Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Judicial committee'

This paper presents the grounds that supported the Inter-AmericanJudicial Committee of the OAS to make and pass the “Guide of Principles on Corporative Social Responsibility in the Human Rights and Environmentareas in America» in 2013.
El presente artículo expone los fundamentos que sirvieron de sustento al Comité Jurídico Interamericano de la Organización de los Estados Americanos (OEA) para elaborar y aprobar, durante el año 2013, la «Guía de Principios sobre Responsabilidad Social de las Empresas en el Campo de los Derechos Humanos y el Medio Ambiente en las Américas».

This thesis focuses on how well indicators of judicial ideology and institutional constraints predict whether a judge will vote to increase abortion access. I develop a model that evaluates a judge's decision in an abortion case in light of ideological factors measured at the time of a judge's nomination to the bench and legal and institutional constraints at the time a judge decides a case. I analyze abortion cases from all of the U.S. Federal District Courts from 1973-2004. Unlike previous studies, which demonstrate that the president and the home state senators are the best predictors of judicial ideology, I find that the Senate Judiciary Committee at the time of the judge's nomination is the only statistically significant ideological indicator. Also, contrary to conventional wisdom, Supreme Court precedent (a legal constraint) is also a significant predictor of judicial voting behavior in abortion cases.

Bibliography: p. xix-lvii.
The focus of this thesis is on an aspect of judicial accountability that has not hitherto attracted much attention in South African law: the civil liability of the judiciary for wrongs committed in the course of judicial proceedings. More particularly, the thesis examines to what extent a South African judicial officer may be held liable in delict for infringing the proprietary or personality rights of another - almost invariably a litigant appearing before the judicial officer. The wrongful conduct in question is usually the giving of a judgement without a proper legal foundation (wrong judgement), but it may take a variety of other forms, for example defamation, insult or, less commonly, physical assault. Since judicial liability is not an invention of the modem constitutional state, but has deep and ancient roots, the investigation is inevitably and essentially an historical one. The thesis traces the development of such liability in Roman law, in early medieval law, in the ius commune (i.e., the Italian school of the Glossators and the Commentators), in Roman-Dutch law, in English law, and finally, in the South African usus hodiernus. The assessment of the modem South African law is a critical one. The question is asked whether the narrow scope of judicial liability that is presently recognised is an adequate safeguard against abuse of the judicial office, and whether it is compatible with the new constitutional order in South Africa. The topicality and controversial nature of the subject is evident from the submissions made by the judiciary to the Truth and Reconciliation Commission in October 1997. It is apparent that the judges are suspicious of attempts to make them more accountable for their actions, regarding these as encroachments on their traditional independence. Significantly, it also appears that the threat of civil liability is not one that is taken seriously. The approach adopted in this thesis is that a proper balance needs to be struck between judicial independence and judicial accountability; and that, as history teaches us, civil liability is an essential component of such accountability.

