Journal articles on the topic 'Joseph Napoléon'

Instauré en 1852, le projet de musée de l’institut canadien de Montréal bénéficie de présents (moulages de sculptures) faits par les musées impériaux de France et le prince Napoléon (estampes), ainsi que de spécimens de sciences naturelles venus du Canada et de pays étrangers. Ajoutons des pièces de numismatique et des souvenirs historiques et le profil hétéroclite de cette collection se dessine. Son objectif : servir « les idées de progrès et de liberté » qui étaient au cœur de la mission de l’institut canadien. L’histoire de ce musée (1852-1882) est relatée à travers les efforts et la pensée des figures de deux de ses défenseurs les plus énergiques : Joseph-Guillaume Barthe et Gonzalve Doutre. elle est présentée comme emblématique de la pratique de la muséologie au Québec au XIXe siècle.

Résumé La science-fiction, au moment où elle était en passe de se constituer comme genre, s'est articulée à diverses formes discursives déjà bien instituées : récit de voyage imaginaire, conte philosophique, vulgarisation, etc. Cette effervescence interdiscursive de la « proto-science-fiction » s'est aussi accompagnée d'articulations intertextuelles, comme le montrent deux précurseurs de la science-fiction québécoise, « Mon voyage à la Lune » (1839) de Napoléon Aubin et « Lettre écrite de la Lune » (1911) de Louis-Joseph Doucet, qui se placent dans la mouvance, respectivement, de L'autre monde de Cyrano de Bergerac et du De la Terre à la Lune de Verne. Un examen de ces textes permet de montrer, à travers la transformation du rapport à leurs « modèles », la lente mise en place d'un espace générique cristallisé mais mouvant.

A set of major old-master paintings looted from Spanish Royal Collections, including important canvases by Velázquez (fig. 1), Correggio, and others, was discovered in Joseph Bonaparte's baggage, abandoned along with the rest of his property as he fled from the Battle of Vitoria, which ended his tumultuous five-year reign as king of Spain in 1813. Years later the duke of Wellington offered to return the collection to the restored monarch. But Ferdinand VII—who owed his throne to the duke's victories—refused to take it. What in its day would have been called the return to legitimacy, the restoration of the Bourbon line after the defeat of Napoléon, did not result in the restitution of Napoleonic loot. The works remain at Apsley House, the duke's home in London, where they have been on display in the Waterloo Gallery since 1819, a usurper's booty transformed by its history into an emblem of royal generosity, gratitude, and military prowess (fig. 2). The collection is now part of the museum officially established at the duke's residence in 1947, following another European military cataclysm in which Britain prevailed.

Titulaire, depuis 1988, du quatrième fauteuil de la Société des Dix, Roger Le Moine est décédé le 12 juillet 2004, à l'âge de 70 ans. Dans cet hommage en forme de témoignage, Bernard Andrès rappelle la carrière et les travaux de notre confrère. Cette esquisse d'un portrait intellectuel retrace l'engagement de Roger Le Moine dans la recherche sur la Nouvelle-France, mais surtout sur le XIXe siècle canadien. Qu'il s'agisse de travaux sur la noblesse, sur la bourgeoisie, ou sur des auteurs particuliers, Roger Le Moine s'est forgé une méthode axée sur l'étude des sources, la sociocritique, la psycho-critique et la généalogie. Cette dernière vise moins les individus que les groupes sociaux dont ils sont issus et qu'ils contribuent à transformer par une vision du monde souvent progressiste. Réfractaire à la théorie et aux grands systèmes, Roger Le Moine n'avait pas moins une vision synthétique de la société québécoise. Attaché surtout à des personnages rebelles ou marginalisés, Roger Le Moine s'est employé à les sortir de l'ombre et à contextualiser leurs oeuvres, en tirant profit de son érudition et de ses connaissances approfondies des milieux et des réseaux socioculturels. Ses publications sur la franc-maçonnerie canadienne resteront une référence incontournable. On retiendra de ce chercheur indépendant et généreux ses contributions déterminantes sur Joseph Marmette, Napoléon Bourassa, Louis-Joseph Papineau et Félicité Angers, mais aussi sur des parents à lui ou des aïeux qui ont marqué leur temps, comme James McPherson Le Moine et Félix-Antoine Savard. Charlevoisien de coeur, Roger Le Moine a partagé sa vie entre son université (d'Ottawa) et sa région de prédilection: Saint-Fidèle et La Malbaie. L'article de Bernard Andrès retrace un tel parcours en citant de nombreux extraits de l'oeuvre de notre confrère.

The article analyzes the main stages of the origin and formation of gymnastics events in France since the beginning of the XIX century to 1942 on the basis of the works of leading French scientists. The development of gymnastics in France does not attract much attention of Ukrainian specialists whose scientific interests are related to the study of physical education and sports in European countries, so the practical issues of our research will complement and expand the relevant courses on the history of physical education for students in Ukraine. The purpose of the article is to study the main historical aspects of the development of gymnastics events in France. To achieve it, the following tasks should be performed: to analyze the literature on research issues; to identify key dates in the history of gymnastics in France; to describe the role of personalities who have contributed most to the evolution of the field in this country. According to the results of the study, we conclude that the greatest influence on the development of gymnastics in France since the beginning of the XIX century to 1942 was made by Francisco Amorós, Napoléon Laisné, Eugène Paz, Charles Cazalet, Joseph Sansbœuf, Georges Demenÿ, Philippe Auguste Tissié. In the middle of the XIX century the institutionalization of gymnastics took place at the level of hospitals (1847), military services (1852) and school (1854). In the last quarter of the XIX century, physical education became a compulsory subject in primary and secondary schools for boys and girls. The Union of Gymnastics Societies of France was founded September 28, 1873 by Eugène Paz. In 1942, it was merged with the French Womenʼs Gymnastics and Physical Education Federation, which formed French Gymnastics Federation. French gymnasts since the beginning of Olympic Games in Paris (1900) have always shown consistently high results at competitions and tournaments of various scales, but since the 1930s it has begun to decline. Our further research will focus on a thorough study of the history of womenʼs gymnastics in France as well as the evolution of this sport in the period since 1942 to 2022.

