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Journal articles on the topic 'Judaism; Jewish'
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1
Haberman, Jacob. "Bergson and Judaism." European Journal of Jewish Studies 12, no. 1 (April 12, 2018): 56–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1872471x-11121014.
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Abstract Bergson’s troublesome relation to Judaism has been examined briefly by Aimé Pallière in Bergson et le Judaisme (Paris: F. Alcan, 1933) and his ambivalent attraction to Roman Catholicism by the learned Dominican philosopher-theologian Antonin Sertillanges in Henri Bergson et le catholicisme (Paris: Flammarion, 1941). Vladimir Jankélevitch, in his study Henri Bergson (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1959), has an appendix entitled “Bergson et le Judaisme,” However, he is concerned with the affinity between Bergsonism and Judaism rather than with Bergson’s adverse criticism of the Jewish religion. I mention these studies without discussing them further in appreciation of their pioneering work and to acknowledge that I have taken cognizance of their opinions. The belief that one can ignore the work of previous scholars leaves no basis for the expectation that our own work will prove of any value to others, but I do believe that Bergson’s strictures on Judaism deserve an examination of Jewish and Christian texts as well as an analysis of time by Jewish thinkers.
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Lupovitch, Howard. "Neolog: Reforming Judaism in a Hungarian Milieu." Modern Judaism - A Journal of Jewish Ideas and Experience 40, no. 3 (September 12, 2020): 327–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/mj/kjaa012.
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Abstract This article explores the mentality of Neolog Judaism and how its early proponents fashioned a centrist, non-ideological alternative to both Orthodoxy and German-Jewish style Reform Judaism, an alternative that emphasized Judaism’s inherent compatibility with and adaptability to the demands of citizenship. Early proponents of this Neolog mentality, such as Aron Chorin and Leopold Löw, argued that adapting Jewish practice within the framework and systemic rules of Jewish law, precedent, and custom would not undermine a commitment to traditional Judaism in any way, as Orthodox jeremiads predicted; nor would it require the sort of re-definition of Judaism that Reform Jews advocated. Four aspects of Neolog mentality, in particular, laid the foundation for this outlook: a belief that Judaism has always been inherently malleable and diverse; a willingness to see leniency as no less authentic an option than stringency (in contrast to the “humra culture” that has defined Orthodox Judaism for the last two centuries); a preference for unity over schism (contra the secession of Orthodox communities in Germany and Hungary); and the use of halachic precedent and argumentation as a mandatory part of the rationale for innovation.
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Szczerbiński, Waldemar. "Mordecai M. Kaplan’s proposal of Judaism’s renewal. Reconstrution or deconstruction?" Studia Europaea Gnesnensia, no. 10 (January 1, 2014): 75–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/seg.2014.10.4.
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Amidst all trends present nowadays, the latest and the most controversial appears to be the Jewish Reconstructionism, which has been conceived by Mordecai M. Kaplan. The starting point for Reconstructionist involves actual reconstruction of traditional Judaism, which takes place based on ideas taken from social and natural sciences. The performed analyses permit to state (but not to conclude decisively), that Jewish Reconstructionism is a specific Jewish theory, a way of living for a certain group of Jews, but it is not a Judaism. The Kaplan's system, which represents a result of an intentional reconstruction and revaluation of traditional Judaism, becomes in fact a deconstruction and a devaluation of Judaism.
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Brody, Samuel. "Political Economy as a Test of Modern Judaism." Religions 10, no. 2 (January 24, 2019): 78. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel10020078.
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According to a common narrative, Jews entered the modern world at a steep price. From an autonomous corporation, ruling themselves internally according to their own standards and law, Judaism became a “religion,” divested of political power and responsible only for the internal sphere of “faith” or belief. The failure of this project, in turn, gave rise to the sharp split between Jewish nationalism and religion-based conceptions of Judaism. Many modern Jewish thinkers sought to resolve this antinomy by imagining ways for Judaism to once again form the basis of a “complete life”. This essay seeks to challenge this narrative by examining the extent to which economics, another one of the “spheres” emerging together with modernity and often considered under the same broadly Weberian process of rationalization, ever truly formed part of the holistic, self-contained Jewish autonomous life for which modern thinkers expressed so much nostalgia. It will argue that rather than forming part of the internal world of Judaism and then being fragmented outward into a separate sphere under the pressure of modernity, the “economic sphere” was imagined and defined for the first time in modernity, and projected backwards into earlier eras. This projection was then taken as proof of Judaism’s ability to “be about everything,” whether in a religious or nationalist idiom.
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Mittleman, Alan. "Theorizing Jewish Ethics." Studia Humana 3, no. 2 (June 1, 2014): 32–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/sh-2014-0007.
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Abstract The concept of Jewish ethics is elusive. Law occupies a prominent place in the phenomenology of traditional Judaism. What room is left for ethics? This paper argues that the dichotomy between law and ethics, with regard to Judaism, is misleading. The fixity of these categories presumes too much, both about normativity per se and about Judaism. Rather than naming categories “law” and “ethics” should be seen as contrastive terms that play a role in fundamental arguments about how to characterize Judaism.
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Du Toit, A. B. "Joodse religieuse uitbreiding in die Nuwe-Testamentiese tydvak: Was die Judaïsme ’n missionêre godsdiens? (Deel II)." Verbum et Ecclesia 18, no. 1 (July 19, 1997): 52–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/ve.v18i1.1124.
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Jewish religious expansion in the New Testament era: Was Judaism a missionary religion? (Part II) In the first part of this article five factors were identified which would have contributed to the significant numerical increase of Jews towards the end of the Second Temple period. Here six others are discussed: Jewish slaves in non-Jewish households, adoption of children, the universalistic tendency in certain circles, the role of the synagogue, the attractiveness of Judaism in spite of a negative cross-current and the influence of apologetic-propagandistic literature. In weighing the evidence for a full-scale centrifugal missionary movement a mostly negative conclusion is reached. In this sense first century Judaism cannot be described as a missionary religion. We could, however, speak of an indirect mission in the sense that non-Jews were attracted to Judaism mainly through the quality’ of Jewish belief and life-style and that they were encouraged to do so.
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Goldstein, Evan. "“A Higher and Purer Shape”: Kaufmann Kohler's Jewish Orientalism and the Construction of Religion in Nineteenth-Century America." Religion and American Culture 29, no. 3 (2019): 326–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rac.2019.8.