L’objectif de ce travail a été de cerner les différents acteurs et mécanismes qui pourraient avoir la capacité de fixer la rémunération des dirigeants ainsi que la logique avec laquelle les décisions sont prises. Pour répondre à cette problématique, nous avons retenu une démarche en trois articles dans lesquels nous définissons une question de recherche pour chacun. Tout d’abord, nous nous intéressons au lien entre rémunération et performance dans le contexte français. Ensuite, nous mettons l’accent sur le rôle des mécanismes de gouvernance dans la détermination de la rémunération des dirigeants français. Enfin nous étudions les différents acteurs et mécanismes qui interviennent dans la fixation de la politique de rémunération des dirigeants. Pour chaque article, nous développons un cadre conceptuel sur la base de deux perspectives théoriques complémentaires. Les deux premiers articles se positionnent dans la perspective disciplinaire actionnariale, alors que le troisième article se place dans une perspective élargie de la gouvernance. Les cadres théoriques présentés ont été confrontés à l’épreuve de la réalité. Cette mise à l’épreuve a été réalisée par l’intermédiaire de méthodes quantitatives pour les articles 1 et 2 (méthodes statistiques de régression linéaire), et qualitatives pour l’article 3 (étude du cas Vinci). Nos résultats montrent tout d’abord, que la rémunération des dirigeants des sociétés cotées françaises est positivement liée à la richesse des actionnaires. En outre, et contrairement à l’hypothèse politique de Roe (2001), la rémunération globale des dirigeants français a un effet incitatif plus important que dans les entreprises américaines. Ensuite, aucun des mécanismes étudiés (conseil d’administration, comité des rémunérations et structure de propriété) n’a un impact significatif sur la sensibilité de la rémunération à la performance. Enfin, le processus décisionnel concernant la rémunération du dirigeant peut être fortement influencée par le dirigeant lui-même (en raison des réseaux relationnels ou bien des biais comportementaux) ainsi que d’autres mécanismes de gouvernance partenariale (médias et recours judiciaire)
The objective of this research was to identify the different processes and key actors involved in defining executive's income but also the logic with which decisions are made. To address this issue, a three-step approach was used in which a research question was raised in each one. First of all, the link between performance and income in the French context will be assessed. Then, the role of governance mechanisms on executives ‘salary will be established. Finally, the different actors and mechanisms in determining salary’s policy will be analyzed. For each article, a conceptual framework was developed based on two complementary theoretical perspectives. The first two items are positioned in the disciplinary perspective shareholder, while the third item is placed in wider governance. Theoretical frameworks presented were faced with the test of reality. This Analysis was conducted through quantitative method for items 1 and 2 (linear regression) and qualitative method in the third article (Vinci case study). The first results show that CEO’s incomes from listed French companies are positively related to shareholder wealth. In addition, and contrary to Roe’s hypothesis (2001), the total compensation of French leaders have an incentive base greater than in U.S. companies. Secondly, none of the mechanisms studied (board of directors, compensation committee and ownership structure) has a significant impact on the sensitivity of Salary - performance. Finally, the decision-making process concerning executive’s compensation may be strongly influenced by the leader himself (due to relational networks or behavioral biases) and other stakeholder governance mechanisms (media and judicial remedy)

Questão de grande relevância, nos dias atuais, no âmbito da Ciência Política, diz respeito às decisões políticas tomadas pelo Supremo Tribunal Federal, o que se denomina ativismo judicial. O termo ativismo judicial indica que a Corte está deixando de se restringir à atividade interpretativa, para estabelecer novas condutas, criando direito novo. A tendência tem sido a de levar as questões políticas para serem debatidas no âmbito judicial, de forma que assuntos políticos passam a ser exteriorizados como jurídicos. Em todos esses temas, devemos ter em conta que o balizamento tanto da atividade política como da atuação jurídica é a Constituição. Todavia, o que se tem observado é que Supremo passou a adotar uma nova postura interpretativa, de modo a permitir que, por via hermenêutica, torne-se possível corrigir a lei, modificá-la ou mesmo criar direito novo onde a lei nada especifica, além de permitir a criação de normas de caráter constitucional por decisão judicial. Três casos importantes ilustram bem esse cenário: a verticalização das coligações, a instalação obrigatória de comissões parlamentares de inquérito e a perda de mandato decorrente da troca de partido. Por serem temas de cunho eminentemente político, as decisões judiciais proferidas nessas matérias enquadram-se bem no campo do ativismo judicial, daí por que foram escolhidos como estudos de caso. O objetivo desta tese é identificar as causas dessa nova postura do Supremo Tribunal Federal, tendo em vista que ela rompe com o entendimento adotado na jurisprudência anterior, em que essas mesmas matérias eram consideradas estritamente políticas e, portanto, fora da competência decisória da Corte
A question of great importance nowadays, in the domain of Political Science, is the fact that the Supreme Court is deciding political subjects, what is called judicial activism. This expression means that the Court is not only interpretating but also creating new rules. The tendency has been taking political questions to the Court, which causes political issues to be presented as judicial too. In all these subjects, we must remember that the the direction both for political and judicial activities is Constitution. However, the Supreme Court has adopted a new concept of interpretation, in order to allow the correction and modification of laws, the creation of new rules, including constitutional ones, all these by interpretation processes. Three important questions demonstrate clearly this tendency, which are: verticalisation of political colligations, compulsory installation of inquiry commitees and party loyalty. These questions are strictly political, so that the judicial decisions about them can be included in the domain of judicial activism. In fact, we can observe, in Brazil, an expansion of the Supreme Court in the analysis and deliberation of political questions, activities refused by its members in ancient decisions. Our goal is to identify the causes of this new behavior of the Supreme Court, which modifies the ancient patern concerning the imposibility to judge strictly political questions