Autobiographical note (Sinan). Loris-Melikov. Joseph Orbeli. Night under the sky of Ani. Churchill. Napoleon. Clairvoyant (Rasputin). Columbus and the Queen of Spain in a letter to each other. Brothers of Goncourt (remark).

Nada más llegar a España, lo primero que hizo José Napoleón I fue establecer una reglamentación nueva para la Casa Real. Con ello pretendía fortalecer las figuras de su entorno más cercano en un deseo de dotarlas de un especial papel en el entorno propagandístico y legitimador que pretendía crear y que le dotaría de los mejores elementos visuales con los que presentarse ante la población._______________________Upon arrival in Spain, the first thing that José Napoleón I did was to establish a new regulation for the Royal Household. With this he intended to strengthen the figures of his closest environment in a desire to give them a special role in the propaganda and legitimating environment that he intended to create and that would provide him with the best visual elements with which to present himself to the population.

The paper deals with the emergence of the conservative patriotic myth issue in Austria between 1805 and 1819. During this period, the Austrian Empire went through transformation from reformist discussions to establishing the conservative political system by the chancellor Metternich. The patriotism of that time was based on the ideas presented by Friedrich von Gentz, Joseph von Hormayr, and Adam Müller. They justified the common identity for Habsburg subjects in philosophical, historical and political senses, regardless of their ethnic and language backgrounds. The purpose of a new myth was to support loyalty to the ruling dynasty during the Napoleonic wars and to create a conservative political course. The purpose of the paper is to analyze the core elements of the conservative patriotic myth in Habsburg monarchy presented in the works by Friedrich von Gentz, Joseph von Hormayr and Adam Müller published between 1805 and 1819. The ideas of those intellectuals effected the change of political course and foreign policy of the Austrian Empire. After the downfall of Napoleon, the ideas of all three intellectuals became a justification for the Metternich course in Austria. The complex of narratives, texts and ideas with social function had a deep impact on the political development of Austria, the political culture of Austrian Germans and non-Germanic peoples of the Empire until its collapse. It had a correlation with Romanticism in public opinion and repressions against anti-monarchist and nationalist movements. It also became a basis for Austrian conservatism as a political ideology.

This paper considers an attempt at forming imperial identity in Austria in the early nineteenth century by means of constructing historical memory. The re-interpretation of the past for the sake of promoting dynastic patriotism can be most clearly seen in Joseph Hormayr’s Österreichischer Plutarch, a work which was aimed at creating an “All-Austrian Pantheon” and contributed a lot to mobilising the peoples of the empire to fight against Napoleon. Цsterreichischer Plutarch and its role in forming the historical memory and supranational identity of the Habsburg Empire between 1804 and 1815 have not been studied closely in Russian historiography. The author of the paper attempts to analyse the concept of Austrian history as a multinational state provided in the work. Besides, he assesses the influence of the work on the political discourse of the Habsburg monarchy paying close attention to the formation of identity by means of historical memory, and the methods for multinational state image integration into historical context. The analysis helps establish that Hormayr’s narrative became a means of constructing the supranational identity in the Habsburg monarchy, and the basis for the formation of conservatism and romanticism in Austria. Österreichischer Plutarch became a turning point for common historical memory touching upon the identity of all peoples living in the Habsburg monarchy. The concept found its place in conservative propaganda and education in the Empire. The image of Austria as a “family of peoples” found in the work is presented as historically motivated, having its own logic and the purpose to counter external threats. These results retained the same meaning even after Hormayr changed his political views.

Joseph (Giuseppe or Józef) Poniatowski (1816–1873), Polish prince, singer, opera composer and politician, spent all his life abroad: firstly in Italy, then in France and, finally, in England. His artistic output comprises twelve operas composed between 1839 and 1872; nine of them to Italian and three to French texts. Being an amateur composer, he notwithstanding succeeded in staging his operas in many operatic theatres of renown, including La Scala, Covent Garden, Teatro San Carlo, Teatro La Fenice and the Paris Opéra. The paper presents the composer’s output in the social and political contexts of his times. Prince Poniatowski started his international career as a plenipotentiary minister of Tuscany in Paris, London and Brussels; then he settled down in Paris and became a French citizen and even a French senator. He enjoyed the close friendship of Napoleon III with whom he went into exile to England after the Sedan defeat. In all of his three domiciles he presented his operas to the audiences. However, as shown by the press reviews, their reception changed from appreciation to indifference, which was caused by the different political and social backgrounds in the particular countries.

On August 21, 1861, Bishop Auguste Marie Martin of Natchitoches, Louisiana, issued a pastoral letter “on the occasion of the War of Southern Independence.” In it, Martin argued that slavery was “the manifest will of God.” It was the will of God for Catholics to continue “snatching from the barbarity of their ferocious customs thousands of children of the race of Canaan,” the cursed progeny of Noah. It was also the obligation of Catholics to repudiate abolitionists for “upset[ting] the will of Providence” and misusing “His merciful plans for unrighteous actions.” Father Napoleon Joseph Perché, coadjutor of the Archdiocese of New Orleans, submitted his approval of Martin's pastoral statement by printing it in the Catholic newspaper Le Propagateur Catholique. Three years later, the Roman Congregation of the Index issued a statement condemning the opinions espoused by Martin and approved by the French ecclesiastical leadership of New Orleans. The Index was Pope Pius IX's organization in charge of censoring ideas deemed unacceptable to Catholic doctrine. The Index argued against Martin's proposition “that there exists a natural difference between negroes and whites,” and that God sanctioned slavery as a means of redeeming Africans.

