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Journal articles on the topic 'Judeo-Christian'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

EISENMAn., ROBERT. "Theory of Judeo-Christian Origins." Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences 722, no. 1 (June 1994): 355–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1749-6632.1994.tb30481.x.

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2

Haynes, Jeffrey. "Trump and the Politics of International Religious Freedom." Religions 11, no. 8 (July 27, 2020): 385. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel11080385.

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The article examines the USA’s international religious freedom policy during the presidency of Donald Trump. It argues that the Trump administration consistently prioritised America’s international religious freedom (IRF) policy according to Judeo-Christian values. This contrasted with previous administrations, which did not pursue such a clear Christocentric approach. The Trump administration has pursued the policy with vigour, drawing on Judeo-Christian ideology and prioritising religious freedom above other human rights, such as equality for women and sexual minorities. The article begins with a brief summary of the International Religious Freedom Act (IRFA), signed into law by President Clinton in 1998. It then examines the influence of Judeo-Christian ideology on Trump’s international religious freedom policy. To do this, the article surveys three recent initiatives: the Commission on Unalienable Rights, the annual Ministerial to Advance International Religious Freedom, and the International Religious Freedom Alliance. I argue that collectively the initiatives promote the paramountcy of Judeo-Christian ideology. The article concludes that the Trump administration’s international religious freedom is strongly informed by a Judeo-Christian ideology which seeks to place religious freedom first in a hierarchy of human rights, while relegating others, especially equality for females and sexual minorities, to a lesser position.
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3

Ponnudurai, R. "Judeo-Christian concepts related to psychiatry." Indian Journal of Psychiatry 55, no. 6 (2013): 201. http://dx.doi.org/10.4103/0019-5545.105533.

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4

NIR, Bina. "Western Culture and Judeo-Christian Judgement." Cultura 14, no. 2 (December 31, 2017): 69–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.3726/cul.2017.02.04.

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5

Chalfant, H. Paul, Martin E. Marty, and R. Scott Appleby. "Fundamentalism in the Judeo-Christian Tradition." Review of Religious Research 35, no. 1 (September 1993): 64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3511063.

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6

Beed, Clive, and Cara Beed. "Judeo-Christian principles for employment organisation." Journal of Socio-Economics 31, no. 5 (January 2002): 457–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s1053-5357(02)00129-4.

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7

Harville, Michael L., and Beth M. Rienzi. "Judeo-Christian Attitudes Toward Employed Women." Psychology of Women Quarterly 24, no. 2 (June 2000): 145–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1471-6402.2000.tb00195.x.

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The relationship between Judeo-Christian beliefs and attitudes toward employed women was examined. Participants ( N = 9,742) responded to the National Opinion Research Center's General Social Survey (Davis & Smith, 1996a). Attitudes toward employed women varied by strength of religiosity, gender, religious affiliation, and year; as strength of religiosity increased, attitudes became more traditional. Men had more traditional attitudes than women. The women who are more religious had attitudes that were more conservative than less religious women. Christians had more traditional attitudes than Jews and the nonreligious. Between 1985 and 1996, attitudes became less traditional. These findings suggest that attitudes toward working women are changing in a gradual manner, but that men and women hold very different attitudes about working women, even within the same religious affiliation.
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8

Beed, Clive, and Cara Beed. "A Judeo-Christian Theory of Unemployment." Journal of Interdisciplinary Economics 16, no. 2 (January 2005): 121–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02601079x05001600201.

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9

Carter, John D. "Psychopathology, Sin, and the DSM: Convergence and Divergence." Journal of Psychology and Theology 22, no. 4 (December 1994): 277–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009164719402200408.

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In this article, the Judeo-Christian view of sin is reviewed as well as the psychoanalytic and humanistic views of psychopathology. All three perspectives converge in their assumption of a universally flawed human condition. Conversely, the behavioral and symptom oriented phenotypal description of psychopathology found in the DSM diverges from the Judeo-Christian theological tradition. Inconsistencies and inherent difficulties are noted in the list oriented phenotypal approach to psychopathology or sin.
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10

Guinan, Patrick. "Hippocratic and Judeo-Christian Medical Ethics Defended." National Catholic Bioethics Quarterly 8, no. 2 (2008): 245–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ncbq20088255.