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O presente trabalho tem como objeto a análise do processo de recuperação judicial de empresas e avaliação da sua eficiência enquanto instrumento de superação da crise econômico financeira. Para tanto, o estudo, que se utiliza do ferramental da Análise Econômica do Direito, se fundamenta na análise qualitativa e quantitativa de 181 processos de recuperação judicial ajuizados entre 01/09/2013 e 30/06/2016 na 1ª e 2ª Vara de Falências e Recuperação Judicial do Foro Central Cível da Comarca de São Paulo. Ademais, como base empírica, busca-se identificar todos os aspectos mensuráveis dos processos estudados e analisá-los à luz das teorias econômicas aplicáveis à AED, buscando assim medir a eficiência do Processo de recuperação judicial no Brasil e os fatores que contribuem para a sua maior ou menor eficiência. Os resultados apurados indicaram que a assimetria informacional é o fator de maior impacto na eficiência do processo de recuperação judicial.
The present work aims to analyze the process of judicial reorganization of companies and evaluation of its efficiency as an instrument to overcome the economic and financial crisis. To this end, the study, which uses the method of Law and Economics, is based on the qualitative and quantitative analysis of 181 judicial reorgatization proceedings filed between 09/01/2013 and 06/30/2016 in the 1st and 2nd Bankruptcy Court of the Central Civil Forum of the Region of São Paulo. In addition, as an empirical basis, it seeks to identify all the measurable aspects of the processes studied and to analyze them in the light of the economic theories applicable to Law and Economics, in order to measure the efficiency of the judicial reorganization process in Brazil and the factors that contribute to its higher or lower efficiency. The results suggest that informational asymmetry is the factor that has the greatest impact on the efficiency of the process of judicial reorganization.

Este estudo tem por escopo explorar o instituto da reserva de jurisdição, analisando suas origens, motivações e conseqüências. Outrossim, visa estabelecer os critérios para se eleger as situações que devem ser submetidas a ela quando não houver previsão expressa no ordenamento jurídico, além de aplicá-lo ao âmbito do Processo Penal, avaliando a necessidade de sua aplicação nos meios de prova e nos meios de obtenção de prova. A reserva de jurisdição consiste no impedimento de outros órgãos exercerem atividades pertencentes ao núcleo essencial da função jurisdicional, sendo corolário do princípio da separação dos poderes, um dos pilares do Estado Democrático de Direito. Embora se admita uma interpenetração entre as funções estatais, existe uma parcela de cada uma delas que só permite a intervenção do órgão mais adequado e aparelhado para desenvolvê-la. No caso da função jurisdicional, isso ocorre quando o conflito de interesses a ser resolvido de forma definitiva envolve um bem constitucionalmente protegido ou um direito fundamental e só pode ser solucionado pelo Poder Judiciário. Não obstante, pretende-se aplicar as conclusões extraídas acerca da reserva de jurisdição a uma situação prática que se costuma se apresentar problemática, a investigação perpetrada por meio das Comissões Parlamentares de Inquérito. O objetivo é dar ao §3º do artigo 58 da Constituição Federal, que confere aos membros das CPIs poderes investigatórios próprios de autoridades judiciais, interpretação mais consoante com a tese desenvolvida, ou seja, defender que apenas os magistrados podem autorizar a efetivação de medidas restritivas de direitos fundamentais necessárias no bojo de um inquérito parlamentar, ainda que não haja expressa previsão no ordenamento jurídico.
This work aims to explore the scope of the institute Judicial Reserve, analyzing its origins, motivations and consequences. It also seeks to establish the criteria to choose the situations that should be subjected to it when there is no express provision in the legal system, and apply it to the scope of Criminal Proceeding, evaluating the need of its implementation in the evidence and in the means of obtaining evidence. Judicial Reserve is the prevention of other agencies carry out activities belonging to the core of the judicial function, which is a corollary of the principle of separation of powers, one of the pillars of the Democratic State. Although it is accepted interpenetration between the state functions, there is a portion of each that only allows the intervention by the most suitable and equipped agency to develop it. In case of the judicial function, this occurs when the conflict of interests to be resolved definitively involves a constitutionally protected good or a fundamental right, and can only be resolved by the Judiciary. Nevertheless, we intend to apply the conclusions drawn about the Judicial Reserve to a practical situation that used to present problems, the investigation conducted by the Parliamentary Committees of Inquiry. The goal is to give the § 3 of article 58 of the Constitution, which gives members of CPI investigative powers similar to the judicial powers, interpretation more consonant with the thesis developed, ie, defending that only judges can authorize the execution of measures restricting fundamental rights on an parliamentary inquiry, although there is no express provision in the law.