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AbstractThis article uses the case of Kaufmann Kohler (1843–1926), an intellectual and institutional leader of American Reform Judaism, to explore the relationship between Orientalism and the category of religion in nineteenth-century America. Recent scholarship has shown that the lived religion of nineteenth-century American Jews departs significantly from the ideological hopes of Jewish elites. Connecting the emerging portrait of nineteenth-century Jewish laity with elite arguments for American Judaism, I reconsider Kohler's thought as a theological project out of step with his socioreligious milieu. Kohler is renowned for his theorizing of Judaism as a universal, ethical religion. As scholars have demonstrated repeatedly, defining Judaism as a “religion” was an important feature of Reform thought. What these accounts have insufficiently theorized, however, is the political context that ties the categorization of religion to the history of Orientalism that organized so many late nineteenth-century discussions of religion, Jewish and not. Drawing on work by Tracy Fessenden, John Modern, and Tisa Wenger, I show that Kohler's universal, cosmopolitan religion is a Jewish version of the Protestant secular. Like these Protestant modernists, Kohler defines Reform Judaism as a religion that supersedes an atavistic tribalism bound to materiality and ritual law. Being Jewish, for Kohler, means being civilized; reforming the soul of Judaism goes together with civilizing Jewish bodies and creating a Judaism that could civilize the world in an era in which religion and imperialism were overlapping interpretive projects with racial and gendered entanglements.
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Calvert, Isaac. "Holiness and Imitatio Dei: A Jewish Perspective on the Sanctity of Teaching and Learning." Religions 12, no. 1 (January 9, 2021): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12010043.
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Research in Jewish studies as well as key passages from Judaism’s sacred texts describe teaching and learning as being among the most important, efficacious and sacred of God’s commandments. However, while this description is well-documented, the specific dynamics of education’s role within a framework of Judaic holiness remains underexplored. This article first lays a thorough foundation of Judaic sanctity, illustrating a theistic axiom at its core surrounded by several peripheral elements, including connection to God, knowledge of God, holiness as invitation, reciprocal holiness, awakening sacred potentiality and, as the purpose and apex of the entire system, imitatio dei. Having illustrated imitatio dei as a culminating purpose atop the entire system of Judaic holiness, I describe how teaching and learning as prescribed in sacred Jewish texts can be a potent means of achieving this end. Considering that teaching and learning are called kaneged kulam, or equal to all the other commandments of Judaism combined, I argue that education conducted in sacred ways prescribed by Jewish scripture can be considered among Judaism’s most sacred commandments, as well as a most efficacious means of realizing imitatio dei within a Jewish frame.
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Calvert, Isaac. "Holiness and Imitatio Dei: A Jewish Perspective on the Sanctity of Teaching and Learning." Religions 12, no. 1 (January 9, 2021): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12010043.
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Research in Jewish studies as well as key passages from Judaism’s sacred texts describe teaching and learning as being among the most important, efficacious and sacred of God’s commandments. However, while this description is well-documented, the specific dynamics of education’s role within a framework of Judaic holiness remains underexplored. This article first lays a thorough foundation of Judaic sanctity, illustrating a theistic axiom at its core surrounded by several peripheral elements, including connection to God, knowledge of God, holiness as invitation, reciprocal holiness, awakening sacred potentiality and, as the purpose and apex of the entire system, imitatio dei. Having illustrated imitatio dei as a culminating purpose atop the entire system of Judaic holiness, I describe how teaching and learning as prescribed in sacred Jewish texts can be a potent means of achieving this end. Considering that teaching and learning are called kaneged kulam, or equal to all the other commandments of Judaism combined, I argue that education conducted in sacred ways prescribed by Jewish scripture can be considered among Judaism’s most sacred commandments, as well as a most efficacious means of realizing imitatio dei within a Jewish frame.
10
Formicki, Leandro. "A profecia e a glossolalia como fenômenos extáticos." REFLEXUS - Revista Semestral de Teologia e Ciências das Religiões 9, no. 14 (April 12, 2016): 367. http://dx.doi.org/10.20890/reflexus.v9i14.290.
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Esse artigo analisa o fenômeno da profecia e da glossolalia no Judaísmo do Segundo Templo, o qual, por um lado, sofreu as influências das tradições israelitas antigas e do Judaísmo do Segundo Templo e, por outro, as influências das tradições greco-romanas, embora em menor grau. O artigo mostra que a profecia e a glossolalia são fenômenos extáticos, no qual seu contexto mais próximo é o misticismo apocalíptico judaico. This paper analyzes the phenomenon of prophecy and glossolalia in Second Temple Judaism. On the one hand, this phenomenon was influenced by the Ancient Israelite traditions and Second Temple Judaism; on the other, it was influenced by Greco-Roman traditions, although in a lesser degree. The paper shows that the prophecy and glossolalia are ecstatic phenomena, and its context is the Jewish apocalyptic mysticism.
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Homolka, Walter. "Jewish theology and Jewish studies in Germany." Nordisk Judaistik/Scandinavian Jewish Studies 29, no. 2 (November 2, 2018): 26–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.30752/nj.70966.
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This article presents some insights into the German developments of studying Judaism and the Jewish tradition and relates them to the ongoing development of the subject at universities in the Nordic countries in general and Norway in particular. It also aims to present some conclusions concerning why it might be interesting for Norwegian society to intensify the study of Judaism at its universities.
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Power, Patricia A. "Blurring the Boundaries: American Messianic Jews and Gentiles." Nova Religio 15, no. 1 (August 1, 2011): 69–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nr.2011.15.1.69.
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Messianic Judaism is usually equated with Jews for Jesus, an overtly missionizing form of ethnically Jewish Evangelical Christianity that was born in the American counter-culture revolution of the 1970s. The ensuing and evolving hybrid blend of Judaism and Christianity that it birthed has evoked strong objections from both the American Jewish and mainline Christian communities. What begs an explanation, though, is how a Gentile Protestant missionary project to convert the Jews has become an ethnically Jewish movement to create community, continuity, and perhaps a new form of Judaism. This paper explores the way in which Messianic Jews have progressively exploited the space between two historically competitive socio-religious cultures in order to create an identity of their own in the American religious landscape. It also introduces Messianic Israelites, non-Jewish but sympathetic believers who are struggling with the implications of an ethnically divided church where Jews are the categorically privileged members.
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Oegema, Gerbern S. "Reformation and Judaism." Journal of the Council for Research on Religion 1, no. 2 (August 28, 2020): 20–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.26443/jcreor.v1i2.25.
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The topic of this paper is the complex and ambivalent relationship between the Reformed Churches and Judaism, moving from a kind of Philo-Semitism to Christian Zionism and support for the State of Israel on the one hand, to missionary movements among Jews to anti-Judaism, and the contribution to the horrors of the Holocaust on the other hand. In between the two extremes stands the respect for the Old Testament and the neglect of the Apocrypha and other early Jewish writings. The initial focus of this article will be on what Martin Luther and Jean Calvin wrote about Judaism at the beginning of the Reformation over 500 years ago. Secondly, the article will deal with the influence of mission activity toward Jews and the emergence of Liberal Judaism as both scholarship and theology in the nineteenth and first half of the twentieth centuries. Lastly, the article will address the question of how the Holocaust and subsequent Jewish-Christian dialogue have changed the course of this relationship.