The article presents an overview of epistolary heritage and other documents of French thinker, diplomat, and writer Joseph de Maistre, which are stored in the Archive of Savoy (Chambery, France). The Savoy Archive is a major research center which contains in its personal provenance fonds correspondence, essays, notes, and dispatches of J. de Maistre. Chambery was the Savoy thinker’s hometown, a place where his personality and views were formed and where his complex life path began. The authors analyze the main problems that worried J. de Maistre and were reflected in his works and letters which may be found in the archive of Chambery. While working with archival documents, the authors used source studies methods: firstly, such general scientific methods as retrospective and analytical approach; secondly, comparative analyses; thirdly, source studies methods, such as critical and heuristic approach. These methods have allowed to analyze the epistolary legacy of J. de Maistre, to identify the yet unpublished sources and interpret them. All these documents help to reveal the circle of his Russian correspondents. The research allows to interpret the views of the French philosopher, one of the founders of political conservatism. The authors emphasize that it was in Russia that he created his main works that influenced the emerging Russian conservative socio-political thought. The study of archival fonds helps to determine his social circle while serving in Russia (1803-1817) as a Sardinian envoy. The analysis of these documents assesses his influence on the Russian political elite and Emperor Alexander I himself. These documents have great value for a number of reasons. Firstly, they allow to trace the evolution of Joseph de Maistre`s views, his career, social and political activities; secondly, they reflect the Russo-French relations in one of most crucial periods of the European history, that of the Napoleonic wars. The authors point out that formation and evolution of Napoleon Bonaparte's image in Russia was closely connected with the name of Joseph de Maistre. Thus, it is important to study the heritage of the French emigrants, the French at the Russian Emperor’s serve or on a diplomatic mission in St. Petersburg. Studying de Maistre’s views allows not only to monitor his ideological attitudes and their evolution, but also to identify the mechanisms of their adoption in Russia. The accumulated scientific material allows the authors to come to certain conclusions, which are valuable for studying not just J. de Maistre’s views and influence, but also Russo-French relations in the Napoleonic era. Thus, the analysis of archival materials of the J. de Maistre`s fond significantly expands our understanding of international relations in early 19th century, interaction of two cultures, history of the Russian socio-political thought.

The article examines the activities of the Russian diplomatic mission in Naples in 1802-1808 based on the correspondence between brothers Alexander and Konstantin Bulgakov. In accordance with the tropological methodology of the historian Hayden White, tragic and novel metanarratives are distinguished in describing the relationship between the Kingdom of Naples, Russia, and the countries of Western Europe at the beginning of the 19th century. The narration of the events in accordance with the tragic plot reveals the confrontation between the hero and the world, Napoleon and the coalition of European states led by Austria, Britain, and Russia. At the same time, the transformation of the tragedy into the novel in historical terms presupposes a change in the established world order after the end of the era of the Napoleonic Wars, which the decisions of the Congress of Vienna consolidated in 18141815. The basis of the plot in the selected metanarratives is the life of Ferdinand IV, the king of Naples, and his family; Napoleon’s military actions in Italy; diplomatic and military assistance to Naples from Russia and the life of Russians in Naples and Palermo; the events of the Patriotic War of 1812; the messianic role of Emperor Alexander in the victory over Napoleon’s army. The influence of the actions of the allied forces in 1813-1815 and the decisions of the Congress of Vienna on the emergence of national liberation movements in Italy and the subsequent unification of the country is revealed. The spatial centers of the Bulgakovs’ epistolary works are Naples, Palermo, Rome, the capitals of four empires (Paris, Vienna, London, Petersburg), and related historical figures (King Ferdinand IV and his wife Maria Carolina of Austria (sister of Marie Antoinette, the French queen), Napoleon, Joseph Bonaparte, Joachim Murat, Austrian Emperor Francis II, Russian Emperor Alexander I, Pope Pius VII, Admiral and Secretary of State of the Kingdom of Naples John Acton, Russian envoys in Naples and Rome A.Ya. Italinsky and sine, and others. The article analyzes the conceptual sphere and poetics of the “Neapolitan” text of Russian literature. In the letters, the image of Naples is presented through the situation of a meeting of Southern and Northern Europe, Naples and Petersburg, monarchy and republic, Catholicism and Orthodoxy, history and modernity. Naples is perceived as a special communicative space associated with the diplomatic activities of both brothers, with their circle of communication, and aesthetically with a private letter as a kind of an ego-document. The perception of Naples as an island state, as an “earthly paradise at the foot of a volcano”, as a city of the Lazzaroni and carnival culture brings the correspondence between the Bulgakov brothers close with descriptions of this city in Russian travelogues of the late 18th - first third of the 19th centuries. The author declares no conflicts of interests.