The development of joint criminal enterprise at the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) has been controversial since the doctrine was first created in 1997. For the judgments rendered by the ICTY to be perceived as legitimate, the doctrines used to bring charges against defendants must also be perceived as legitimate. The purpose of my thesis is to study the application of joint criminal enterprise at the ICTY and examine how the doctrine has influenced the length of sentences given. I find that joint criminal enterprise may be influencing longer sentences and the three categories of joint criminal enterprise are being used differently on defendants of different power levels. By empirically analyzing the patterns developing at the ICTY, I can see how joint criminal enterprise is influencing sentencing and the fairness of trials.

Зубарева А. Є. Міжнародно-правовий статус Комітету ООН з прав людини : дис. ... к.ю.н. : 12.00.11 / Зубарева Антоніна Євгенівна. - Одеса, 2015. - 211 арк.
У дисертації досліджено зміст міжнародно-правового статусу Комітету ООН з прав людини. Розглянуто юридичні підстави діяльності Комітету, проведено їх класифікацію. Проаналізовано історичну ретроспективу створення та діяльності Комітету, основні підходи до його місця в системі міжнародного співробітництва в сфері захисту прав людини на різних етапах. Досліджено внутрішньо-організаційний механізм Комітету, основні правові засади його функціонування. Особливу увагу приділено компетенції Комітету, вивченню функцій та повноважень цього міжнародного органу, процедури його діяльності. Вивчено проблеми реалізації повноважень Комітету з розгляду доповідей держав-учасниць Міжнародного Пакту про громадянські та політичні права 1966 р., індивідуальних повідомлень про порушення та міждержавних спорів, а також переваги та недоліки поточної процедури діяльності Комітету. Встановлено, що за юридичною природою рішення Комітету можна вважати «актами м’якого права» нарівні з рішеннями міжнародних організацій. Проаналізовано організаційно-правові засади взаємовідносин Комітету з іншими суб’єктами міжнародного співробітництва із захисту прав людини. Запропоновано шляхи розв’язання проблемних питань співпраці між Україною та Комітетом.
В диссертации исследовано содержание международно-правового статуса Комитета ООН по правам человека. Рассмотрены юридические основания деятельности Комитета, их классификация. Проанализирована историческая ретроспектива создания и деятельности Комитета, основные подходы к определению его места в системе международного сотрудничества в области прав человека на разных этапах. Исследовано внутриорганизационный механизм Комитета, основные правовые принципы его функционирования. Особое внимание обращено на компетенцию Комитета, изучены функции и полномочия этого международного органа, процедуры его деятельности. Проанализированы проблемы реализации полномочий Комитета по рассмотрению докладов государств-участников Международного Пакта о гражданских и политических правах 1966 г., индивидуальных сообщений о нарушениях и межгосударственных споров, а также преимущества и недостатки текущей процедуры деятельности Комитета. Установлено, что по своей юридической природе решения Комитета можно считать «актами мягкого права» наряду с решениями международных организаций. Проанализированы организационно-правовые основы взаимоотношений Комитета с другими субъектами международного сотрудничества по защите прав человека. Предложены способы решения проблемных вопросов сотрудничества между Украиной и Комитетом.
This dissertation reviews the contents of the international legal status of the UN Human Rights Committee. The first Chapter starts with the analysis of the historical background formation and development of the establishment and functioning of UN Human Rights Committee. Main stages of the development of this process are pointed out. Special attention is paid to the United Nations role in this process. Further, the legal grounds of the UN Human Rights Committee functioning are considered. The sources of regulation of the Committee’s legal status are characterized. It is emphasized that the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights of 1966 is the main source of the Committee’s international legal status. The classification of the sources as main and additional is conducted. Particular attention is paid to the intra-organizational mechanism of the Committee. The role of the different elements of this mechanism is compared. The conclusions about the possible directions of the reforming of the Committee’s intra-organizational mechanism are made. In the Chapter II the issues of UN Human Rights Committee’s competence, functions and powers are analyzed. The four main functions of the Committee are pointed out and compared with the functions of other UN treaty Committees. It is concluded that the consideration of reports of ICCPR States parties is the main power of the Committee. The power of Committee to consider the interstate disputes is studied. The main principles of the consideration of the individual claims by the Committee are viewed and the effectiveness of this procedure is estimated. The conclusions about the legal nature of the Committee’s decisions as a soft law are made. The last Chapter deals with the relations between the Committee and other participants of the international legal cooperation concerning the human rights protection. The Committee’s procedures are studied and their effectiveness, including strong and weak sides, is estimated. The legal basis of this cooperation, especially with other UN treaty bodies, is analyzed. Main problems of the relations between Ukraine and UN Human Rights Committee are defined. The possible ways of solving of these problems of Ukraine-UN Human Rights Committee are formulated. It is concluded that the further development of the international cooperation between Ukraine and Committee can be solves by the amendments to the legislation of Ukraine.

