policy, counter-terrorist co-operation and co-ordination of efforts have progressed at a rapid pace following the 11 September attacks on the USA. Given, however, that Europe has experienced entrenched terrorist campaigns for the past three decades, one could be forgiven for questioning, in light of the unique co-operative position of Western Europe, why it has taken so long for the membership of the EU to reach a common definition of terrorism. Also why is it that even now, the EU has failed to develop a common policy against terrorism? Political explanations are traditional responses to such questions, but there is a risk of underestimating the complexities of the European Project, and the effect which this has had on so many areas of transnational co-operation. By focusing therefore on the often-overlooked role played by European integration on counter-terrorist co-operation, in addition to empirical analysis of the efficiency of the co-operative structures, we place ourselves in a more beneficial position to understand the current situation. Intergovernmentalism, the controlling force of JHA co-operation, we find is not mutually exclusive to law-enforcement co-operation. Two theories tested for supranational influences - neo-functionalism and federalism - have also played their part, from the early 1960s onwards, in facilitating co-operation. The historical emphasis is important, because co-operation prior to the regulation of much of this area within the EU, following the Treaties of Economic Union, provides us with ample material for analysis and greater insight into the JHA process and counter-terrorism. Intergovernmentalism has helped push counter-terrorist co-operation along, but equally we find that it now serves as a hindrance in completing its development because of its in-built tendency to retain subsidiarity. Counter terrorist co-operation, we conclude, need not be restricted to intergovernmental control any longer.

The aim of this essayis to show how the issues of asylum and immigration have been formulated as security issues in EU policy by applying a discursive approach to policy analysis and securitization, analyzing selected policy texts produced by the European Commission and the Council for Justice and Home Affairs from 1999 to 2006. The positioning of these issues in the policy domain of 'Freedom, Security and Justice' has facilitated a linkage between these issues and issues like terrorism and organised crime and has enabled a formulation of asylum and immigration according to a logic of securitization. The analysis of policy texts aims at investigating how linkages between issues are represented, how these linkages shape issues, and how the policy, in formulating threats and responses, also represent the EU in very specific ways. Policy from this perspective is not the rational answer to an unambigous reality but rather, highly implicated in its production. An important part of this analysis is drawing out the implications of the policy, in terms of further policy development, as well as how the policy implicates particular ways of dealing with those represented as for instance 'illegal immigrants' or 'illegitimate asylum seekers'.

Šiame magistro darbe yra plėtojama tai, kad Europos Bendrijų Teisingumo Teismas (ETT) kaip institucija, veikianti Europos Sąjungos viešojo administravimo sistemoje, atlieka Bendrijų konstitucinio teismo funkcijas kaip aukščiausiasis konstitucijos aiškintojas ir turi pareigą, esant normų kolizijai, apibrėžti konstitucinio pagrindo, reikalingo dalyvaujant Europos integracijos procese, turinį, apimtį ir ribas. Darbe yra siekiama parodyti, kad ETT, vykdydamas viešojo administravimo reguliavimo funkciją, savo praktikoje priimamais sprendimais neleidžia valstybių narių, kaip ES administracinių vienetų, nacionaliniams teismams jų nagrinėjamose bylose priimti sprendimus, išeinančius už ES teisės ribų, tai yra priimtus, vadovaujantis netinkamai išaiškinta teisės norma arba nuostata, prieštaraujančia Europos Bendrijos teisei. Darbe taip pat yra siekiama parodyti, kad ETT kaip EB institucija, įkurta Europos Bendrijos teisės vienodinimui ir darniam taikymui užtikrinti, negalėjo sėkmingai funkcionuoti, neatsižvelgiant į istorinės EB raidos metu atsiradusius naujus poreikius. ETT sėkmingai vykdydamas savo funkcijas įtakojo tokios Bendrijos teisinės sistemos, kokią mes turime dabar – vieningos, harmoningos, nepriklausomos -, suformavimą, įgyvendindamas EB sutarties 220 straipsnyje nustatytą Bendrijos teisės sergėtojo vaidmenį, jis ir toliau aktyviai dalyvauja šios teisės tobulinimo procese. ETT jam suteiktos apibrėžtos jurisdikcijos ribose vykdydamas jam priskirtas funkcijas prašymų priimti... [to full text]
The present Master degree thesis develops the concept that the Court of Justice of the European Communities (ECJ), as an institution functioning within the system of the European public administration, performs the functions of a Community Constitutional Court acting as the supreme constitutional interpreter and, in the event of a collision of norms, is vested with the responsibility to determine the content, scope and limits of the constitutional basis that is necessary for the participation in the process of European integration. The work aims to show that in the performance of the function of regulating public administration, the ECJ by means of its judgements prevents the national courts of Member States – as administrative entities of the EU – to take such decisions in the cases before them that could exceed the boundaries of the EU law, i.e. would be taken on the basis of a wrongly interpreted legal norm or a provision that contradicts the Community law. It is also attempted to demonstrate in the work that the ECJ, as an institution of the European Communities founded with the aim to unify the Community law and ensure consistency in its application, could not function effectively without taking regard of the new demands that emerged in the course of the historical development of the European Communities. By successfully performing its functions and implementing the role of the ‘supervisor’ of Community law attributed to him by Article 220 of the Treaty of the European... [to full text]