The article in question is a continuity of the subject brought up in the magazine ”Artifex Novus” published in October 2017. Its first part referred to the tombstones created on the ground of works printed in Paris in 1832 on the pages of two illustrated magazines whose authors were Ferdinando Quaglia and Louis-Marie Normand respectively. The other part was dedicated to the pattern book by Joseph Mart and the objects performed on its ground. Collected pieces of information enable us to conclude that between 1840 and 1860 on the premises of the necropoleis of Warsaw a minimum of 20 tombstones, with the forms following those published in the above mentioned magazines, were raised. The vast majority of preserved examples, as many as 14, can be found on the premises of the Powązki Cemetery, another three were discovered at the Evangelical Augsburg Cemetery and two at the Evangelical Reformed Cemetery. Moreover, it has been stated that such tombstones happen to be funded on the premises of necropolies located outside the boundaries of the capital e.g. in Lublin, Pułtusk, Radom etc. Even though none of the tombstones was signed, it can be concluded the center of production and distribution was Warsaw and the stonework manufactures in operation in the city. Among others, attention was drawn to two manufactures: the one of Jan Ścisłowski (1805-1847) located at 6 Powązkowska Street, inherited and led by his two sons-in-law: Antoni Messing (1821-1867) and Jan Bernard Sikorski (1832-1906), and the other belonging to the Mantzl family, Jan Józef senior – the father (1806-1875) and Józef Jan junior, – the son (1834-1906), the manufacture previously located at 19 Chłodna Street. The tombstones funded and co-funded by relatives and friends were copings to graves of the wealthy, high officials, militaries, real estate and factory owners, entrepreneurs, merchants as well as craftsmen. The offer of the stonework manufactures in Warsaw reflected the taste of the elite, in the vast majority of Catholics of aristocratic descendance willing to show pro-French likeness and respect to the culture in question, having it as more sophisticated than the one dating back to the monarchy of Louis the XIV, and in particular, forming bonds with the empire of Napoleon Bonaparte the I.

The paper presents the life and work of Eugene of Savoy, a famous military leader at the turn of the 17th and 18th centuries, whose achivements left a mark in the history of numerous countries, from Austria, through Germany, Italy and France, to Serbia. The biography of Prince Eugene has a mutinational, “pan-European” char- acter, bearing in mind that he came from an Italian family (princes of Savoy), that he was raised in the environment of the French royal court, and that he served three Habsburg emperors (Leopold I, Joseph I and Charles VI). Napoleon considered Eugene one of the seven greatest commanders of history.The article contains presentation of young years and military career of Prince Eugene, especially during the Great Turkish war (1683-1699) and after, includin presantation of crucial battles of Zenta (1687), Petrowaradin (1716) and Belgrade (1717). The Prince’s fame was secured with his decisive victory against the Ottomans at the Battle of Zenta in 1697, earning him Europe-wide fame. The Battle of Zenta proved to be the decisive victory in the long war against the Turks. Renewed hostilities against the Ottomans in the Austro-Turkish War consolidated his reputation, with victories at the battles of Petrovaradin (1716), and the decisive encounter at Belgrade (1717). Of all Eugene’s wars this was the one in which he exercised most direct control; it was also a war which, for the most part, Austria fought and won on her own. The war had dispelled the immediate Turkish threat to Hungary and was a triumph for the Empire and for Eugene personally. In the period after the Second World War, during the period of growing popularity of European integration and cooperation, as well as supranational ideas, there was a reinterpretation of the historical role of Eugene Savoy as an archetypal character “pan-European”, “hero of European culture”, “builder of Europe”. The period of the Austro-Turkish wars in which Prince Evgenije participated and his great victories over the Turks had an exceptional influence and significance on the history of the Serbian people (Great Migration 1690). A large number of Serbs also took part in the campaigns and battles led by Eugene of Savoy.

The paper presents the life and work of Eugene of Savoy, a famous military leader at the turn of the 17th and 18th centuries, whose achivements left a mark in the history of numerous countries, from Austria, through Germany, Italy and France, to Serbia. The biography of Prince Eugene has a mutinational, “pan-European” char- acter, bearing in mind that he came from an Italian family (princes of Savoy), that he was raised in the environment of the French royal court, and that he served three Habsburg emperors (Leopold I, Joseph I and Charles VI). Napoleon considered Eugene one of the seven greatest commanders of history.The article contains presentation of young years and military career of Prince Eugene, especially during the Great Turkish war (1683-1699) and after, includin presantation of crucial battles of Zenta (1687), Petrowaradin (1716) and Belgrade (1717). The Prince’s fame was secured with his decisive victory against the Ottomans at the Battle of Zenta in 1697, earning him Europe-wide fame. The Battle of Zenta proved to be the decisive victory in the long war against the Turks. Renewed hostilities against the Ottomans in the Austro-Turkish War consolidated his reputation, with victories at the battles of Petrovaradin (1716), and the decisive encounter at Belgrade (1717). Of all Eugene’s wars this was the one in which he exercised most direct control; it was also a war which, for the most part, Austria fought and won on her own. The war had dispelled the immediate Turkish threat to Hungary and was a triumph for the Empire and for Eugene personally. In the period after the Second World War, during the period of growing popularity of European integration and cooperation, as well as supranational ideas, there was a reinterpretation of the historical role of Eugene Savoy as an archetypal character “pan-European”, “hero of European culture”, “builder of Europe”. The period of the Austro-Turkish wars in which Prince Evgenije participated and his great victories over the Turks had an exceptional influence and significance on the history of the Serbian people (Great Migration 1690). A large number of Serbs also took part in the campaigns and battles led by Eugene of Savoy.