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Rethelyi, Mari. "Hungarian Nationalism and the Origins of Neolog Judaism." Nova Religio 18, no. 2 (2014): 67–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nr.2014.18.2.67.
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The new religious movement of the Neolog Jews in Hungary argued for Jews’ acceptance into Hungarian society by articulating an ethnic identity compatible with that of Hungarians. Neolog Jews promoted nationalism by propagating an ethnic Oriental Jewish identity mirroring Hungarian nationalist identity. By negotiating a common identity, Neolog Jews hoped to achieve recognition as fellow Hungarians. The history of the Neologs is unique because a non-Semitic, ethno-nationalist definition of Jewish identity occurred only in Hungary. Neolog Judaism constitutes a significant religious group not only because of its isolated case of nationalist ethnic formation of Jewish identity, but also because it became the mainstream Jewish religious movement in Hungary.
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Magid, Shaul. "Loving Judaism through Christianity." Common Knowledge 26, no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 88–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/0961754x-7899599.
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This contribution to the Common Knowledge symposium on xenophilia examines the life choices of two Jews who loved Christianity. Elijah Zvi Soloveitchik, born into an ultra-Orthodox, nineteenth-century rabbinic dynasty in Lithuania, spent much of his life writing a Hebrew commentary on the Gospels in order to document and argue for the symmetry or symbiosis that he perceived between Judaism and Christianity. Oswald Rufeisen, from a twentieth-century secular Zionist background in Poland, converted to Catholicism during World War II, became a monk, and attempted to immigrate to Israel as a Jew in 1958. Rufeisen, while permitted to move to Israel to join a Carmelite monastery in Haifa, was denied the right to immediate citizenship of Israel which the Law of Return guarantees to all bona fide Jews. And this particular Soloveitchik has largely been forgotten, given the limits of Jewish interest in the New Testament and of Christian attention to rabbinic literature. This article explores the complex and vexing questions that the careers of these two men raise about the elusive distinctions between Judaism and Christianity, on the one hand, and, on the other, between the Jewish religion and Jewish national identity.
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Silva, Valmor Da, and Severino Celestino da Silva. "The Messiah in Judaism and Christianity." Caminhos 15, no. 2 (December 19, 2017): 249. http://dx.doi.org/10.18224/cam.v15i2.6035.
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Abstract: the article presents the different conceptions of Messiah in Judaism and in Christianity. Although present in other cultures and religions, the concept of messianism is defined in the Jewish religion, influenced mainly by contexts of crisis. Even if it is a fundamental concept, it is not always convergent. In the Hebrew Bible several messianisms were developed, with proposals of Messiah king, priest and prophet. The figure of David was fundamental in defining various types of messianism, but it was in the post-exile period or in the second temple that messianic ideas developed. At the beginning of the Christian era, the effervescence of messianic proposals sharpened popular expectations. Candidates for messiahs referred to the models of tradition, especially Moses as liberator, Aaron as priest, David as king and Judas Maccabee as military and politician. Christianity resumes texts and ideas about the Messiah, but changes the interpretation, concentrating it on the person of Jesus of Nazareth, called the Christ, the Anointed or the Messiah. Although Jesus embodies various traits of Jewish messianism, he privileges the image of the poor, servant, suffering, peacemaker, merciful and supportive Messiah in the struggle for justice. Despite the different understandings, Messianism must be a cause of common effort between Jews and Christians for peace and justice in the world.
O Messias no Judaísmo e no Cristianismo
Resumo: o artigo apresenta diferentes concepções de Messias no Judaísmo e no Cristianismo. Embora presente em outras culturas e religiões, o conceito de messianismo se define na religião judaica, influenciado sobretudo pelos contextos de crise. Mesmo se tratando de um conceito fundamental, ele nem sempre é convergente. Na Bíblia Hebraica, se desenvolveram vários messianismos, com propostas de Messias rei, sacerdote e profeta. A figura de Davi foi fundamental para definir diversos tipos de messianismo, mas foi no período do pós-exílio ou do segundo templo que as ideias messiânicas se desenvolveram. No início da era cristã, a efervescência de propostas messiânicas aguçava as expectativas populares. Candidatos a messias traziam como referência os modelos da tradição, principalmente Moisés como libertador, Aarão como sacerdote, Davi como rei e Judas Macabeu como político e militar. O Cristianismo retoma textos e ideias sobre o Messias, mas muda a interpretação, concentrando-a na pessoa de Jesus de Nazaré, chamado o Cristo, o Ungido ou o Messias. Embora Jesus encarne traços diversos do messianismo judaico, ele privilegia a imagem do Messias pobre, servo, sofredor, pacificador, misericordioso e solidário na luta pela justiça. Apesar das diferentes compreensões, o messianismo deve ser motivo de esforço comum entre judeus e cristãos, em vista da paz e da justiça no mundo.
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Luneva, Anna. "Transformation of Early Christian Ideas about Judaism (Based on the Analysis of Christian Polemic Literature of the II-III c. and its Historical and Cultural Context)." Tirosh. Jewish, Slavic & Oriental Studies 18 (2018): 30–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2658-3380.2018.18.1.2.
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II–III c. gave the world what is now called “Judaism” and “Christianity”. Two religions, which are now perceived as original and separate from each other, at that time had many intersection points. Christianity had not yet rid itself of its Jewish past, and in the Jewish environment there were many people who accepted Jesus’ messianism and converted to a new faith. However, more gentiles people in the II c. come to the Christian community, while the Jewish are closing themselves from the outside world. Christian literature directed against the Jews (Adversus Judaeos) contributed to this. Although studying the treatises created in this period from in different provinces of the Roman Empire, we can see how much more refined and reasoned these works become. However, it is evident that, in the process of the development of the Adversus Judaeos texts Christian authors rarely invest their own knowledge of Judaism, but only draw us the image of the Jew of that time, borrowing arguments from the writings of their predecessors. In this article we will trace the transformation of the image of the Jews and the emergence of the concept of “Judaism” in the Christian environment on the basis of three polemic works — Justin’s “Dialogue with Trypho” (mid-2nd c.), “On the Passover” by Melito (160–170) and Tertullian’s “Against the Jews” (2nd half of 3rd c). At the same time, the analysis of the historical and cultural context of the places there the treatises were created, shows that the extent to which the image of Judaism was perceived in the Christian anti-Judaic treatises was influenced by the position of these two communities in ancient society. Furthermore, the notion “Judaism” emerges in the Christian environment, which Christian authors counter posed to “Christianity”, creating a counterculture, through which they indicated the distinctive features of their religion, showed its advantage.