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11

Bennett, William J. "In Defense of the Judeo-Christian Ethic." Religion & Public Education 13, no. 4 (October 1986): 42–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10567224.1986.11487944.

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12

Beed, Clive, and Cara Beed. "Distributional implications of contemporary Judeo‐Christian economics." International Journal of Social Economics 31, no. 10 (October 2004): 903–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/03068290410555390.

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13

Peeters, L. "THE FRANKS CASKET: A JUDEO-CHRISTIAN INTERPRETATION." AMSTERDAMER BEITRÄGE ZUR ÄLTEREN GERMANISTIK 46, no. 1 (November 17, 1996): 17–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18756719-046-01-90000004.

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14

Davies, J. Kenneth. "UNIONISM AND THE JUDEO‐CHRISTIAN SOCIAL GOSPEL." Humanomics 5, no. 1 (January 1989): 75–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/eb006091.

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15

ap Iorwerth, Geraint. "Humanistic Psychology and the Judeo-Christian Heritage." Journal of Humanistic Psychology 25, no. 2 (April 1985): 13–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022167885252003.

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16

Roshwald, Mordecai. "The Judeo-Christian Elements in Hobbes's Leviathan." Hobbes Studies 7, no. 1 (1994): 95–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187502594x00072.

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17

Waal, Tamar. "Liberal Democracy and the Judeo-Christian Tradition." Netherlands Journal of Legal Philosophy 49, no. 1 (May 2020): 7–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.5553/njlp/.000083.

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18

Ne'eman, Yuval. "Darwin, Nietzsche, and the Judeo-Christian ethic." Journal of Social and Evolutionary Systems 15, no. 4 (January 1992): 347–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/1061-7361(92)90022-6.

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19

W. Ellis, James. "A Harmony of Judeo-Christian Eschatology and Messianic Prophecy." African Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities Research 4, no. 3 (June 30, 2021): 66–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.52589/ajsshr-6slajjhx.

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This essay presents a selective overview of the main themes of Judeo-Christian eschatological prophecy. Particular attention is paid to the significance of successive biblical covenants, prophecies of the “day of the Lord,” differences between personal and collective resurrection, and expectations of the Messianic era. Although the prophets of the Hebrew Bible and Christian New Testament lived and wrote in diverse historical and social contexts, their foresights were remarkably consistent and collectively offered a coherent picture of the earth’s last days, the culmination of human history, and the prospects of the afterlife. This coherence reflects the interrelated character of Judaic and Christian theology and the unity of the Judeo-Christian faith.
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20

DiGiuseppe, Raymond A., Mitchell W. Robin, and Windy Dryden. "On the Compatibility of Rational-Emotive Therapy and Judeo-Christian Philosophy: A Focus on Clinical Strategies." Journal of Cognitive Psychotherapy 4, no. 4 (January 1990): 355–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1891/0889-8391.4.4.355.

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Because of the personal religious and philosophical beliefs of Albert Ellis, Rational-Emotive Therapy (RET) is often perceived as inappropriate for clients with strong religious beliefs. Three of the major irrational thought processes hypothesized by RET to be at the core of psychopathology are shown to also be inconsistent with Judeo-Christian philosophy. Therefore, it is postulated that disputing irrational beliefs and establishing more rational philosophies is also consistent with Judeo-Christian philosophy. Specific clinical strategies are suggested for working with religious clients in changing these three irrational beliefs.
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21

Grossman, Marshall. "The Violence of the Hyphen in Judeo-Christian." Social Text, no. 22 (1989): 115. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/466523.

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22

Barnes, M. Elizabeth, Jasmine M. Truong, and Sara E. Brownell. "Experiences of Judeo-Christian Students in Undergraduate Biology." CBE—Life Sciences Education 16, no. 1 (March 2017): ar15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1187/cbe.16-04-0153.