Le cadre global des persécutions juives en France, les mécanismes de la Shoah sont largement connus. Sur 330 000 Juifs qui vivaient France en 1940, 80 000 ont été victimes des persécutions d’État et des déportations. En deçà de cette histoire nationale, André Kaspi s’étonne en 1991 que des centres aussi importants que Lyon, Toulouse, Grenoble n’aient pas fait l’objet d’étude attentive et scientifique (Les Juifs pendant l’Occupation, Édition du Seuil, 1991, 150 p.). Les travaux locaux ont comblé ce manque depuis. Mais le déroulement sur le terrain au quotidien, au « ras des individus », mérite encore de faire l’objet de nouvelles investigations, sans perdre de vue la diversité des situations que l’on soit de part et d’autre de la ligne de démarcation. Lyon, en zone libre jusqu’en novembre 1942, n’est pas à considérer comme Paris occupée dès juin 1940. Dans cette étude nous n’avons eu de cesse de nous interroger sur ce qui fait les spécificités de Lyon. Globalement le sort des Juifs dans la capitale des Gaules a été proche de leurs coreligionnaires de la zone sud. Toutefois, écrire l’histoire des Juifs à Lyon de l’avant-guerre à la Libération, revient à s’intéresser à des itinéraires de vie et de survie dans une ville dont certaines caractéristiques lui sont propres. L’histoire des Juifs à Lyon de l’avant-guerre à la Libération, en plus de parler de la Shoah dans la cité rhodanienne, cherche à raconter les ondes de choc d’une Europe en guerre sur les individus pour comprendre ce qui leur arrive. C’est en étant plus attentifs au tissu de la vie quotidienne, dans sa diversité individuelle que nous nous proposons dans cette étude de restituer la dimension humaine d’un monde qui a été au bord du gouffre
The global framework of the Jew's persecutions in France as well as the mechanisms of the Shoah are widely known. 80 000 Jews out of the 330 000 who were living in France in 1940 have been the victims of state persecutions and deportations. On this side of this national history, Andre Kaspi was surprised in 1991 at seeing that cities as populated as Lyon, Toulouse or Grenoble had not been given an active and scientific consideration (Les Juifs pendant l'Occupation, Édition du seuil, 1991, 150 p.). Local research have since then enabled to address this lack. However, the daily course of operations, as close as possible to each individual, still deserves to be submitted to new investigations, without losing sight of the diversity of situations on both sides of the line of demarcation. The city of Lyon, which was within the unoccupied zone until November 1942, is not to be compared with the city of Paris which had been occupied from June 1940.In this essay, we kept wondering about the causes related to the specificities of the city of Lyon. On the whole, the fate of the Jews in the capital of the Gauls was almost the same as for their co-religionists in the south zone. Nevertheless, writing about the history of the Jews in Lyon from the pre-war years to the Liberation comes down to taking an interest in different journeys though life and survival within a city which has its own features.Besides tackling the Shoah in the Rhone city of Lyon, the history of the Jews in Lyon from the pre-war years to the Liberation, also aims at telling about the shock waves experienced by individuals in a Europe in war and perceiving what was happening to them. By paying more attention to the fabric of daily life seen in its individual diversity, we thereby intend to reconstruct the human dimension of a world which was once on the brink of the abyss

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Georgia State University, 2009.
Title from title page (Digital Archive@GSU, viewed June 22, 2010) Mohammed Hassen Ali, committee chair; H. Robert Baker, Charles G. Steffen, Bereket Habte Selassie, committee members. Includes bibliographical references (p. 221-232).