AbstractTwo things long stood in the way of the erection of statues in public in the Northern Netherlands, on the one hand the lack of a strong central government and on the other the wrongly interpreted - Calvinist interdict on them (Note 1). The first statue of this kind, that of Erasmus in Rotterdam by De Keyser (1622), was attacked by strict Calvinists, but noted throughout Europe as an early paradigm (Note 3). Not until the 19th century did the Netherlands join in the nationalistic 'statue craze', which was just breaking out then, with two monuments to the supposed Dutch inventor of printing, Laurens Janszoon Coster. These statues of a private citizen had a predecessor in the 18th century, while a statue had already been demanded in the 17th-century eulogies of Coster. Cities had long honoured their famous inventors as important contributors to civilization and praise of the inventor was also a fundampental ingredient of the history of learning (e.g. in Pliny). In the Renaissance scientific inventions acquired a special emphasis, modern inventors being held up as evidence that the model of Antiquity could be not only equalled, but also surpassed, while both Christian civilization and the northern countries could also gain credit here (cf. Johannes Stradanus, Figs. 2, 3, Note 9, and Francis Bacon, Note 10). The significance of the invention of printing for Christianity was soon recognized, so that it was lauded above other inventions as 'divine', an attitude that was certainly also strengthened by its decisive role in the Reformation. In the Netherlands in particular, where religious and political developments were so closely interwoven, printing was regarded as an important aid to both (Notes 14, 15), while the young Dutch Republic, in which printing played such an important part, could claim the honour of counting the inventor of this important art among its citizens. This 'pious fraud' (Hellinga) is fundamental to the discussion of the history of the statues. The Coster tradition can only be traced back to about a century after the supposed invention, acquiring its definitive form at the end of the 16th century in Hadrianus Junius' Batavia Illustrata of 1598. The further enlargement on the merits of Coster also necessitated a portrait of him which, in de fault of an authentic one, had to be fabricated for the purpose, the features of the statue of Erasmus being taken over for a full-length portrait (Fig. 5), which served as a 'graphic monument'. A fictitious bust of Coster was also cited in the 17th century (Fig. 7) and this, like the early sculptural marks of honour to him (Fig. 16), belongs to the iconography of printing, the practitioners of the craft evoking their inventor. Such representations - a more or less life-size statue of Coster is still to be seen on the house of the Haarlem printer Enschedé - were not yet very public in character. The statue of Coster projected from the end of the 17th century for the garden of the Hortus Medicus in Haarlem did acquire greater publicity, however. This humanist garden of a bourgeois learned society (Note 28), reflected not only nature, but also the world of learning, as a microcosm of the arts, with sixteen busts of connoisseurs and scholars under the leadership of a full-length statue of Coster, since it was he who by his art had made the dissemination of learning possible, although he owed his place here largely to his Haarlem origins, of course. The designs made by Romeyn de Hooghe for this statue (Note 29) were only realized in 1722 in a statue by Gerrit van Heerstal, which tried to unite historical and classical features (Figs. 8-13). In the years thereafter, up to the tercentenary of the invention, the poems, medals and a weighty commemorative publication (Fig. 14, Note 35) celebrating the Haarlem inventor of printing all referred to this statue in his birthplace. Meanwhile Germany too had honoured her inventors of printing - Fust in addition to Gutenberg, initially - in 1640 and 1710 by centenary festivities often of a Protestant cast. Privileges relating to public statues may have been one of the reasons why no monuments were erected on these occasions. These privileges were, however, annulled by the French Revolution, just as the Enlightenment and political renewal furthered the cult of honouring leading civic 'geniuses'. Two Gutenberg cities under French rule took pride of pace here, but only in 1840 did Strasbourg acquire a statue of Gutenberg by David d'Angers, which illustrated his role as the enlightener of all mankind (Figs. 15-18, Note 39). In Mainz a private initiative of 1794 came to nothing (Note 40), as did a Napoleonic rebuilding plan centred on a Gutenberg Square with a statue. Not until 1829 was a semi-public statue by Joseph Stok set up there (Note 41), while in 1837 the Gutenberg monument designed by Bartel Thorwaldsen was unveiled with great ceremony (Fig. 19). The two last-mentioned statues in Mainz, like the many others erected after 1814, were the products of the nationalistic pride in the country's past history that flared up after the defeat of Napoleon. This pride in the past generally took on a nostalgic cast and served to compensate for the failure of current political ambitions: The unity of Germany long a dream, while the hoped-for great changes in the Kingdom of the Netherlands were dealt a bitter blow by the breakaway of the 'southern provinces' in 1831 (Note 44). This last event marked the start for the Northern Netherlands of a long-lasting rivalry with their Belgian neighbours, which was pursued