This research stems from a normative concern about environmental justice and about how people, particularly those facing environmental threats, can become involved in policy making around environmental issues or have their concerns represented within the policy making process. Within Europe, there is increasing concern about a democratic deficit and a perceived gap between policy makers and citizens. In this context, the role ofNGOs is increasingly becoming important but there are concerns that NGO engagement in the EU policy process may weaken democratic policy making with regard to how the gap is bridged between policy makers and those affected by policies. The research has explored how and why NGOs engage with the EU policy making process around environmental issues. By asking questions about how NGOs prioritise environmental issues, the practices they undertake and the outcomes from their activity, the research assesses the role of NGOs in representing environmental issues within the EU policy process, and how their activity may promote or constrain the achievement of environmental justice in Europe. The research is based on a case study of the Via Baltica road corridor through Poland and the Baltic States, part of the Trans-European Transport Network. Interviews were carried out along the corridor and in Brussels with key stakeholders, including representatives from environmental NGOs and policy makers. The research found that, along the Via Baltica, NGOs have played a role in raising environmental issues at all levels of policy making and have the ability to engage with policy makers in proactive ways. However their concerns are biased in favour of nature protection and they do not represent the views of local residents in their activities. Moreover the opportunities for engagement and the nature of EU policy making impacts on the way that NGOs can engage with the policy process. Therefore whilst NGOs could, in principle, promote environmental justice in the EU, the structures they operate within and the practices adopted at different scales limit their ability to do so.

Fifty years after the Nuremberg trials, Europe is challenged once again with a question: Who is responsible for state-sponsored violations of human rights. This time, those put on trial or ostracised from power are elements of the Communist structures of control. Some observers have criticised these measures of political justice, comparing them to a 'witch hunt,' and accusing the courts and legislature of often engendering an unjustifiable collective guilt. In contrast, others have claimed that not enough is being done; that the people of Eastern Europe "have asked for justice, and got the rule of law." In this thesis, the author proposes an assessment of the process of political justice taking place in post-Communist Eastern Europe. The approach taken is from the perspective of the role played in this process by the concept of collective responsibility of political organisations for violations of human rights. While concentrating on the way collective responsibility appears in the criminal law measures taken in Hungary, and in the administrative procedures of screening used in the Czech Republic, the thesis also aims to offer a comprehensive picture of the general debate on accountability for past human rights violations which takes place in post-Communist Eastern Europe. The thesis underlines the complexity of the political reality in which the expectations for accountability for state-sponsored violations of human rights are answered. It also emphasises the importance for this answer to acknowledge the nature of the Communist regime, and of its representative structure known under the name of Nomenklatura. Based on these elements, the author argues for the necessity of combining individual and collective responsibility for human rights violations. A reconstructed concept of collective agency and collective responsibility appears to be the solution to the inconsistencies otherwise manifested in a process of political justice. Such concepts, the author argues, should allow for the acknowledgement - through commissions of truth, as well as through prosecution and screening - of the role played by the Communist structure of power in the violations of human rights which took place under its regime.