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Jeffcoat Schedtler, Justin P. "Perplexing Pseudepigraphy." Journal of Ancient Judaism 8, no. 1 (May 19, 2017): 69–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/21967954-00801005.
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The fragments of the “Pseudonymous Greek Poets” constitute a collection of genuine and spurious quotations of renowned Greek poets – Homer, Hesiod, Aeschylus, etc. – on topics current in Hellenistic Jewish philosophy. The functions of these fragments are most often considered in terms used to characterize Hellenistic Jewish literature more broadly, i. e.: missionary literature, an apologetic defense of Judaism for a non-Jewish audience, an affirmation of Judaism for a Jewish audience, or a testament to the superiority of Judaism in the Hellenistic world. Each of these readings is guided by the presumption that Jews viewed the Hellenistic world as a foreign entity in need of some degree of “assimilation,” “resistance,” or “reconciliation,” and that Hellenistic Jewish literature reflects this process. This paper undermines this premise, demonstrating that the pseudonymous Greek fragments functioned instead to situate Hellenistic Jewish principles – as well as those who shared them – as part and parcel of broader Hellenistic trajectories.
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Greenbaum, Avraham. "Trends in Judaism in the Soviet Union." Nationalities Papers 16, no. 2 (1988): 191–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905998808408081.
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The history of Judaism in the Soviet Union is not a happy one. The Soviet Union, in a policy reminiscent of the premodern age, has persecuted the Jewish religion and not—with the exception of the 1948-53 period—Jews as persons. This does not mean that there was not discrimination. Anti-Jewish discrimination began about 1944 and presumably still continues in spite of Gorbachev's reported attempts to ease it. But we see no clear signs that the purges of the thirties were directed at Jewish party members as such. Recent research also does not credit the once common belief that the liquidation of the “Evsektsiia” (Jewish sections of the Communist party) in 1930 was an anti-Jewish act.
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Kohler, George Y. "“The Pattern for Jewish Reformation”: The Impact of Lessing on Nineteenth-Century German Jewish Religious Thought." Harvard Theological Review 113, no. 2 (April 2020): 263–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816020000073.
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AbstractThe widespread Jewish sympathies for Lessing’s pre-Hegelian, pro-Jewish, progressive Deism from the Education of the Human Race spurred some Jewish authors to return to and discuss Lessing’s religious thought within the theological endeavors of the Wissenschaft des Judentums in nineteenth-century Germany. To be able to rely on Lessing, even retroactively, was welcome proof for Jewish Reformers that the humanistic approach to religious problems that stood at the very center of their project was at once Jewish and universal. It was the spirit of Lessing’s Education that was appropriated here for Judaism rather than Lessing’s letter. With Lessing in the camp of Reform Judaism the intended modernization of Judaism was safeguarded against the accusation of political and social egoism on the part of the Jews. It was the universal idea of religious progress that they shared with Lessing, not just the sloughing off of the yoke of outdated talmudic law.
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Herberger, Tyson. "Jews and Judaism in Norway today." Nordisk Judaistik/Scandinavian Jewish Studies 29, no. 2 (November 2, 2018): 36–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.30752/nj.70297.
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This address was given as part of a podium discussion on Judaism in Norway today held at the Jewish Museum in Oslo on 4 March 2018. Other participants in the panel were Rabbi Lynn Feinberg (Jewish Renewal movement), Rabbi Joav Melchior (Orthodox movement, current rabbi of Det Mosaiske Trossamfund in Oslo), Rabbi Shaul Wilhelm (Chabad shaliach in Oslo) and Professor Catherine Hezser (SOAS, London, and University of Oslo) as chair. The comments argue that Judaism in Norway is diverse and relatively unknown, with a majority of Jews in Norway probably being uncounted in current population estimates. As such there is no single experience of Norwegian Jewish identity.
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Mühlstein, Jan, Lea Muehlstein, and Jonathan Magonet. "The Return of Liberal Judaism to Germany." European Judaism 49, no. 1 (March 1, 2016): 44–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ej.2016.490105.
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AbstractThe German Jewish community established after World War Two was shaped by refugees from Eastern Europe, so the congregations they established were Orthodox. However, in 1995 independent Liberal Jewish initiatives started in half a dozen German cities. The story of Beth Shalom in Munich illustrates the stages of such a development beginning with the need for a Sunday school for Jewish families and experiments with monthly Shabbat services. The establishment of a congregation was helped by the support of the European Region of the World Union for Progressive Judaism and ongoing input from visiting rabbis. The twenty years since the founding of the congregation have also seen the creation of the Union of Progressive Jews in Germany, the successful political struggle for a share of the state funding for Jewish communities and the establishment of the first Jewish theological faculty in Germany.
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Weiss, Dov. "The Rabbinic God and Mediaeval Judaism." Currents in Biblical Research 15, no. 3 (June 2017): 369–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1476993x17698060.
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From the earliest stages of Wissenschaft des Judentums, scholars of Judaism typically read statements about God in the classical sources of Judaism with a mediaeval philosophical lens. By doing so, they sought to demonstrate the essential unity and continuity between rabbinic Judaism, later mediaeval Jewish philosophy and modern Judaism. In the late 1980s, the Maimonidean hold on rabbinic scholarship began to crack when the ‘revisionist school’ sought to drive a wedge between rabbinic Judaism, on the one hand, and Maimonidean Judaism, on the other hand, by highlighting the deep continuities and links between rabbinic Judaism and mediaeval Jewish mysticism (Kabbalah). The revisionist scholars regarded rabbinic Judaism as a pre-cursor to mediaeval Kabbalah rather than mediaeval Jewish philosophy. This article provides the history of scholarship on these two methods of reading rabbinic texts and then proposes that scholars adopt a third method. That is, building on the work of recent scholarship, we should confront theological rabbinic texts on their own terms, without the guiding hand of either mediaeval Jewish framework.
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Mancini, Susanna. "Supreme Court of the United Kingdom: To Be or Not To Be Jewish: The UK Supreme Court Answers the Question; Judgment of 16 December 2009, R v The Governing Body of JFS, 2009 UKSC 15." European Constitutional Law Review 6, no. 3 (October 2010): 481–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019610300071.