by means of monumental art, from the statue of Rembrandt (1852) as an answer to that of Rubens (1840) to the Rijksmuseum (1885). The great importance attached to Coster in the 19th century was already manifested in 1801 by the removal of the statue in Haarlem from the Hortus Medicus to the marketplace (Note 45). National pride is abundantly evident in the prizewinning treatise published in 1816 by Jacobus Koning, who is a weighty investigation confirmed Coster's right to the invention and with it that of the Netherlands to a leading place among the civilized nations. The quatercentenary, fixed surprisingly early, in 1823, comprised every imaginable type of public entertainment and demonstration of scholarship. It is, however, striking that these expressions of national pride were still balanced by references to the elevating effect of the invention (Note 56). The most lasting mark of honour of the celebration of 1823, the abstract monument by the Haarlem sculptor D. Douglas, also looked back to the sensibilities of the 18th century in its placing on the spot where the invention had come into being in the Haarlem Wood (Fig. 23, Note 59). After this Haarlem monument of 1823 had been adduced in the discussions about the statue in Mainz before 1829, Thorwaldsen's statue, which attracted great international attention, became a greater source of annoyance to the Dutch adversaries of Gutenberg after 1829 than the statue to the Belgian inventor Dirck Martens in Aalst (Note 63) or the projected monument to William Caxton in England. Jan Jacob Frederik. Noordziek summed up this dissatisfaction in his call in 1847 to 'uphold the honour of the fatherland', in which he pleaded for a monument that would surpass the Gutenberg statue and thus serve as an argument that would establish the Dutch claim for good (Note 64). The erection of this statue was further expressly intended to be an exclusively national affair: the citizens of the Netherlands must raise the money and only Dutch artists be charged with the execution. The general discussion about the statues appears to have been less virulent than was usually the case in the preliminaries to other monuments (Note 66), Coster's merits evidently being little contested within the country itself. There were two notable critical voices, however (see Appendix). Professor M. Siegenbeek rang the changes on an old Calvinist argument in refusing a seat on the preparatory committee: in addition to the fact that there were certainly more people who deserved statues, he pointed out that the great expense involved merely evinced ostentation and that the money would be better spent on social ends. The Neo-Classicist Humbert de Superville, on the other hand, did express doubts as to Coster's right to the title, repeating aesthetic arguments which had been adduced before: statues ought, in his view, to be made in the form of durable stone herms, but he thought there was as little chance of that in this 'age of modish lay-figures' in the bronze of melted-down coins, as that the statue would be made by a Dutchman (Note 67). A typical Romantic historical controversy threw the organizers into turmoil, namely the authenticity of the representations of Coster. In particular Westreenen van Tielland unmasked the idealizing and forged portraits, arguing against the erection of a historicizing representational statue. But the defenders of Coster's honour opted for the usual historical realism (Note 68). The tenor of these polemics is found again in the conflict over the 'historical or allegorical' nature of the composition, which can be seen in the designs. Louis Royer, to whom the commission was given in 1848, wanted to show Coster walking with a winged letter A in his hand, as if on his way to show people his discovery, which was soon to wing its way round the world (cf. Fig. 22). However, this allegorical element disappeared completely in the final version, in which the choice fell on a realistic portrait, albeit Coster was still shown walking like a classical predecessor, Archimedes, who could not keep his discovery to himself (Fig. 23, Note 69). The architect H. M. Tetar van Elven was commissioned to make a base in the style of 'the last era of the Middle Ages'. The inscriptions also presented problems, but were finally agreed on in September 1855. The ceremonies, which after all manner of altercation between Royer and the main committee (Note 70) and various financial problems, were finally able to be staged from 15 to 17 July) 1856, included, in addition to the actual unveiling of the statue on the marketplace ( Van Heerstal's statue being returned to the garden again) , pageants, meetings, an exhibition and all sorts of popular entertainments. Everything was on a grander and more extensive scale than 33 years before and little remained of the motif of enlightenment through printing which had been so important then. Nalionalistic merry-making now predominated, along with expressions of devotion to the House of Orange. Less emphasis was also given to the 'darkness' of the Middle Ages, which were now beginning to be valued as part of the nation's history. The most monumental homage to this monument was a 360-page account of the events by the indefatigable Noordziek. His dream of the recognition of Coster and the nation as a whole seemed to have become a reality. But it was not to be so for long. Only fifteen years after the unveiling A. van de Linde unmasked the' 'Haarlem Coster legend' and called for the demolition of the statue, again in the interests of the nation (Note 81).