Premiere realisation concrete ouvrant la voie a une cooperation judiciaire civile effective au sein de l'espace communautaire, la convention de bruxelles constitue veritablement le point de depart d'un droit international prive europeen. La convention precitee avait pour vocation affichee de permettre la realisation de notables progres en matiere d'exequatur des jugements rendus dans les etats membres. Pres de trente ans d'application du texte permettent aujourd'hui d'apprecier la portee, les acquis et les insuffisances de ce texte conventionnel. De nouvelles avancees pouvant et devant etre realisees afin d'accelerer et de simplifier encore la procedure, un vaste exercice de revision a ete conduit a bruxelles. Le contenu de l'accord agree par les diverses delegations en presence a fait l'objet, au sein de la communaute, d'une proposition de reglement emanant de la commission. Si la cooperation juciciaire civile s'est longtemps limitee a la convention ! de bruxelles du 27 septembre 1968, la matiere connait depuis quelques annees, une significative evolution. Le veritable bouleversement revient au traite d'amsterdam, en vigueur depuis le 1 mai 1999, qui "communautarise" la matiere. Le droit international prive communautaire vient de trouver ses assises et, l'union apparait comme l'enceinte privilegiee d'organisation d'un systeme effectif et harmonieux de libre circulation des jugements. La multiplication des projets et recherches en ce domaine, depuis la revision de la convention "mere" jusqu'a l'elaboration d'instruments nouveaux - convention dite bruxelles ii - et l'esquisse de travaux toujours plus ambitieux, donne a la question de la libre circulation des decisions de justice tout son interet et son actualite. La possible mise en place d'un titre executoire europeen (tee) ainsi que la recherche de principes communs permettant de rapprocher les differents droits nationaux en matiere de voies d'execution soulignent le besoin croissant d'amplifier et de faciliter encore la circulation des decisions de justice au sein d' un espace de " liberte, securite et justice ".

When compared to the other candidate states of Central and Eastern Europe, Romania emerged as a laggard of transition. Its integration into the European Union has been marked by much uncertainty and setbacks, as well as profound delays in fulfilling the EU's entry conditions. As a difficult case, the dynamics of Romania's EU accession provide insight into the potential and limits of the EU's leverage, revealing how domestic factors can be decisive in constraining external influence. Focusing on the reform trajectory in the fields of judiciary reforms, anti-corruption and external border policies between 1989 and 2007, this study assesses the interaction between EU politics and domestic politics and the role of domestic factors in slowing down internal reforms. By identifying the domestic conditions under which conditionality is likely to more, or less, successful, this study contributes to the Europeanization and enlargement literature. By assessing the preparations for accession in the field of Justice and Home Affairs, this research also fills a major lacuna in the existing specialised literature.

Cette recherche doctorale part de l’hypothèse générale selon laquelle la méthode communautaire classique serait concurrencée dans les faits par de nouveaux instruments juridiques qui, loin de constituer des initiatives isolées, participent d’un modèle alternatif de gouvernance communautaire qui la transforme en profondeur.

Afin d’identifier les caractéristiques, les contours et les nouvelles formes de normativités de ce modèle alternatif, cette recherche a adopté une approche pragmatique de l’étude droit et étudie empiriquement et systématiquement six politiques publiques européennes :la stratégie européenne pour l’emploi (SEE) et la Méthode Ouverte de Coordination (MOC), le programme européen REACH; la politique européenne de l’eau; la politique comptable européenne; la politique de régulation des services financiers; et la lutte contre le réchauffement climatique et le marché européen du carbone. Ces politiques publiques sont étudiées au moyen d’une approche par les instruments d’action publique qui s’inspire de la démarche et des recherches effectuées par Michel Foucault sur la « gouvernementalité ».

Cette analyse nous aura permis de démontrer que la transformation de la méthode communautaire classique se constate à au moins trois niveaux. Au niveau des acteurs, on assiste à un renforcement de la place des acteurs privés et de la société civile dans les politiques publiques étudiées. La transformation de l’action publique européenne réside également dans l’utilisation abondante de nouveaux instruments d’action publique - plus techniques que politiques et plus incitatifs que contraignants (du type benchmarking) - qui impliquent systématiquement une collaboration entre acteurs publics et privés à différents niveaux du processus décisionnel (coproduction normative). Enfin le mode de sanction est devenu une « contrainte par l’image » reposant sur la figure du « mauvais élève de la classe » véhiculée principalement par des publications de classements basées sur une classification des bonnes pratiques. Corrélativement, cette transformation se constate également dans les phases d’élaboration, d’exécution et de contrôle du droit de l’Union européenne.