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On 16 December 2009, the UK Supreme Court held a state-funded Jewish school to be guilty of discrimination based on ethnic origin in the way it operated its admissions policies. The Jewish Free School (JFS), one of the top-performing schools in the country, refused a place to a thirteen year old boy, M., because it did not consider him Jewish. It is a fundamental tenet of traditional Judaism that to be Jewish one must be born of Jewish mother or to a woman who converted into Judaism prior to his/her birth. M.'s father was Jewish by birth, but his mother, who was originally an Italian Catholic, had converted to Judaism with the criteria set by a non-orthodox branch of Judaism. The School's admissions standards only recognized orthodox criteria for conversion as valid, hence deeming neither M. nor his mother to be Jewish.
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Jacobs, Jonathan A. "Judaism, Pluralism & Public Reason." Daedalus 149, no. 3 (July 2020): 170–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_01810.
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Central values of Judaism and the historical experience of Jews are sources of strong Jewish support for democracy, especially in the United States, where Jews did not have to wait for citizenship and rights to be conferred on them – and possibly withdrawn. Judaism is strongly committed to the political order in the United States and to the pluralistic, dynamic civil society it helps make possible. Jews have the freedoms that others have, and those freedoms resonate with fundamental Jewish values in ways that matter even to nonpracticing Jews. Moreover, there are reasons to regard the Constitution's nonestablishment neutrality as comparing very favorably with a notion of public reason as a political approach to the question of state and church relations. Neutrality does not impose upon or require bracketing of individuals' constitutive commitments and their conceptions of what matters most integrally to them. Public reason is vulnerable to that troubling possibility.
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Bilde, Per. "The Jews in the diaspora of the Roman empire." Nordisk Judaistik/Scandinavian Jewish Studies 14, no. 2 (September 1, 1993): 103–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.30752/nj.69502.
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There is little literary evidence and archaeological sources pointing to a high degree of contact partly in the sense of Hellenization of Judaism and partly in the sense of Jewish apologetics and Jewish influence on the non-Jewish world. But there is also evidence – the Jewish struggles and revolts and the Rabbinic literature – pointing in the opposite direction of conflict and isolation. In both the diaspora and in Palestine the Jews were involved in a tense and strained dialectic relationship with their non-Jewish fellow-citizens, and in both cases did this relationship produce significant events and important literature. As in other periods, the Jews in the Roman period formulated their beliefs and ideas, and reached their social positions by the way of various forms for dialectic interaction and communication with the non-Jewish world. They shaped their social, political, ethnic, religious and cultural identity in the process of exchange with the non-Jewish. Accordingly, in their relations with the non-Jewish world the Jews and Judaism were important parts of the on-going acculturation process in Hellenistic and Roman times.
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Libin, Nicole. "Jewish Constructivism." Axis Mundi 2, no. 1 (October 6, 2017): 1–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/axismundi68.
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Canepa, Andrew M. "Pius X and the Jews: A Reappraisal." Church History 61, no. 3 (September 1992): 362–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3168376.
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In standard Jewish reference works the figure of Pope Pius X has either been sorely neglected or has received a decidedly negative press. For the concise New Standard Jewish Encyclopedia, Pius X simply does not exist. The Universal Jewish Encyclopedia mentions rather cryptically that the pope was “better disposed” towards the Jews than had been his immediate predecessors. On the other hand, the monumental Encyclopaedia Judaica characterizes Pius as “disdainful of Judaism and the Jewish people.” Catholic biographies of this pontiff, essentially hagiographic, provide little or no insight into his relations with the Jews or his position on the Jewish question. However, as we shall attempt to argue, Giuseppe Sarto (1835–1914), who was elected pope in 1903 and canonized in 1954, maintained warm personal relationships with individual Jews throughout his ecclesiastical career, held a positive view of the Jewish character, defended the Jewish people against defamation and violence, and was instrumental in halting a twenty-year-old antisemitic campaign that had previously been waged in Italy by the clerical party.
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Perkins, Pheme. "IF JERUSALEM STOOD: THE DESTRUCTION OF JERUSALEM AND CHRISTIAN ANTI-JUDAISM." Biblical Interpretation 8, no. 1-2 (2000): 194–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156851500750119178.
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AbstractAsking what would have been the case had the Jewish War of 66-70 CE not ended with the destruction of the Temple demonstrates the momentous consequences of those events for the history of Christianity and of anti-Judaism in Western culture. That the war might not have occurred or might have been nipped in the bud is a consensus view of Jewish, Roman and primitive Christian authors. That its consequences fueled a perception of Jews as abominable or rightly abandoned by their own God can be documented in both Roman and Christian texts. But the most disastrous consequence of the events of 66-70 CE was the anti-Judaism which is embedded in the Christian imagination through the canonical Gospels. Their accounts of the divinely authorized breech between followers of Jesus messiah and fellow Jews would never have been credible had moderate Jewish voices quelled the rebellion. Christianity would have remained a Jewish movement which incorporated Gentiles into God's people and anti-Judaism would not have been inscribed on the Western imagination.
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Novak, David. "Karl Barth on Divine Command: A Jewish Response." Scottish Journal of Theology 54, no. 4 (November 2001): 463–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930600051772.
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Usually one does not include Karl Barth in contemporary Jewish-Christian dialogue. Unlike his Protestant theological contemporaries, Paul Tillich and Reinhold Niebuhr, there in no evidence that during his long theological career Barth had any real contact with Jewish thinkers. The only contemporary Jewish thinker whom he engages, to my knowledge, is Martin Buber, but in his magnum opus, Church Dogmatics, Buber is discussed almost en passent and with a rather hurried dismissal. Barth's relations with Judaism are seriously complicated, but one gets the impression from reading what he says about Judaism that he is doing typology, engaging a type already created in his mind largely by Paul and those who followed in his path. He does not seem to be dealing with Judaism as a living tradition, indeed a current rival religious option to Christianity. After all, how can one engage Judaism as a living tradition, let alone as a current rival, if one has no serious contact with living Jews during the most productive years of one's thought? For that reason it would seem an engagement of Barth's thought by a contemporary Jewish theologian could only be, at most, an arcane academic exercise having no real Jewish significance.
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TAMMES, PETER. "Residential segregation of Jews in Amsterdam on the eve of the Shoah." Continuity and Change 26, no. 2 (August 2011): 243–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0268416011000129.
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ABSTRACTWhile previous studies showed a drop in residential segregation over time, calculated dissimilarity and isolation indices for 1941 show a halt in the decreasing segregation among Jews in Amsterdam. Furthermore, persons of Jewish origin who had left Judaism appear to have lived mainly in different districts from those who belonged to Jewish congregations, indicating that district of residence can serve as a reflection of the assimilation process. Moreover, analyses of life histories of about 700 Jewish persons show that being born outside the Jewish neighbourhood increased the likelihood that an individual would leave Judaism, while living outside the Jewish neighbourhood during adolescence increased the likelihood of marrying a Gentile; these results refine our understanding of the impact of residential segregation.