Ten tijde van de Nederlandse bufferstaat gecreëerd in 1815 uit schrik voor de impulsieve imperialist Napoleon Bonaparte, telde Gent een kunstenaar die tot op de dag van vandaag gekend zou moeten staan als hofschilder van het toen malige Nederlandse koningshuis. Deze Joseph Paelinck, geboren in Oostakker, is niet alleen de maker van een officieel staatsportret van zowel koning Willem 1 als zijn gemalin Wilhelmina, hij heeft ook een aantal werken in opdracht gemaakt die Gent en het huis van Oranje van weleer verbinden .

Introduction In November 2020, upon learning that the company’s Covid-19 vaccine trial had been successful, the head of Pfizer’s Vaccine Research and Development, Kathrin Jansen, celebrated with champagne – “some really good stuff” (Cohen). Bubbles seem to go naturally with celebration, and champagne is fundamentally associated with bubbles. Yet, until the late-seventeenth century, champagne was a still wine, and it only reached the familiar levels of bubbliness in the late-nineteenth century (Harding). During this period and on into the early twentieth century, “champagne” was in many ways created, defined, and defended. A “champagne bubble” was created, within which the “nature” of champagne was contested and constructed. Champagne today is the result of hundreds of years of labour by many sorts of bubble-makers: those who make the bubbly drink, and those who construct, maintain, and defend the champagne bubble. In this article, I explore some elements of the champagne bubble, in order to understand both its fragility and rigidity over the years and today. Creating the Champagne Bubble – the Labour of Centuries It is difficult to separate the physical from the mythical as regards champagne. Therefore the categorisations below are always overlapping, and embedded in legal, political, economic, and socio-cultural factors. Just as assemblage – the mixing of wine from different grapes – is an essential element of champagne wine, the champagne bubble may be called heterogeneous assemblage. Indeed, the champagne bubble, as we will see below, is a myriad of different sorts of bubbles, such as terroir, appellation, myth and brand. And just as any assemblage, its heterogeneous elements exist and operate in relation to each other. Therefore the “champagne bubble” discussed here is both one and many, all of its elements fundamentally interconnected, constituting that “one” known as “champagne”. It is not my intention to be comprehensive of all the elements, historical and contemporary. Indeed, that would not be possible within such a short article. Instead, I seek to demonstrate some of the complexity of the champagne bubble, noting the elaborate labour that has gone into its creation. The Physical Champagne and Champagne – from Soil to Bubbles Champagne means both a legally protected geographical area (Champagne), and the wine (here: champagne) produced in this area from grapes defined as acceptable: most importantly pinot noir, pinot meunier (“black” grapes), and chardonnay (“white” grape). The method of production, too, is regulated and legally protected: méthode champenoise. Although the same method is used in numerous locations, these must be called something different: metodo classico (Italy), método tradicional (Spain), Methode Cap Classique (South Africa). The geographical area of Champagne was first legally defined in 1908, when it only included the areas of Marne and Aisne, leaving out, most importantly, the area of Aube. This decision led to severe unrest and riots, as the Aube vignerons revolted in 1911, forcing the inclusion of “zone 2”: Aube, Haute-Marne, and Seine-et-Marne (Guy). Behind these regulations was a surge in fraudulent production in the early twentieth century, as well as falling wine prices resulting from increasing supply of cheap wines (Colman 18). These first appellations d’origine had many consequences – they proved financially beneficial for the “zone 1”, but less so for the “zone 2”. When both these areas were brought under the same appellation in 1927, the financial benefits were more limited – but this may have been due to the Great Depression triggered in 1929 (Haeck et al.). It is a long-standing belief that the soil and climate of Champagne are key contributors to the quality of champagne wines, said to be due to “conditions … most suitable for making this type of wine” (Simon 11). Already in the end of the nineteenth century, the editor of Vigneron champenois attributed champagne’s quality to “a fortunate combination of … chalky soil … [and] unrivalled exposure [to the sun]” (Guy 119) among other things. Factors such as soil and climate, commonly included in and expressed through the idea of terroir, undoubtedly influence grapes and wines made thereof, but the extent remains unproven. Indeed, terroir itself is a very contested concept (Teil; Inglis and Almila). It is also the case that climate change has had, and will continue to have, devastating effects on wine production in many areas, while benefiting others. The highly successful English sparkling wine production, drawing upon know-how from the Champagne area, has been enabled by the warming climate (Inglis), while Champagne itself is at risk of becoming too hot (Robinson). Champagne is made through a process more complicated than most wines. I present here the bare bones of it, to illustrate the many challenges that had to be overcome to enable its production in the scale we see today. Freshly picked grapes are first pressed and the juice is fermented. Grape juice contains natural yeasts and therefore will ferment spontaneously, but fermentation can also be started with artificial yeasts. In fermentation, alcohol and carbon dioxide (CO2) are formed, but the latter usually escapes the liquid. The secret of champagne is its second fermentation, which happens in bottles, after wines from different grapes and/or vineyards have been blended for desired characteristics (assemblage). For the second fermentation, yeast and sugar are added. As the fermentation happens inside a bottle, the CO2 that is created does not escape, but dissolves into the wine. The average pressure inside a champagne bottle in serving temperature is around 5 bar – 5 times the pressure outside the bottle (Liger-Belair et al.). The obvious challenge this method poses has to do with managing the pressure. Exploding bottles used to be a common problem, and the manner of sealing bottles was not very developed, either. Seventeenth-century developments in bottle-making, and using corks to seal bottles, enabled sparkling wines to be produced in the first place (Leszczyńska; Phillips 137). Still today, champagne comes in heavy-bottomed bottles, sealed with characteristically shaped cork, which is secured with a wire cage known as muselet. Scientific innovations, such as calculating the ideal amount of sugar for the second fermentation in 1836, also helped to control the amount of gas formed during the second fermentation, thus making the behaviour of the wine more predictable (Leszczyńska 265). Champagne is characteristically a “manufactured” wine, as it involves several steps of interference, from assemblage to dosage – sugar added for flavour to most champagnes after the second fermentation (although there are also zero dosage champagnes). This lends champagne particularly suitable for branding, as it is possible to make the wine taste the same year after year, harvest after harvest, and thus create a distinctive and recognisable house style. It is also possible to make champagnes for different tastes. During the nineteenth century, champagnes of different dosage were made for different markets – the driest for the British, the sweetest for the Russians (Harding). Bubbles are probably the most striking characteristic of champagne, and they are enabled by the complicated factors described above. But they are also formed when the champagne is poured in a glass. Natural impurities on the surface of the glass provide channels through which the gas pockets trapped in the wine can release themselves, forming strains of rising bubbles (Liger-Belair et al.). Champagne glasses have for centuries differed from other wine glasses, often for aesthetic reasons (Harding). The bubbles seem to do more than give people aesthetic pleasure and sensory experiences. It is often claimed that champagne makes you