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The present research paper aims to carry out an analysis based on reports, accounts and assessments structured by psychologists and Judicial Power social workers, focusing on issues related to family dynamics, markedly expressions such as disorganized family , father frailty and others alike, present in the aforementioned documents, dialoging with the social issue. This research has emerged from the work I developed, as a psychologist, at the then FEBEM/SP São Paulo s State Foundation for The Well-Being of Minors and at AMAR Association of Mothers and Friends of Children and Adolescents at Risk , opportunity in which I had access to various reports by adolescents, as well as the chance to get in contact with their parents. Concerning the latter, a tendency towards excessive blaming has been observed, especially with regard to both the presumed failures by the father in the exercise of his role, and, on the other hand, the low relevance attributed to other life instances of the adolescent, evidenced by the absence of data on socio-economic factors. The sample, obtained with the authorization of DEIJ (São Paulo s Department of Enforcement of Childhood and Youth), comprised twenty-nine lawsuit cases related to adolescents who had committed transgressions and were serving socioinstructional penalties of the internment type. The methodology applied was that of content analysis, by L. Bardin, and thereby material analysis categories were determined. As for the result, in the majority of social studies, no reference to social issues was observed, highlighting a silence with regard to the State s lack of commitment to formulating and executing public care policies. The so-called problems are reduced to family and personality issues, with depoliticized observations, erased of their violent historical conditions
O presente trabalho objetiva realizar uma análise por meio de relatórios, laudos e avaliações elaborados por psicólogos e por assistentes sociais do Poder Judiciário, enfatizando-se as considerações acerca da dinâmica familiar, notadamente expressões como família desorganizada , fragilidade do pai e similares, as quais aparecem nesses documentos, em diálogo com a questão social. A construção desta pesquisa deu-se a partir do trabalho desenvolvido na qualidade de psicóloga na ex-FEBEM/SP Fundação do Bem-Estar do Menor - e na AMAR Associação de Mães e Amigos da Criança e do Adolescente em Risco -, ocasião em que se teve contato com diversos laudos de adolescentes e, outrossim, com seus familiares. Observaram-se, então, uma tendência à excessiva culpabilização destes últimos, sobretudo às supostas falhas do pai no exercício de suas funções, e, por outro lado, a pouca relevância dada a outras instâncias de vida do adolescente, o que está consubstanciado na ausência de dados sobre os fatores sócio-econômicos. A amostra obtida, após autorização do Departamento de Execuções da Infância e da Juventude de São Paulo (DEIJ), açambarca vinte e nove processos referentes a adolescentes autores de ato infracional em cumprimento de medida sócio-educativa, na modalidade de internação. A metodologia utilizada foi a análise de conteúdo, de L. Bardin, definindo-se categorias de análise do material. Em relação aos resultados, na maioria dos estudos sociais, não se observaram referências a questões sociais, silenciando-se a respeito do descompromisso do Estado na formulação e na execução de políticas públicas de atendimento à população. Os problemas esgotam-se em questões familiares e de personalidade, com observações despolitizadas e abstraídas de suas violentas condições históricas

In 2015, South Africa withdrew from the International Criminal Court asserting United Nation’s Security Council bias in referring only African cases (Strydom October 15, 2015; Duggard 2013) and the United Kingdom reiterated a pledge to withdraw from the European Court of Human Rights, asserting that the court impinges on British sovereignty (Watt 2015). Both are examples of extraterritorial courts which are an important part of regional and global jurisprudence. To contribute to our understanding of the relationship between states and extraterritorial courts, I examine arguably the first and best example of an extraterritorial court, namely the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council (JCPC). Drawing on 50 British Commonwealth states, this dissertation explores the factors influencing the decision to accede to an extraterritorial court and why some states subsequently opt to sever ties. I build on Dahl’s theory (1957) that the nation’s highest court interacts with the governing coalition and, for the most part, serves as an ally and uphold its policies. I argue that that governing coalition wants the final appellate court that they most expect to be an ally and extend this expectation to extraterritorial courts. As a result, the governing coalition looks at the court more critically. States may change or abolish the jurisdiction of the court if it undermines or seems likely to undermine state policy. Examining this phenomenon across the British Commonwealth provides comparative insights into how governing coalitions may view extraterritorial courts.