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Utterback, Kristine T. "“Conversi” Revert: Voluntary and Forced Return to Judaism in the Early Fourteenth Century." Church History 64, no. 1 (March 1995): 16–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3168654.
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Forced to choose between conversion and death, many medieval Jews chose to be baptized as Christians. While not all Jews in Western Europe faced such stark choices, during the fourteenth century pressure increased on the Jewish minority to join the Christian majority. Economic, social, and political barriers to Jews often made conversion a necessity or at least an advantage, exerting a degree of coercion even without brute force. Once baptized these new Christians, called conversi, were required to abandon their Jewish practices entirely. But what kind of life actually awaited these converts? In the abstract, the converts had clear options: they could either remain Christians or return to judaism. Reality would surely reveal a range of possibilities, however, as these conversi tried to live out their conversion or to reject it without running afoul of the authorities. While the dominant Christian culture undoubtedly exerted pressure to convert, Jews did not necessarily sit idly by while their people approached the baptismal font. Some conversi felt contrary pressure to take up Judaism again. In the most extreme cases, conversi who reverted to Judaism faced death as well. This paper examines forces exerted on Jewish converts to Christianity to return to Judaism, using examples from France and northern Spain in the first half of the fourteenth century.
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Rothenberg, Celia E. "American Metaphysical Judaism." Nova Religio 17, no. 2 (February 2013): 24–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nr.2013.17.2.24.
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American metaphysical Judaism draws on traditional Jewish practices and texts as well as the American metaphysical religious tradition. This article challenges the relegation of American metaphysical Judaism to the category “New Age Judaism” and opens the door to exploring this area of religious expression in its historical and current forms. Drawing on my fieldwork with, and the writings of, rabbi and shaman Gershon Winkler, I offer an ethnographic exploration of Winkler’s life and religious practice as an example of American metaphysical Judaism. Winkler reads Hebrew scriptures through his “shamanic” lens, looking for what he claims has been lost, overlooked or misinterpreted in traditional Jewish interpretations; focuses on healing through manipulation of energy and “flow;” and incorporates (his construction of) Native American religious practice and insight. I argue that metaphysical Judaism should be understood as a product of American values, metaphysical spirituality and Jewish history and thought.
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Karanaev, Mikhail. "Marriage Prohibitions in the Hasmoneans’ Dynastic Politics." Slavic & Jewish Cultures: Dialogue, Similarities, Differences, no. 2018 (2018): 43–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2658-3356.2018.4.
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The article describes the marriage prohibitions in the Hasmonean state’s dynastic policy (II–I centuries BC). The Jewish rulers had a very strict approach in choosing a partner. The main criteria were ritual purity and good origin (by the Judaic norms), as well as belonging to the Jewish elite. During the last rulers of an independent state of the Hasmoneans (Aristobul II and Hyrkanus II) there was a transition to consanguineous marriages. One of the reasons is the influence of the Hellenistic tradition, in which such marriages are normal. In Judaism there are prohibitions on incest, but the Hasmoneans were able to meet the standards of Judaism (marriage with a cousin). Such a policy is an excellent example of the specificity of the Hasmonean dynasty: to follow the norms of Judaism, while being in the context of the common Hellenistic paradigm.
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Dunn, Samuel L., and Joshua D. Jensen. "Judaism and Jewish Business Practices." International Journal of Business Administration 9, no. 4 (June 13, 2018): 73. http://dx.doi.org/10.5430/ijba.v9n4p73.
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Today’s global business environment is extremely diverse. With the business tools and resources that are available today, organizations of any size can create a global footprint easier than ever before. Today’s business professionals must be educated and trained in how to effectively interact with multiple cultures in order to successfully navigate the global business environment. Knowledge, acceptance, and appreciation of various cultures along with a fervent understanding of business practices in various cultures is required of the 21st century global business professional. This paper focuses on Jewish culture and how it manifests itself through Jewish business practices. The purpose of this paper is to give the reader a basic understanding of the principal branches of Judaism, a history of Judaism, an explanation of Jewish beliefs, and an introduction to Jewish business practices in hopes that further study will be elicited.
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Fagenblat, Michael. "Response." AJS Review 35, no. 1 (April 2011): 115–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009411000109.
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My reading of Levinas's magnificent philosophical works, Totality and Infinity and Otherwise than Being is based on two primary convictions. The first is that Levinas's philosophical works, in which he addresses and enjoins people without regard for identity (without regard for peoplehood and law), were produced out of strong readings of the Judaic tradition. Samuel Moyn showed how deeply Levinas was nurtured by interwar Protestant philosophical theology, and I sought to show that it was also possible to read Levinas's philosophy through the rabbinic tradition. Whereas Moyn's outstanding work shrugged off Levinas's Judaism as an “invention,” I regard Levinas as a midrashic philosopher whose account of ethics amounts to a non-Jewish Judaism—non-Jewish since it is addressed to anyone, yet Judaism since, in my view, it is midrashically determined from the ground up. Most of the book attempts to show how Levinas's philosophy works as a reading of core concepts from the Judaic tradition and thereby as a phenomenological midrash of biblical, rabbinic, and Maimonidean texts, all of which Levinas knew well.
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Feldman, Rachel Z. "The Children of Noah." Nova Religio 22, no. 1 (August 1, 2018): 115–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nr.2018.22.1.115.
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Today, nearly 2,000 Filipinos consider themselves members of the “Children of Noah,” a new Judaic faith that is growing into the tens of thousands worldwide as ex-Christians encounter forms of Jewish learning online. Under the tutelage of Orthodox Jewish rabbis, Filipino “Noahides,” as they call themselves, study Torah, observe the Sabbath, and passionately support a form of messianic Zionism. Filipino Noahides believe that Jews are a racially superior people, with an innate ability to access divinity. According to their rabbi mentors, they are forbidden from performing Jewish rituals and even reading certain Jewish texts. These restrictions have necessitated the creation of new, distinctly Noahide ritual practices and prayers modeled after Jewish ones. Filipino Noahides are practicing a new faith that also affirms the superiority of Judaism and Jewish biblical right to the Land of Israel, in line with the aims of the growing messianic Third Temple Movement in Jerusalem.
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Arkush, Allan. "Theocracy, Liberalism, and Modern Judaism." Review of Politics 71, no. 4 (2009): 637–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670509990726.