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A major research thrust in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) education is focused on how to retain students as STEM majors. The accumulation of seemingly insignificant negative experiences in STEM classes can, over time, lead STEM students to have a low sense of belonging in their disciplines, and this can lead to lower retention. In this paper, we explore how Judeo-Christian students in biology have experiences related to their religious identities that could impact their retention in biology. In 28 interviews with Judeo-Christian students taking undergraduate biology classes, students reported a religious identity that can conflict with the secular culture and content of biology. Some students felt that, because they are religious, they fall within a minority in their classes and would not be seen as credible within the biology community. Students reported adverse experiences when instructors had negative dispositions toward religion and when instructors were rigid in their instructional practices when teaching evolution. These data suggest that this may be a population susceptible to experiences of cultural conflict between their religious identities and their STEM identities, which could have implications for retention. We argue that more research should explore how Judeo-Christian students’ experiences in biology classes influence their sense of belonging and retention.
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23

Swain, Carol M. "A JUDEO‐CHRISTIAN APPROACH TO “COMPREHENSIVE” IMMIGRATION REFORM." Review of Faith & International Affairs 9, no. 1 (January 2011): 11–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15570274.2011.543611.

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24

Britt, Brian. "Secularism and the Question of the "Judeo-Christian"." Relegere: Studies in Religion and Reception 2, no. 2 (2012): 343–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.11157/rsrr2-2-504.

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25

Ram, Ashwin N., and Kevin C. Chung. "Study of Hand Signs in Judeo-Christian Art." Journal of Hand Surgery 33, no. 7 (September 2008): 1182–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jhsa.2008.01.018.

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26

Simić, Srđan. "Judeo-Christian and apocryphal traditions in the Quran." Kultura, no. 160 (2018): 334–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/kultura1860334s.

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27

Edzard, Alexandra. "A Judeo-French Wedding Song from the Mid-13th Century: Literary Contacts between Jews and Christians." Journal of Jewish Languages 2, no. 1 (June 9, 2014): 78–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134638-12340022.

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The subject of this article is a bilingual Judeo-French wedding song, edited by David Simon Blondheim in 1927. It is studied in its linguistic (Hebrew and French) and cultural (Jewish and Christian France) context. In the Jewish tradition, the song belongs to a widely used form of poetry in which two or more languages alternate. A similar bi- and multilingualism can also be found in medieval Christian poetry in France and in Muslim poetry in Moorish Spain. The present study concentrates on poems in which French can be found together with other languages. The article demonstrates influence from Christian multilingual poetry on the Judeo-French wedding song. In addition, it discusses how Jewish and Christian poets proceed when using more than one language and what reasons there are for the use of multiple languages within a single text.
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28

Durham Peters, John. "Charity and chilliness." International Journal of Cultural Studies 14, no. 4 (June 24, 2011): 441–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1367877911403561.

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29

Acar, Rahim. "The Judeo-Christian-Islamic Heritage: Philosophical & Theological Perspectives." Nazariyat İslam Felsefe ve Bilim Tarihi Araştırmaları Dergisi (Journal for the History of Islamic Philosophy and Sciences) 1, no. 2 (April 15, 2015): 136–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.15808/nazariyat.1.2.d0009.

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30

Fischer, Lars. "Is there a Judeo-Christian Tradition? A European Perspective." Journal of Jewish Studies 68, no. 2 (October 1, 2017): 413–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.18647/3337/jjs-2017.

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31

Joines, Vann S. "Transactional Analysis, the Judeo-Christian Tradition, and Religious Values." Transactional Analysis Journal 49, no. 2 (March 15, 2019): 158–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03621537.2019.1577334.

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32

Adamson, Peter. "The Judeo-Christian-Islamic Heritage: Philosophical and Theological Perspectives." Islam and Christian–Muslim Relations 24, no. 2 (April 2013): 273–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09596410.2012.761415.

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33

Ruetenik. "Violence, Sacrifice, and Flesh Eating in Judeo-Christian Tradition." Contagion: Journal of Violence, Mimesis, and Culture 22 (2015): 141. http://dx.doi.org/10.14321/contagion.22.1.0141.

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34

Smith, William B. "Judeo-Christian Teaching on Euthanasia: Definitions, Distinctions and Decisions." Linacre Quarterly 54, no. 1 (February 1987): 27–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00243639.1987.11877877.