Une fois les caractéristiques et les contours de ce modèle alternatif dessinés sur base des politiques publiques étudiées, cette recherche s’est ensuite tournée vers une présentation des discours (politiques et juridiques) et écoles de pensées (Law and Economics / New Public Management / Démocratie délibérative / Expérimentalisme démocratique) permettant de justifier son existence et, par là, de fonder sa légitimité. Enfin, si ce nouveau modèle peut prétendre à une certaine légitimité ou nécessité et s’il n’apparaît pas envisageable de revenir en arrière, sa non-concordance avec le traité est problématique. En effet, ce modèle pose une série de questions relatives au manque de contrôle sur l’activité des institutions de l’Union et à la sauvegarde de l’ordre juridique constitutionnel européen. Plus précisément, l’étude de la question de la protection juridictionnelle effective et du respect du principe de l’équilibre des pouvoirs permet d’identifier un certains nombre d’écueils et de proposer des suggestions d’amélioration pragmatique du modèle décisionnel européen au regard des nouveaux instruments juridiques de la gouvernance européenne.

The starting point of my doctoral research is that the Classic Community Method, as described in the Lisbon Treaty, does not enable one to understand the manner in which law is currently produced in the European Union. I claim that the Community Method is in fact challenged and transformed by new legal instruments that, far from being isolated initiatives, are part of an alternative model of governance.

My research adopts a programmatic approach as to identify the features, contours and new forms of normativity of this alternative model. It studies empirically and systematically six European public policies through “an approach by instruments” inspired in the writings of Michel Foucault on "governmentality”.

This analysis shows that the transformation of the Classic Community method occurs at least at three levels. First, there is a strengthening of the role of private actors and civil society in policy making. Second, the transformation of European public action also lies in the abundant use of new policy instruments - rather technical and political incentives than binding rules (benchmarking) - that involve a systematic collaboration between public and private actors at different levels of decision-making (co-regulation). Third, control and sanctions rely greatly on a “constrained by image” system based primarily on publications of rankings and classifications of good practices.

After I present the features and contours of this alternative model, my research analyzes the political and legal discourses, as well as the schools of thought (Law and Economics / New Public Management / Deliberative Democracy / Democratic Experimentalism), that justify its existence and, therefore, its legitimacy.

Finally, my doctoral work rises the question about the lack of control over these regulatory activities and brings to light the safeguards that should be taken by the European Court of Justice to respect European Union’s Constitutional law

Doctorat en Sciences juridiques
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Aujourd'hui les droits des mineurs occupent une place de plus en plus importante dans l'agenda juridique et politique de l'UE. La promotion des droits de l'enfant représente maintenant un objectif de l'UE, consacré dans l'article 3, paragr. 3, du Traité sur l'Union européenne. Les droits de l'enfant sont également cristallisés dans l'article 24 de la Charte des droits fondamentaux de l'Union européenne. Actuellement l'Union européenne dispose de nombreux actes législatifs et de documents non législatifs relatifs aux droits des mineurs ou qui peuvent avoir des répercussions indirectes sur la vie des enfants. Ce travail analyse la nature, la portée et la valeur des mesures de l'UE dans deux domaines principaux : la protection des enfants et de leurs droits et la justice pénale des mineurs. Le but de la recherche a été d’examiner jusqu'à quel point on peut parler d’une valeur ajoutée de la promotion des droits des enfants au niveau de l'UE, par rapport au niveau national et international et également celui de proposer de nouvelles solutions pour améliorer la promotion et la protection des droits des enfants dans l’Union européenne
Today children’s rights occupy an increasingly prominent place on the EU legal and policy agenda. The promotion and protection of the rights of the child is now an objective of the EU as set out in Article 3.3 of the Treaty on European Union. The rights of the child are also enshrined in the article 24 of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union. The EU has now many legislative documents and non-legislative acts related to children’s rights or that may have the potential to impact on children’s life. This Phd thesis analyzes the nature, scope and value of EU measures in relation to children in two main areas : child protection and juvenile criminal justice. It investigates if there is an added value of children’s rights at EU level and it also makes some suggestions to improve the promotion and protection of children’s rights in the EU
Al giorno d’oggi, i diritti dei minori occupano uno spazio sempre più importante nell’agenda giuridica e politica dell’Unione europea. Attualmente, infatti, la promozione dei diritti dei minori rappresenta un obiettivo dell’Unione, consacrato nell’articolo 3, par. 3, del Trattato sull’Unione europea. I diritti fondamentali dei minori sono poi sanciti esplicitamente nell’articolo 24 della Carta dei diritti fondamentali dell’UE. Oggi, l’Unione europea può disporre di numerosi strumenti normativi (e non) dedicati espressamente ai diritti dei fanciulli e tanti altri possono avere delle ripercussioni indirette sulla loro vita. La presente ricerca analizza, pertanto, la natura, la portata e il valore delle misure intraprese dall’UE in due settori principali : la protezione dei minori e la giustizia penale. Lo scopo della tesi è esaminare in che termini si possa parlare di un valore aggiunto della promozione dei diritti dei minori a livello UE, rispetto alle normative già in vigore a livello nazionale e internazionale. A partire da tale analisi, essa cerca di proporre nuove soluzioni per migliorare la promozione e la protezione dei diritti dei minori nell’Unione europea