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AbstractThe paper examines the efforts of several Jewish thinkers to cope with the discrepancy between the inherently theocratic principles of their religion and the modern, liberal ideas with which they wished to bring Judaism into harmony. It focuses first on Moses Mendelssohn's attempt at the end of the eighteenth century to provide a rationale for the dissolution of Judaism's coercive, collectivist dimension and to render the Jewish religion fully compatible, in practice, with liberalism. The next major focus is the recent work of David Novak, who has sought in different ways to show how one can proceed from traditional Jewish premises to the endorsement of nonliberal political arrangements that nonetheless preserve the best of liberalism's achievements. The final focus is on the Israeli religious thinker Isaiah Leibowitz's widely celebrated but in principle merely provisional relinquishment of the theocratic idea.
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Kurtz, Paul Michael. "Defining Hellenistic Jews in Nineteenth-Century Germany: The Case of Jacob Bernays and Jacob Freudenthal." Erudition and the Republic of Letters 5, no. 3 (July 30, 2020): 308–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24055069-00503003.
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Hellenic language and culture occupy a deeply ambivalent place in the mapping of Jewish history. If the entanglement of the Jewish and the Greek became especially conflicted for modern Jews in philhellenic Europe, nowhere was it more vexed than in the German-speaking lands of the long nineteenth century. Amidst the modern redefinition of what it meant to be Jewish as well as doubts about the genuine Jewishness of Hellenistic Judaism, how did scholars identify Jewish authorship behind ambiguous, fragmented, and interpolated texts – all the more with much of the Hebraic allegedly deprived by the Hellenic? This article not only argues for the contingency of diagnostic features deployed to define the Jewish amidst the Greek but also maintains the embeddedness of those features in nineteenth-century Germany. It scrutinizes the criteria deployed to establish Jewish texts and authors of the Hellenistic period: the claims and qualities assumedly suggestive of Judaism. First, the inquiry investigates which characteristics German Jewish scholars expected to see in Greek-speaking Jewish writers of antiquity, interrogating their procedures and their verdicts. Second, it examines how these expectations of antiquity corresponded to those scholars’ own modern world. The analysis centers on Jacob Bernays (1824–1881) and Jacob Freudenthal (1839–1907), two savants who helped establish the modern study of Hellenistic Judaism. Each overturned centuries of learned consensus by establishing an ancient author – Pseudo-Phocylides and Eupolemus, respectively – as Jewish, rather than Christian or pagan. This article ultimately reveals the subtle entanglements as well as the mutually conditioning forces not only of antiquity and modernity but also of the personal and academic, manifest both in the philological analysis of ancient texts and in the larger historiography of antique Judaism in the Graecophone world.
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Galron-Goldschlager, Joseph. "Library of Congress Subject Headings in Jewish Studies: Recent Changes (1992-1994)." Judaica Librarianship 8, no. 1 (September 1, 1994): 73–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.14263/2330-2976.1234.
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The following subject headings of interest to Judaica and Hebraica librarians were culled from Library of Congress Weekly Lists nos. 21–51 (1992) (May 20, 1992–December 16, 1992), 1–51 (1993) (December 30, 1992–December 15, 1993), and 1–5 (1994) (January 5, 1994–February 2, 1994).
This list continues my earlier one, published in Judaica Librarianship, vol. 7, no. 1–2 (Spring 1992–Winter 1993), pp. 72–78. This list is also an update of my 4th edition of Library of Congress Subject Headings in Jewish Studies (New York: Association of Jewish Libraries, 1993).
The term "Jewish Studies" is defined broadly and includes Old and New Testament studies, rabbinical literature , Hebrew and other Jewish languages, Hebrew and other Jewish literatures, Jewish history (including history of the Jews in the Diaspora), Israeli history (including current events in the Land of Israel), geography of the Land of Israel, history of the early Near East (Assyria, Babylonia, etc.), and more. The list also includes headings that may be subdivided with the Religious aspects-Judaism subdivision and with the Religious aspects subdivision that may not be subdivided further.
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Rudavsky, T. M. "Philosophical Cosmology in Judaism." Early Science and Medicine 2, no. 2 (1997): 149–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338297x00104.
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AbstractIn this paper I shall examine the philosophical cosmology of medieval Jewish thinkers as developed against the backdrop of their views on time and creation. I shall concentrate upon the Neoplatonic and Aristotelian traditions, with a particular eye to the interweaving of astronomy, cosmology and temporality. This interweaving occurs in part because of the influence of Greek cosmological and astronomical texts upon Jewish philosophers. The tension between astronomy and cosmology is best seen in Maimonides' discussion of creation. Gersonides, on the other hand, is more willing to incorporate astronomical material into his cosmological thinking. By examining these motifs, we shall arrive at a greater understanding of the dimension of temporality within Jewish philosophy.
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Gerber. "Arguing Judaism, Negotiating Jewish Identity." Journal of American Ethnic History 31, no. 1 (2011): 74. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/jamerethnhist.31.1.0074.
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Magonet, Jonathan. "Post-War Progressive Judaism in Europe." European Judaism 49, no. 1 (March 1, 2016): 57–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ej.2016.490107.
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AbstractAlready in 1946 Rabbi Dr Leo Baeck advocated that alongside the rebuilding of congregations in post-war Europe, what he termed ‘little Judaism’, there was a need for a ‘greater Judaism’ – Jewish engagement with the wider issues of society: ‘We are Jews also for the sake of humanity’. In 1949 he also expressed the need for a dialogue with Islam. A variety of events and activities represent early attempts to meet these dual concerns. In 1997 at the first post-war, full-scale conference of the European Board of the World Union for Progressive Judaism in Germany, in Munich, Diana Pinto noted that despite long-standing fears that the European diaspora was doomed to disappear, changes in a European self-understanding had helped create an ‘ever more vibrant Jewish space’. Almost twenty years on from then, particularly with the rise of anti-Semitism and terrorist attacks, the mood amongst European Jews has become less optimistic.
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Robyn, Elisa. "Judaism and Evolutionary Astrology: Insights from a Jewish Astrologer." Socio-Historical Examination of Religion and Ministry 2, no. 1 (March 27, 2020): 218–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.33929/sherm.2020.vol2.no1.10.
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While the Torah instructs Jews not to practice soothsaying or divination, the Talmud includes several discussions about the power of astrology with many Rabbis even arguing that the use of astrology is both permitted and meaningful. Add to this discrepancy the numerous astrological mosaics on the floors of ancient synagogues, as well as certain Kabbalistic practices, and it becomes clear why there is confusion within the Jewish community. This article examines Jewish perspectives on evolutionary astrology throughout Jewish history and its link to current mystical applications.
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RICCI, RONIT. "A Jew on Java, a Model Malay Rabbi and a Tamil Torah Scholar: Representations of Abdullah Ibnu Salam in the Book of One Thousand Questions." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 18, no. 4 (October 2008): 481–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s135618630800864x.