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35

Gutwirth, Eleazar. "The Judeo–Christian Polemic and the Intelligence of Emotions." Medieval Encounters 22, no. 1-3 (May 23, 2016): 266–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700674-12342224.

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This essay examines the place of emotions and emotional discourse—love, friendship, human kindness, etc.—in selected polemical and literary texts from late medieval Iberia. It suggests that a view of the non-polemical or extra-polemical elements of the texts—especially expressions of emotion, exclamations, interjections, and other examples of passion—provide a novel approach to such material apart from traditional studies of polemical content. A reading that takes into account the multiple themes and traditions beyond polemics that are contained within such texts shows that apparently individual, anecdotic texts are highly dependent on the literary expectations of a public informed by certain cultural conventions. This suggests that polemics and polemical material can be read for much more than their formulaic polemical content, and that literary texts can be read in some cases according to polemical codes.
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36

Veerkamp, Ton. "Judeo-Christian Tradition on Debt: Political, Not Just Ethical." Ethics & International Affairs 21, S1 (November 2007): 167–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.2007.00089.x.

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37

Allen, David F., and Robert Bachelder. "Psychiatry and religion: Judeo-Christian theism and Fromm's humanism." Journal of Religion & Health 24, no. 1 (March 1985): 49–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf01533259.

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38

Roberts, John. "The ‘Returns to Religion’: Messianism, Christianity and the Revolutionary Tradition. Part II: The Pauline Tradition." Historical Materialism 16, no. 3 (2008): 77–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920608x315248.

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AbstractThe central strength of the Hegelian dialectical tradition is that reason is not divorced from its own internal limits in the name of a reason free from ideological mediation and constraint. This article holds onto this insight in the examination of the recent (and widespread) returns to religious categories in political philosophy and political theory (in particular Agamben, Badiou, Negri and Žižek). In this it follows a twofold logic. In the spirit of Hegel and Marx it seeks to recover what is ‘rational in religion’; at the same time, it examines the continuing entanglements of politics (and specifically revolutionary thinking) with religious categories. That this is an atheistic and materialist project is not in a sense strange or anomalous. On the contrary, it is precisely the ‘secularisation’ of Judeo-Christian categories in Kant, Hegel and Marx's respective theorisations of history that provides the dialectical ground for the atheistic recovery and invocation of Judeo-Christian thought (in particular messianism, renunciation, and fidelity) in recent political philosophy. Consequently, this discussion of religion, or ‘religion beyond religion’, has very little to do with the spread of obscurantism and anti-rationalism in the global upsurge of reactionary Christian and Islamic fundamentalisms, neo-pagan mysticisms, and other retreats from the real, or with the left-liberal denunciation of religion in the recent writings of Richard Dawkins and Christopher Hitchens. Rather, ‘religion’ here, in its Judeo-Christian legacy, is that which embodies the memory or prospect of a universal emancipatory politics.
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39

Smith. "Disintegrating the Hyphen: The “Judeo-Christian Tradition” and the Christian Colonization of Judaism." ReOrient 5, no. 1 (2019): 73. http://dx.doi.org/10.13169/reorient.5.1.0073.

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40

Moore, Kathleen. "New Claimants to Religious Tolerance and Protection." American Journal of Islam and Society 6, no. 1 (September 1, 1989): 135–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v6i1.2696.