Defence date: 20 April 2020 (Online)
Examining Board: Professor Claire Kilpatrick (EUI), Professor Bruno de Witte (EUI), Professor Colm O'Cinnedie (University College London), Professor Scott L. Cummings (University of California Los Angeles)
The thesis provides a transnational account of Roma rights activism over the last thirty years with a focus on five Central and Eastern European countries, where the majority of the European Union’s Roma live. It contributes to scholarly debate by (i) mapping ethnic/racial justice related legal opportunities; (ii) taking stock of legally focused non-governmental organisations; (iii) charting legal mobilisation in courts and enforcement agencies; (iv) presenting an alternative account of the transplantation of public interest litigation, and (v) ‘mapping the middle’ between dominant and critical narratives about the Open Society Foundations and white Europeans in the Roma rights field. Finding that international advocacy and litigation alone have been insufficient to generate social change, the thesis highlights the salience of indigenous practices. It points to the shortcomings of the elitist conception of legal mobilisation characterised by top-down, planned legal action and a focus of international NGOs. The thesis proposes to shift the limelight to the financial resources of strategic litigation, to a broad conception of collective legal action, and the necessity of investigating the role private individuals, NGOs, as well as public agencies play in promoting racial equality in general and Roma rights in particular in a transnational field. By scrutinising the ethno-political critique of Roma rights activism and pointing to its conflation with the critique of litigation - that resonates on both sides of the Atlantic - the thesis navigates between liberal internationalism and ethno-nationalism by acknowledging and celebrating organic cross-border cooperation, in other words “good transnationalism.”

Ce travail décrit l’évolution de la pratique judiciaire dans les cités grecques à l’époque hellénistique. La justice qui subit alors les répercussions de l’émergence des royaumes hellénistiques, se développe en devenant un secteur de plus en plus autonome et en acquérant peu à peu son propre langage juridique. Les procédures s’amplifient et montrent une spécialisation de l’ensemble du secteur juridique. L’application de ses sentences et la capacité de la justice à rester indépendante des intérêts particuliers sont au fondement de la politique des cités
This study describes the evolution of judicial practice during hellenistic times. Justice which undergoes the effects of the rise of hellenistic kingdoms, at the same time develops in becoming more and more autonomous and in acquiring progressively its proper judicial language. Proceedings grow and show how specialized the judicial sector has become. The application of sentences and the capacity of staying independent from private interests are the basis of cities policy