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In contrast to many regions of the Middle East, where Jewish communities existed at the time of the Prophet and throughout the centuries following his death, the Tamil region of south India and the Indonesian-Malay world lacked such populations. The absence of Jewish communities did not, however, imply a complete unfamiliarity with Jews and Judaism. Rather, their image emerged from a variety of textual sources in lieu of direct encounters. In addition to their depictions in the Qur'an and hadith literature, Jewish figures occasionally appeared in texts produced in these regions' local languages. The Book of One Thousand Questions, composed in Arabic and translated thereafter into many languages – including Javanese, Malay and Tamil – offers a glimpse to portrayals of Jews and Judaism in lands where their actual presence was virtually unknown.
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Synek, Eva M. "The Legal Context of the Findings of Limyra." Journal of Ancient Judaism 5, no. 2 (May 14, 2014): 245–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/21967954-00502010.
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This article surveys both canon and imperial law for legislation regarding Jews and Judaism until the 8th cent. C. E. Judaism was recognized by Roman law as a religio licita and Jewish rights were thus protected. But with the rise of Christianity to the official religion of the Roman empire imperial legislation disadvantaged Jews increasingly. Nevertheless Judaism remained a religio licita and different from pagans or heretics, Jews retained certain rights and a limited protection of the Roman state. The legislative situation in Roman imperial law reflects Christian canon law.
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Teipen, Alfons. "Jews in Early Biographies of Muḥammad: A Case Study in Shifting Muslim Understandings of Judaism." Journal of the American Academy of Religion 88, no. 2 (April 15, 2020): 543–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jaarel/lfaa019.
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Abstract Almost from its beginning, adherents of Islam were in competition with those of Judaism, yet the extent and intensity of that competition is portrayed differently in the earliest extant sources. Although in biblical studies there is by now a broad consensus that the synoptic gospels reflect different interpretations of the life of Jesus among the early Jesus movements, analogous realizations have still to fully take root in studies about the Life of Muḥammad. Minor differences in the portrayal of Jews in biographies of Muḥammad indicate a shifting understanding of Muslim-Jewish relations: whereas initially Jewish voices were needed to legitimize the new Arabian prophet, accusations from Christian apologists that Islam was a “new Judaism” led Muslims to take their distance from that religion. Muslim historians adapted Christian anti-Jewish canards of treachery and “propheticide” (analogous to deicide) to emphasize such distance. Early Muslim biographies of Muḥammad are thus witnesses to a complicated history of relationships between adherents of Islam and those of Judaism in late antiquity.
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Yoshiko Reed, Annette. "Was there science in ancient Judaism? Historical and cross-cultural reflections on "religion" and "science"." Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses 36, no. 3-4 (September 2007): 461–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000842980703600303.
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This article considers the place of scientific inquiry in ancient Judaism with a focus on astronomy and cosmology. It explores how ancient Jews used biblical interpretation to situate "scientific" knowledge in relation to "religious" concerns. In the Second Temple period (538 B.C.E.-70 C.E.) biblical interpretation is often used to integrate insights from Mesopotamian and Greek scientific traditions. In classical rabbinic Judaism (70-600 C.E.) astronomy became marked as an esoteric discipline, and cosmology is understood in terms of Ma'aseh Bereshit, a category that blurs the boundaries between "science" and "religion." Whereas modern thinkers often see Judaism and "science" as incompatible, medieval Jewish thinkers built on these ancient traditions; some even viewed themselves as heirs to a Jewish intellectual tradition that included astronomy, cosmology, medicine and mathematics.
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Gribetz, Sarit Kattan, and Lynn Kaye. "The Temporal Turn in Ancient Judaism and Jewish Studies." Currents in Biblical Research 17, no. 3 (April 23, 2019): 332–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1476993x19833309.
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Despite the apparent finality of Heschel’s pronouncement, in 1951, that Judaism is a ‘religion of time’, the past two decades have seen renewed scholarly interest in the relationship between time, time-keeping, and forms of temporality in Jewish culture. This vibrant engagement with time and temporality in Jewish studies is not an isolated phenomenon. It participates in a broader interdisciplinary examination of time across the arts, humanities and sciences, both in the academy and beyond it. The current article outlines the innovative approaches of this ‘temporal turn’ within ancient Judaism and Jewish studies and reflects on why time has become such an important topic of research in recent years. We address a number of questions: What are the trends in recent work on time and temporality in the fields of ancient Judaism and Jewish studies? What new insights into the study of Judaism have emerged as a result of this focus on time? What reasons (academic, historiographical, technological and geopolitical) underpin this interest in time in such a wide variety of disciplines? And finally, what are some new avenues for exploration in this growing field at the intersection of time and Jewish studies? The article identifies trends and discusses key works in the broad field of Jewish studies, while providing more specific surveys of particular developments in the fields of Second Temple Judaism, Qumran and the Dead Sea Scrolls, rabbinic literature, and some medieval Jewish sources.
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Batnitzky, Leora. "Between Ancestry and Belief: “Judaism” and “Hinduism” in the Nineteenth Century." Modern Judaism - A Journal of Jewish Ideas and Experience 41, no. 2 (April 5, 2021): 194–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/mj/kjab001.
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Abstract This article argues that thinking about disputed conceptions of religious conversion helps us understand the emergence of both Jewish and Indian nationalism in the nineteenth century. In today’s world, Hindu nationalism and Zionism are most often understood to be in conflict with various forms of Islamism, yet the ideological formations of both developed in the context of Christian colonialism and, from the perspectives of Jewish and Indian reformers and nationalists, the remaking of Hinduism and Judaism in the image of Christianity. Even as they internalized some aspects of Protestant criticisms of “Judaism” and “Hinduism,” nineteenth century Jewish and Hindu reformers opposed definitions of “Judaism” and “Hinduism” based upon what they regarded as a one-sided emphasis on individual belief at the expense of ancestry and national identity. In making arguments about what constituted “Judaism” and “Hinduism” respectively, Jewish and Hindu reformers also rejected what they claimed was the false universalism of Christianity, as epitomized by Christian missionizing. For Jewish and Hindu reformers of the nineteenth century, “Jewish” and “Hindu” ties to ancestry marked not a parochial intolerance of others, as many Christians had long maintained, but a true universalism that, unlike Christian missionizing, allowed, promoted and embraced human difference. In these ways, contested characterizations of “Judaism” and “Hinduism” in the nineteenth century set in motion a series of arguments about conversion that became central to Jewish and Indian nationalism, some of which remain relevant for understanding conversion controversies in Israel and India today.