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IntroductionIn The Myth of the Judeo-Christian Tradition, Arthur A. Cohen questionsthe notion that a "Judeo-Christian" tradition even exists, and suggeststhat it is an invention of twentieth century American politics spawned byefforts to form a cultural consensus and, in the process, homogenize religiousidentification and promote interfaith harmony. The conception of such atradition is, in Cohen's words, " ... mythological or, rather, not preciselymythological but ideological and hence, as in all ideologies, shot throughwith falsification, distortion, and untruth."A political use of the term "Judeo-Christian" has gained particular currencyin the latter part of the twentieth century as reliance on certain religiousvalues, symbols and rhetoric in public discourse has both generated andreflected popular approval, the ideal of separation of church and state not withstanding.Common assumptions about the place of religion and moralityin public life are being reevaluated. In an era of greater conformity andconsensus-building, ushered in by a general swing toward conservatism inNorth American politics, an effort is being made to resurrect a shared setof traditional beliefs and values thought once to be the backbone of Americanand Canadian life. Instead of celebrating diversity and pluralism in NorthAmerica, the emphasis has been placed on the merits of unity and a sharedsense of ethics. Conservatives are engaged in an effort to redefine Americanvalues and beliefs and ameliorate what they see as deplorable conditionsprecipitated by the liberalism, secularity and moral relativism of the 1960s.This corrective impulse is proving to be an important factor in reshapingboth the religious and political scene.It is in this context that the meaning of difference has been obscured.A commitment to pluralism has been an important part of the heritage ofNorth American societies, especially Canada, since their inception and yetwhat is meant by reference to the "Judeo-Christian" tradition remains ambiguous.Rather than promoting interfaith harmony, the current use of theconcept functions to exclude those who are judged to deviate from the socialand cultural norm or to be nonbelievers, i.e., persons conceived to be a threatto the bedrock values of America. Observers of the North American religiousscene have noted that religion is used as a means of negotiating one's placein society and establishing identity. Public figures appeal to our sense ofnational identity and patriotism by talking about the United States as a 'judeoChristiannation," which, in effect, serves to exclude other religious groups(such as Muslims) and nonreligious groups from the mainstream of Americansociery.What is implied by reference to "Judeo-Christian" is even narrowerthosewho actually mean to promote an exclusively Christian America6 useit to signify the defense of purportedly Christian-cum-American values andlife-style from the inroads of secular humanism. President Reagan, in his1983 speech to the National Association of Evangelicals in Orlando. Florida, ...
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41

Moore, Kathleen. "New Claimants to Religious Tolerance and Protection." American Journal of Islam and Society 6, no. 1 (September 1, 1989): 135–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v6i1.2838.

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IntroductionIn The Myth of the Judeo-Christian Tradition, Arthur A. Cohen questionsthe notion that a "Judeo-Christian" tradition even exists, and suggeststhat it is an invention of twentieth century American politics spawned byefforts to form a cultural consensus and, in the process, homogenize religiousidentification and promote interfaith harmony. The conception of such atradition is, in Cohen's words, " ... mythological or, rather, not preciselymythological but ideological and hence, as in all ideologies, shot throughwith falsification, distortion, and untruth."A political use of the term "Judeo-Christian" has gained particular currencyin the latter part of the twentieth century as reliance on certain religiousvalues, symbols and rhetoric in public discourse has both generated andreflected popular approval, the ideal of separation of church and state notwithstanding.Common assumptions about the place of religion and moralityin public life are being reevaluated. In an era of greater conformity andconsensus-building, ushered in by a general swing toward conservatism inNorth American politics, an effort is being made to resurrect a shared setof traditional beliefs and values thought once to be the backbone of Americanand Canadian life. Instead of celebrating diversity and pluralism in NorthAmerica, the emphasis has been placed on the merits of unity and a sharedsense of ethics. Conservatives are engaged in an effort to redefine Americanvalues and beliefs and ameliorate what they see as deplorable conditionsprecipitated by the liberalism, secularity and moral relativism of the 1960s.This corrective impulse is proving to be an important factor in reshapingboth the religious and political scene.It is in this context that the meaning of difference has been obscured.A commitment to pluralism has been an important part of the heritage ofNorth American societies, especially Canada, since their inception and yetwhat is meant by reference to the "Judeo-Christian" tradition remains ambiguous. Rather than promoting interfaith harmony, the current use of theconcept functions to exclude those who are judged to deviate from the socialand cultural norm or to be nonbelievers, i.e., persons conceived to be a threatto the bedrock values of America. Observers of the North American religiousscene have noted that religion is used as a means of negotiating one's placein society and establishing identity. Public figures appeal to our sense ofnational identity and patriotism by talking about the United States as a 'judeoChristiannati.on," which, in effect, serves to exclude other religious groups(such as Muslims) and nonreligious groups from the mainstream of Americansociery.What is implied by reference to "Judeo-Christian" is even narrowerthosewho actually mean to promote an exclusively Christian America6 useit to signify the defense of purportedly Christian-cum-American values andlife-style from the inroads of secular humanism. President Reagan, in his1983 speech to the National Association of Evangelicals in Orlando. Florida, ...
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42

Roberts, John. "The 'Returns to Religion': Messianism, Christianity and the Revolutionary Tradition. Part I: 'Wakefulness to the Future'." Historical Materialism 16, no. 2 (2008): 59–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920608x296079.