La qualité constitue un standard désormais inévitable au sein des services publics. Elle implique une nouvelle appréciation de ces derniers et porte en elle un ensemble de dispositifs techniques destinés à améliorer la prestation proposée. Son application au sein du service public de la justice est toutefois plus difficile à concevoir et en cela novatrice, dès lors que la justice se démarque des services publics ordinaires, par des principes d'organisation et de fonctionnement qui apparaissent, selon une première lecture, plutôt incompatibles avec les idées que sous-tend la qualité, comme la performance ou la productivité. Cependant, en tant que valeur, la qualité constitue un nouveau prisme à travers lequel peut être redécouverte la justice dans son ensemble : l'indépendance de la justice en sortira revisitée, la relation avec les usagers également, ces derniers aspirant à davantage de compréhension et de transparence dans le fonctionnement de la justice, tant administrative que judiciaire. S'y immisçant progressivement, la qualité peut alors servir d'instrumernt garantissant une progression constante du système judiciaire. Elle est alors source d'innovation, développe une culture managériale et offre des solutions face à l'accroissement exponentiel du contentieux. La qualité n'est pourtant pas une panacée dès lors qu'elle rime trop souvent avec productivité ; l' approche économique de la qualité ne semble donc pas convenir à la sphère judiciaire dès lors que le juge, nécessairement indépendant, est pourtant contraint d'être performant. La qualité montre ici ses limites et doit s'adapter aux spécificités organisationnelles et fonctionnelles d'un service public régalien
Quality constitutes a standard which will henceforth become inevitable within public services. It implies a new appreciation of these services and carries within a system of technical structures intended to improve the performance of what is on offer. Its application within the public service of justice is however more difficult to imagine and requires, as a result, a new approach. From that point on , justice is distinguished from ordinary public services by the principles organization and operation, which appear, on the first sight, rather incompatible with the ideas which underlie quality, like performance or productivity. However, as far as value is concerned, quality constitutes a new prism through which one can rediscover justice in its entirety : the independance of justice will emerge in a new light, as will its relationship with its users, who will aspire to a better understanding and clarity into how justice oprates, both administratively and as a dispenser of justice. By progressively intervening here, quality can thus serve as an instrument which guarantees a constant progression within the justice system. It is thus a source of innovation, develops a managerial culture and offers solutions when faced ith the exponential growth of litigation. Quality is not, nevertheless, a panacea from the moment that it rhymes too often with productivity ; the economic approach to quality would not appear to suit the sphere of justice from the time thet the judge, who is necessarily independent, is nevertheless constrained to be effective. Quality demonstrates its limits here, and must adapt to the organizational and functional specificity of a regal public service

This thesis explores ways in which perspectives in Canada on the administration of justice have shifted after September 11, 2001, in criminal and administrative law. The introductory chapter sets out the general context of my thesis, including a discussion of the development of due process and constitutional rights, and a brief comparison between American, British and Canadian legislative responses to 9 /11. Chapter 2 concerns the context, in which the Canadian Anti-terrorism Act (2001) was drafted, the government's understanding of its purpose and function, and critical reception of the Act. In the face of considerable skepticism, the government (and a minority of sympathetic figures) insisted upon the consistency of the Act with the Canadian Charier of Rights and Freedoms, and argued that it struck a balance between individual and communal interests in a new yet appropriate fashion. Chapter 3 focuses on judicial responses to anti-terror legislation, including provisions dealings with 'security certificate' detentions; the deportation of terrorist suspects to face the risk of torture; and provisions of the Anti- terrorism Act. The cases suggest a general tendency to justify or rationalize departures, from traditional notions of due process, constitutionalism and 'fundamental justice' (in section 7 of the Charter) as appropriate, balanced, and normal. Chapter 4 addresses the problem of accountability of law enforcement and intelligence agencies in light of the post-9/11 amendments to the Canada Evidence Act that significantly expand the scope of state secrecy and privilege in 'national security' matters.
Law, Peter A. Allard School of
Graduate

Thesis (M.A.)--City University of Hong Kong, 2006.
Master of arts in arbitration and dispute resolution, City University of Hong Kong, School of Law. Title from title screen (viewed on Sept. 20, 2006) Includes bibliographical references.

This thesis explores the recent introduction of restorative justice into the youth justice system in England. It examines the historical and political context from which current youth justice policies have emerged and aims to evaluate how this new system is functioning 'on the ground' several years after being implemented. Specifically, the primary aim of the research is to investigate final warnings and referral orders. The findings are based on an in-depth study of one Youth Offending Team (YOT). The research adopted a predominantly qualitative, case study based method utilizing techniques of observation, informal conversations, formal interviews with the young offenders and their supporters as well as with authority figures who are amongst those responsible for policy and practice in the youth justice system. The substantive chapters of this thesis focus on the delivery of final warnings, referral order panel meetings, victim participation, and the structural, cultural and political influences on YOT practice. This research concludes that at present, restorative practices in England are seriously compromised. However, simply because these programmes experience difficulties, they should not necessarily be considered a failure. The present failures in practice are not related to the philosophical foundation of these programmes or even to the way in which they have been set up. Rather, the current shortcomings in practice are due mostly to a failure of implementation on the part of the YOT. The final warning and referral order programmes, if improved, have the potential to become an effective first encounter with the criminal justice system and to impact positively on many first time offenders.