碩士
龍華科技大學
資訊管理系碩士班
101
Research to Improve the Judicial Administrative Services Applying Information Technology at Ba Vi People’s Committee is conducted with the view to find out the reality of providing administrative services in judicial sector applying information technology so as to improve the effectiveness of public administrative services at Ba Vi People’s Committee. The research focuses on two main issues, which are further specified into 4 research questions: How is the skill, capacity and attitude of the public administrators? How is the cooperation among departments in providing judicial administrative services? How is the informatics literacy of the public administrators in judicial department and the people? Is the IT-applied provision and update of information in judicial services timely and effective? Qualitative and quantitative research method are used to evaluate the influence of the skills, attitude and informatics literacy of the public administrators and people, the cooperation among different departments, the IT-applied provision and update of judicial administrative information among departments on the effectiveness of judicial administrative services at Ba Vi People’s Committee. The data is analyzed by SPSS to evaluate the results based on 4 research questions: The skills, capacity and attitude of the public administrators still have some limitations; the cooperation among departments in providing judicial administrative services meets difficulties such as the inadequate awareness of the public administrators, limited information technology applications, inadequate information; the informatics literacy of the public administrators and the people cannot meet the operation and application of the information technology system in providing administrative services; the IT-based provision and update of information about judicial services among departments are not effective. Based on the analysis, the researcher offers some solutions to improve the provision of judicial administrative services at Ba Vi People’s Committee. These are the recommendations for the leaders at Ba Vi district to improve the effectiveness of the management of administrative services.

碩士
國立臺灣大學
政治學研究所
106
President Tsai Ing-wen, in order to implement her electoral promise, organized ”National Congress on Judicial Reform” and “Indigenous Historical Justice and Transitional Justice Committee” after she assumed the presidency. According to the constitutional norms of R.O.C., the President does not have especial power to take over the job far. Therefore, the role of President’s non-institutional council in the R.O.C constitutional system is an important issue of concern. This paper’s reference consisted of the meeting minutes of the non-institutional council. The writer based on it to do research and explore the performance of the President, the Executive Yuan, the relevant agencies and the committee members in the non-institutional council, and the non-institutional council’s role in the R.O.C constitutional system. According to research result, there are five similarities in the non-institutional council:(1) The organizational structure: Which the President personally convened is established by the guidelines approved by the President, and the non-institutional council is a task force; (2) The general staff affairs: The secretary-general and deputy secretary-general to the President serves as the executive secretary or deputy executive secretary of the non-institutional council, and is the chief person in charge of the general staff affairs. The budget and personnel shall be provided and staffed by the Office of the President, the Executive Yuan, and the relevant agencies; (3) It is a controversy over the power that the President convened the non-institutional council; (4) The Executive Yuan and the relevant agencies are subordinate to the President in the non-institutional council; (5) The committee members have high expectation for the influence of the President. Furthermore, the difference between the non-institutional council is that National Congress on Judicial Reform is defined as an advisory committee, but Indigenous Historical Justice and Transitional Justice Committee has the power to make decisions on major policies.

This study analyses parliamentary intelligence oversight in South Africa by assessing the understanding of members of the JSCI of its core business, its mission and vision and powers and functions as are stipulated by law. The study locates the JSCI within an international intelligence oversight milieu through a review and evaluation of selected countries’ intelligence oversight mechanisms. Furthermore, international best practice is sought and applicable lessons are drawn for South Africa. The study is bases on a literature review and interviews with members of the JSCI to gather information and draw insights to evaluate and test the propositions in the context of international and national best practice. The propositions, which are supported by the research, are that: · Intelligence oversight in South Africa under the JSCI has hitherto been relatively effective although there is room for improvement. · The JSCI has good relations with the other arms of the state that are responsible for the oversight of Intelligence in South Africa – making parliamentary intelligence oversight, overall, quite effective. · Despite this effectiveness there are legislative gaps and problems pertaining to the modus operandi of the JSCI that need the attention of both the Executive and Legislature and which could be part of a package of legislative reform. The research supported these propositions whilst pointing out that new initiatives need attention if the culture of oversight is to find root. These are the need to widen the scope of accountability to build a culture of accountability among middle and senior management members of the Intelligence structures and secondly the way Parliament resources the JSCI.
Dissertation (M (Political Sciences))--University of Pretoria, 2006.
Political Sciences
unrestricted