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AbstractThe central strength of the Hegelian dialectical tradition is that reason is not divorced from its own internal limits in the name of a reason free from ideological mediation and constraint. This article holds onto this insight in the examination of the recent (and widespread) returns to religious categories in political philosophy and political theory (in particular Agamben, Badiou, Negri and Žižek). In this respect the article follows a two-fold logic. In the spirit of Hegel and Marx, it seeks to recover what is 'rational in religion'; and, at the same time, examines the continuing entanglements of politics (and specifically revolutionary thinking) with religious categories. That this is an atheistic and materialist project is not in a sense strange or anomalous. On the contrary, it is precisely the 'secularisation' of Judeo-Christian categories in Kant, Hegel and Marx's respective theorisation of history, that provides the dialectic ground of the atheistic recovery and invocation of Judeo-Christian thought (in particular messianism, renunciation, and fidelity) in recent political philosophy. Consequently the discussion of religion, or 'religion beyond religion', here, has very little to do with the spread of obscurantism and anti-rationalism in the global upsurge of reactionary Christian and Islamic fundamentalisms, neo-Pagan mysticisms, and other retreats from the real, or with the left-liberal denunciation of religion in the recent writings of Richard Dawkins and Christopher Hitchens. Rather, 'religion' here, in its Judeo-Christian legacy, is that which embodies the memory or prospect of a universal emancipatory politics.
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43

Mart, Michelle. "The “Christianization” of Israel and Jews in 1950s America." Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 14, no. 1 (2004): 109–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rac.2004.14.1.109.

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AbstractIn the 1950s, the United States experienced a domestic religious revival that offered postwar Americans a framework to interpret the world and its unsettling international political problems. Moreover, the religious message of the cold war that saw the God-fearing West against atheistic communists encouraged an unprecedented ecumenism in American history. Jews, formerly objects of indifference if not disdain and hatred in the United States, were swept up in the ecumenical tide of “Judeo-Christian” values and identity and, essentially, “Christianized” in popular and political culture. Not surprisingly, these cultural trends affected images of the recently formed State of Israel. In the popular and political imagination, Israel was formed by the “Chosen People” and populated by prophets, warriors, and simple folk like those in Bible stories. The popular celebration of Israel also romanticized its people at the expense of their Arab (mainly Muslim) neighbors. Battling foes outside of the Judeo-Christian family, Israelis seemed just like Americans. Americans treated the political problems of the Middle East differently than those in other parts of the world because of the religious significance of the “Holy Land.” A man such as Secretary of State John Foster Dulles, who combined views of hard-nosed “realpolitik” with religious piety, acknowledged the special status of the Middle East by virtue of the religions based there. Judaism, part of the “Judeo-Christian civilization,” benefitted from this religious consciousness, while Islam remained a religion and a culture apart. This article examines how the American image of Jews, Israelis, and Middle Eastern politics was re-framed in the early 1950s to reflect popular ideas of religious identity. These images were found in fiction, the press, and the speeches and writings of social critics and policymakers. The article explores the role of the 1950s religious revival in the identification of Americans with Jews and Israelis and discusses the rise of the popular understanding that “Judeo-Christian” values shaped American culture and politics.
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44

Williams, Joseph. "The Pentecostalization of Christian Zionism." Church History 84, no. 1 (March 2015): 159–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640714001747.