On assiste actuellement a un développement sans précédent de l'intervention des associations dans l'administration de la justice pénale. Les effets de l'interaction entre associations et justice peuvent être différemment analyses. Les associations, en s'emparant de la gestion des conflits auparavant dévolus a l'état, pensent modifier le schéma étatique du droit de punir. A l'inverse, leur incorporation au service public est de nature a les transformer en simples instruments de l'administration. Le constat final est néanmoins plus nuance. Certes, les associations subissent inexorablement une institutionnalisation progressive mais elles conservent néanmoins une spécificité par rapport au secteur public. Enfin, sans remettre en cause la nature étatique de la justice répressive, elles provoquent et réussissent même un changement institutionnel qui pare la justice pénale d'une nouvelle légitimité
We are presently facing an imprecedented increase of the associations' interference into the penal justice administration. The effects of the interaction between associations and justice can be differently analysed. The associations, when taking hold of the conflicts' management formely devolved on the state power, expect that they can alter the static diagram of the punishment power. On the other hand, their insertion into the public service could tend to transform them into mere administration's tools. The final report is nevertheless more qualified. Of course, the associations suffer unieldingly a progressive institutionalisation but they nevertheless keep a specificity in relation with the public administration. As last, although not arguing about the static nature of the repressive justice, they cause and even carry out an institutional evolution which adorns the penal justice with a new legitimity

Previous research upon European integration has observed that Britain has an I awkward partnership' with the rest of the EU. However, these analyses have not addressed how this awkward relationship reflects a difference in political and governmental discourse between Britain and the other Continental European member states. This thesis will examine this divergence. To this end, it applies the discourse-theoretical approach developed by Ernesto Laclau, Chantal Mouffe, and Slavoj Zi2ek. By applying the discourse-theoretical concept of social antagonism, it will seek to explain why these discourses are different and opposed. Possible solutions to this conflict will then be identified and explored. Inspired by Laclau and Mouffe's vision of a 'radical plural democracy', this research concludes by advancing a project for a universal European identity that embraces the liberal democratic principles of 'freedom and equality for all' and transcends the national antagonisms that have plagued Europe's past.

This study uses the concepts of distributive justice and procedural justice to examine Saudi Arabian civil service employees' determinants of fairness in their performance appraisal system. A survey of 400 civil service employees in different public sector agencies in two major cities of Saudi Arabia, Riyadh and Jeddah, was conducted. Seven hypotheses were proposed and tested. The composite dependent variable was the "Perceived satisfaction and fairness of the performance appraisal system." Data were collected by means of a questionnaire. Multiple regressions and T-tests analyses were used to analyze the gathered data. The study found that perceptions of fairness among Saudi civil service employees an their performance appraisal system were strongly related to four procedural justice factors: (1) feedback received from the performance evaluation process helped to identify strengths and weaknesses of employees' performance, (2) the extent to which performance appraisal was used for setting goals for future performance, (3) participation in goal setting, and (4) whether the performance appraisal was used for determining training needs. These findings provide strong support for procedural justice theories. Moreover, this study found that cultural values may not be a significant factor in explaining Saudi civil service employees' reaction to their performance appraisal system. Finally, findings of this study have important implications for multinational companies and their consultants.

Thème brulant d'actualité et priorité nationale les enjeux de la justice marocaine ne peuvent être saisis qu'à la lueur du passé. Avant le protectorat occidental l'identité et l'esprit de tolérance de la justice s'exprimaient par le biais de son droit et de ses institutions judiciaires à caractère religieux. Le protectorat a brisé cette harmonie en découpant le territoire en plusieurs zones soumises à des institutions et à des droits européens différents coexistant avec le droit et les structures locales préexistantes. Le premier enjeu de la justice marocaine lors de l'indépendance a été de s'affranchir peu à peu de cette jungle juridique et judiciaire. Y est-elle parvenue ? C'est l'objet de la première partie. A l'heure actuelle la justice est confrontée à de nouvelles difficultés. Elle doit consolider son indépendance, devenir plus accessible, efficace et sociale, et enfin plus compétitive dans le contexte international et européen. Les efforts déjà réalisés sont-ils concluants ? La deuxième partie tente de répondre à cette question
It is a burning topical theme and a national priority. This challenge to the Moroccan justice cannot be understood if we don’t shed a historical light on it. In fact, before the occidental protectorate, the identity and tolerance spirit of justice were expressed through its religious law and juridical institutions. The Protectorate broke this harmony by cutting the territory into several zones under different institutions and European rights that coexisted with the pre-existing law and local structures. The first challenge of the Moroccan justice during independence was to gradually overcome this legal and juridical jungle. Has it succeeded or not shall be the object of the first part. In the mean time, justice is facing new difficulties. It must consolidate its independence, becomes more accessible, efficient, social and finally more competitive in the international and European context. The efforts made so far are they conclusive? The second part will attempt to answer this question