碩士
國立高雄大學
政治法律學系碩士班
105
The local mediation system is a well-intentioned system that has lasted for sixty years. From a legal perspective, "simplicity", "being easy to understand", and "feasibility" are the characteristics of the system; therefore, it is able to settle differences and maintain social harmony. This research investigated the existing mediation system by analyzing the ten rounds of amendments to the “Township and County-Administered City Mediation Act”, together with relevant academic publications and interviews between the mediators and the conflicting parties. From the concept of the constitutionally protected right of action, the constitutional significance of the mediation system is explained herein. The contribution of the mediation system was clarified by analyzing data pertaining to the mediation system and service. This research also reviewed the system and the legal position of mediators by analyzing the development of the “Township and County-Administered City Mediation Act,” and the existing laws and regulations. The mediators play an integral role in the mediation committee’s operation. This research thus focused on the mediators’ qualifications and avoidance of conflicts of interest. With the support of the emerging concept and employment of big data, suggestions on the mediator qualifications were provided in the research for the future development of the mediation system in judicial and practical terms.

When the Judiciary Committee initiated its impeachment inquiry of Richard Nixon for his complicity in Watergate, it was the first time that the House of Representatives had commenced such a proceeding against a president since Andrew Johnson in 1868. Johnson’s impeachment and subsequent Senate acquittal was widely regarded as an example of Congress run amok, its partisanship so blatant and its failure so grand that many Americans assumed that presidential impeachment had become obsolete. But impeachment, by its nature, is political, and each Congress defines the bounds of high crimes and misdemeanors in light of the current political climate. For the House in October 1973, Nixon’s Watergate scandal threatened to breach those limits. From the outset, Judiciary Chairman Peter Rodino recognized that if his Committee were to recommend impeaching President Nixon without bipartisan support, the American public would interpret it as another Johnson-like fiasco, and a threat to the constitutional system of government. To thwart suspicion that the Democratic majority would impeach Nixon exclusively for its own political gain, Rodino preached fairness to the President, even as Nixon refused to comply with the Committee’s investigation. Despite Rodino’s assurances, however, his procedural proposals—designed in consultation with the Committee’s Special Counsel, John Doar—did not always seem fair enough to many Republicans. At the same time, many Democrats believed that Rodino and Doar had already accorded Nixon too many rights, which encroached upon the House’s constitutionally guaranteed “sole power of impeachment.” Ultimately, Rodino conceded that he could not marshal a bipartisan majority without making compromises with members who expected more fairness than he and Doar had initially offered. Despite pressure from their congressional leadership, constituents, and the White House, seven southern Democrats and moderate Republicans formed a “Fragile Coalition” to vote their conscience in favor of three articles of impeachment. In doing so, they convinced a fearful and cynical American public that impeachment could be just, and in the case of Richard Nixon, necessary.
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The study provides a brief overview of the most important legal instruments in the international, regional and national framework on the development and promotion of children’s rights. Basically, it examines the continuous and pervasive violation of children’s rights despite the progressive instruments that have been adopted to ensure the proper and effective realization of these rights. It focuses on three different countries in Africa: South Africa, Ethiopia and Nigeria because of the value-laden nature of the progressive laws adopted by these countries in the protection of children’s rights. Specific roles and actions taken by international, regional and national monitoring bodies are highlighted to indicate their effectiveness in promoting and fulfilling rights for children. Country reports on the situation of children are examined in the context of realization of salient rights for children amidst the different judicial, political and socio-cultural settings. Emerging judgments and judicial developments that have limited and advanced the realization of rights for children in the specific country context were explored. Conclusions and recommendations are made.
Public, Constitutional, & International Law
LLM