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This essay highlights U.S. pentecostals' and charismatics' cultivation of more experiential forms of identification with Jews and with Israel that in turn played a crucial role in the global growth of Christian Zionism. Already at the turn of the twentieth century, key figures experimented with “Judeo-centric” forms of ritual and dress, merging eschatological concerns inherited from nineteenth-century Protestantism with British Israelite ideas equating Anglo-Saxons with the lost tribes of Israel. In subsequent decades these racial notions were pushed to the fringes of the pentecostal movement, but the intense sense of identification with Israel remained. Building on the emergent mythology in the midcentury U.S. of a shared “Judeo-Christian tradition,” adherents increasingly stressed their religious and cultural (as opposed to racial) connections with God's “chosen people.” And by the late twentieth century, the 1960s counterculture, a burgeoning emphasis on the therapeutic, and growing religious diversity all facilitated pentecostals' and charismatics' renewed experimentation with “exotic” Israel-themed rituals. Significantly, believers' appropriation of Jewish-based religious practices and identities transcended nationalistic categories, and reinforced post-American sensibilities in important respects. As such, U.S.-based evangelists and broadcast ministries were able to disseminate pentecostalized expressions of Christian Zionism well beyond North America, and help catalyze a transnational, global movement.
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Chekovikj, Timurlenk, and Elena Trencevska Chekovikj. "JESUS AND MONOTHEISM, THE SIMILARITY AND RELATIONS BETWEEN EARLY JUDEO-CHRISTIAN CREDENCE AND ISLAM." Modern Islamic Studies 1 (April 30, 2020): 45–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.25264/2707-4013-2020-2-45-53.

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Patrick, John. "The Judeo-Christian Influence on Global Health, Human Rights, and Justice." Christian Journal for Global Health 6, no. 1 (May 31, 2019): 20–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.15566/cjgh.v6i1.305.

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An essay on the historical significance of Judeo-Christian influence on the development of modern human rights, justice and global health policies, and a caution regarding the importance of transcendend moral law on subsequent generations for sustainable human flourishing.
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Vollaard, Hans J. P. "Re-emerging Christianity in West European Politics: The Case of the Netherlands." Politics and Religion 6, no. 1 (February 27, 2013): 74–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048312000776.

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AbstractDoes Christianity re-emerge in politics even in the most secularized part of the world, Western Europe? In this article, the exemplary case of the Netherlands provides empirical evidence for two mechanisms of resurgent Christianity in party politics. In this way, the article also offers a more precise understanding under what conditions various dimensions of religion become (again) or remain politically significant. The first mechanism has been the incentive of secularization and secularism for remaining Christians to regroup in a so-called creative minority to convey an explicitly faith-based message to a broader public. Modernization has therefore not automatically meant less religion in politics. However, creative minorities remained a relatively minor affair in Dutch party politics, despite the large number of Christian migrants and their descendants. Second, Christian and culturally rightwing, secular parties have increasingly referred to a Judeo-Christian culture to mark the political identities of the European Union and its nations in response to Islam's growing visibility. The concept of Judeo-Christian culture foremost functioned as a sacred word to denote the liberal and secular order of the West, reflecting the re-emergence of Christianity as cultural phenomenon rather than faith in West European politics.
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Hacohen, Malachi Haim. "Typology and the Holocaust: Erich Auerbach and Judeo-Christian Europe." Religions 3, no. 3 (July 17, 2012): 600–645. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel3030600.

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Moore, Deborah Dash. "Jewish GIs and the Creation of the Judeo-Christian Tradition." Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 8, no. 1 (1998): 31–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rac.1998.8.1.03a00020.

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“Fifty years ago last June,” Bernard Bellush recalled, “our naval vessel, LST 379, plowed through the choppy waters of the English Channel under overcast skies. We were part of the vast Allied armada heading for the D-day invasion of Omaha Beach in France. Despite briefings,” he admitted, “not one of us was prepared for the cliffs bristling with German armament.” Raised in a socialist Jewish home, Bellush joined the army to fight in World War II like tens of thousands of other American Jewish men. His recollections deserve our attention not merely for the time and place that they recall—though the experience of the D-Day invasion is inherently interesting—but also for what happened on LST 379 as it crossed the Channel in 1944.
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Beed, Clive, and Cara Beed. "The autonomy of economics from Judeo‐Christian thought: a critique." International Journal of Social Economics 30, no. 9 (September 2003): 942–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/03068290310487522.

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