The criminal justice administration has failed the American Indian. Since the usurpation of traditional tribal criminal justice management by the local, state, and federal criminal justice systems, the impacts of Indian crime have become epidemic. The American Indian has the highest arrest rates, alcohol-related crime, violent-related crime, and conviction rates of any group in the United States. Indians are 15% less likely to receive deferred sentences, and 15% less likely to receive parole. In addition, the Indian offender has the highest recidivism rate of any ethnic group in the United State. This paper discusses the problems of Indians in the criminal justice system at the adult and juvenile level. As recommendations it stresses the empowering of the Indian community, the greater autonomy of tribal courts, the concepts of alternative sentencing programs for Indian offenders, treatment as justice, and the idea that Indian people can take charge of this problem and do a better job in addressing their relatives.

Les nouvelles stratégies de répression et de prévention de la criminalité sont soumises à des multiples contraintes nationales et internationales dans un contexte de reconnaissance de nouveaux droits, d’accroissement des inégalités, de nouvelles manifestations de la criminalité, de nouvelles demandes de participation, de changement du rôle de l’Etat, d’urgence, d’efficacité gestionnaire, de flexibilité et de complexité. À partir de la recherche d’une nouvelle conformation de la justice pénale face aux droits de l’Homme, selon les contraintes normatives et les exigences pragmatiques liées au contexte de globalisation, on avance vers l’ambition d’une justice restaurative en matière pénale, comme complément ou alternative au modèle traditionnel de justice pénale – où s’inscrit l’avènement d’une justice consensuelle, négociée ou réparatrice. Concilier l’efficacité des systèmes de justice pénale, la garantie des droits des individus (accusés, victimes et tout membre de la société) et l’ambition d’une justice restaurative en matière pénale est devenu le grand défi des systèmes de justice en temps d’incertitudes. Ce défi concerne tout particulièrement le ministère public, qui est au cœur des mutations des systèmes de justice pénale, qui correspondent aux nouvelles stratégies en matière des politiques criminelles répressives et réparatrices. Face aux multiples transformations en cours, le rôle du ministère public doit être repensé en fonction d’une justice pénale en profond changement, du passage d’un ordre imposée à une justice consensuelle, un phénomène qui atteint les systèmes aussi bien brésilien que français
The new strategies in criminal policy for crime control and prevention are subject to several national and international restrictions in a context of recognition of new rights, increased illegalities, new forms of crime, new demands for social participation, changes in the role of the State, urgency, managerial effectiveness, flexibility, reflexivity and complexity. Under the normative constraints and practice demands of the current scenario of globalization, the new changes in criminal justice systems vis-à-vis human rights have evolved to a search for a restorative justice approach to criminal matters as a complement or an alternative to a traditional justice practices – hence the emergency of a consensual, bargained and restorative justice model, to combine the effectiveness of the criminal justice systems, the protection of individual rights (those of offenders, victims and the community) and the implementation of a restorative justice model in criminal matters has become the great challenge of justice systems in times of insecurity, danger and uncertainty. This challenge involves particularly the prosecution service, which has been at the heart of such changes in criminal justice as new strategies in crime control and reparative policies have arisen. In view of so many changes, the role of prosecutor’s office must be reexamined in light of the ongoing paradigm shift in criminal justice from an imposed order towards a consensual approach, a phenomenon that has reached both the Brazilian and the French criminal justice systems

This research project focuses on the impact of the EU's internal security policy on Turkey during its accession process. It investigates the conditions that determine the EU's success in effecting the changes in the internal security of Turkey. In order to limit the field of Justice and Home Affairs, the study selects the fight against Organised Crime, Terrorism and Drugs as its case studies. It takes Turkey's application for EU membership in 1987 as the starting point of the analysis and concludes in 2010. It tracks domestic change in Turkey by considering the adoption of the EU acquis, the development of its administrative capacity and the extent of internal security cooperation with the EU. The research aims to provide insight into the way the EU operates the external dimension of JHA towards applicant states, the conditions under what it exerts through influence of JHA, and the extent to which the EU shapes the internal security of Turkey during the enlargement process.