drunk faster than other drinks would, and there is, indeed, some (limited) research showing that this may well be the case (Roberts and Robinson; Ridout et al.). The Mythical Champagne – from Dom Pérignon to Modern Wonders Just as the bubbles in a champagne glass are influenced by numerous forces, so the metaphorical champagne bubble is subject to complex influences. Myth-creation is one of the most significant of these. The origin of champagne as sparkling wine is embedded in the myth of Dom Pérignon of Hautvillers monastery (1638–1715), who according to the legend would have accidentally developed the bubbles, and then enthusiastically exclaimed “I am drinking the stars!” (Phillips 138). In reality, bubbles are a natural phenomenon provoked by winter temperatures deactivating the fermenting yeasts, and spring again reactivating them. The myth of Dom Pérignon was first established in the nineteenth century and quickly embraced by the champagne industry. In 1937, Moët et Chandon launched a premium champagne called Dom Pérignon, which enjoys high reputation until this day (Phillips). The champagne industry has been active in managing associations connected with champagne since the nineteenth century. Sparkling champagnes had already enjoyed fashionability in the later seventeenth and early eighteenth century, both in the French Court, and amongst the British higher classes. In the second half of the nineteenth century, champagne found ever increasing markets abroad, and the clientele was not aristocratic anymore. Before the 1860s, champagne’s association was with high status celebration, as well as sexual activity and seduction (Harding; Rokka). As the century went on, and champagne sales radically increased, associations with “modernity” were added: “hot-air balloons, towering steamships, transcontinental trains, cars, sports, and other ‘modern’ wonders were often featured in quickly proliferating champagne advertising” (Rokka 280). During this time, champagne grew both drier and more sparkling, following consumer tastes (Harding). Champagne’s most important markets in later nineteenth century included the UK, where the growing middle classes consumed champagne for both celebration and hospitality (Harding), the US, where (upper) middle-class women were served champagne in new kinds of consumer environments (Smith; Remus), and Russia, where the upper classes enjoyed sweeter champagne – until the Revolution (Phillips 296). The champagne industry quickly embraced the new middle classes in possession of increasing wealth, as well as new methods of advertising and marketing. What is remarkable is that they managed to integrate enormously varied cultural thematics and still retain associations with aristocracy and luxury, while producing and selling wine in industrial scale (Harding; Rokka). This is still true today: champagne retains a reputation of prestige, despite large-scale branding, production, and marketing. Maintaining and Defending the Bubble: Formulas, Rappers, and the Absolutely Fabulous Tipplers The falling wine prices and increasing counterfeit wines coincided with Europe’s phylloxera crisis – the pest accidentally brought over from North America that almost wiped out all Europe’s vineyards. The pest moved through Champagne in the 1890s, killing vines and devastating vignerons (Campbell). The Syndicat du Commerce des vins de Champagne had already been formed in 1882 (Rokka 280). Now unions were formed to fight phylloxera, such as the Association Viticole Champenoise in 1898. The 1904 Fédération Syndicale des Vignerons was formed to lobby the government to protect the name of Champagne (Leszczyńska 266) – successfully, as we have seen above. The financial benefits from appellations were certainly welcome, but short-lived. World War I treated Champagne harshly, with battle lines stuck through the area for years (Guy 187). The battle went on also in the lobbying front. In 1935, a new appellation regime was brought into law, which came to be the basis for all European systems, and the Comité National des appellations d'origine (CNAO) was founded (Colman 1922). Champagne’s protection became increasingly international, and continues to be so today under EU law and trade deals (European Commission). The post-war recovery of champagne relied on strategies used already in the “golden years” – marketing and lobbying. Advertising continued to embrace “luxury, celebration, transport (extending from air travel to the increasingly popular automobile), modernity, sports” (Guy 188). Such advertisement must have responded accurately to the mood of post-war, pre-depression Europe. Even in the prohibition US it was known that the “frivolous” French women might go as far as bathe in champagne, like the popular actress Mistinguett (Young 63). Curiously, in the 1930s Soviet Russia, “champagne” (not produced in Champagne) was declared a sign of good living, symbolising the standard of living that any Soviet worker had access to (at least in theory) (Gronow). Today, the reputation of champagne is fiercely defended in legal terms. This is not only in terms of protection against other sparkling wine making areas, but also in terms of exploitation of champagne’s reputation by actors in other commercial fields, and even against mass market products containing genuine champagne (Mahy and d’Ath; Schneider and Nam). At the same time, champagne has been widely “democratised” by mass production, enabled partly by increasing mechanisation and scientification of champagne production from the 1950s onwards (Leszczyńska 266). Yet champagne retains its association with prestige, luxury, and even royalty. This has required some serious adaptation and flexibility. In what follows, I look into three cultural phenomena that illuminate processes of such adaptation: Formula One (F1) champagne spraying, the 1990s sitcom Absolutely Fabulous, and the Cristal racism scandal in 2006. The first champagne bottle is said to have been presented to F1 grand prix winner in Champagne in 1950 (Wheels24). Such a gesture would have been fully in line with champagne’s association with cars, sport, and modernity. But what about the spraying? Surely that is not in line with the prestige of the wine? The first spraying is attributed to Jo Siffert in 1966 and Dan Gurney in 1967, the former described as accidental, the latter as a spontaneous gesture of celebration (Wheels24; Dobie). Moët had become the official supplier of F1 champagnes in 1966, and there are no signs that the new custom would have been problematic for them, as their sponsorship continued until 1999, after which Mumm sponsored the sport for 15 years. Today, the champagne to be popped and sprayed is Chanson, in special bottles “coated in the same carbon fibre that F1 cars are made of” (Wheels24). Such an iconic status has the spraying gained that it features in practically all TV broadcasts concerning F1, although non-alcoholic substitute is used in countries where sale of alcohol is banned (Barker et al., “Quantifying”; Barker et al., “Alcohol”). As disturbing as the champagne spraying might look for a wine snob, it is perfectly in line with champagne’s marketing history and entrepreneurial spirit shown since the nineteenth century. Nor is it unheard of to let champagne spray. The “art” of sabrage, opening champagne bottle with a sable, associated with glamour, spectacle, and myth – its origin is attributed to Napoleon and his officers – is perfectly acceptable even for the snob. Sparkling champagne was always bound up with joy and celebration, not a solemn drink, and the champagne bubble was able to accommodate middle classes as well as aristocrats. This brings us to our second example, the British sitcom Absolutely Fabulous. The show, first released in 1992, featured two women, “Eddy” (Jennifer Saunders) and “Patsy” (Joanna Lumley), who spent their time happily smoking, taking drugs, and drinking large quantities of “Bolly” (among other things). Bollinger champagne may have initially experienced “a bit of a shock” for being thus addressed, but soon came to see the benefits of fame (French). In 2005, they hired PR support to make better use of the brand’s “Ab Fab” recognisability, and to improve its prestige reputation in order to justify their higher price range (Cann). Saunders and Lumley were warmly welcomed by the Bollinger house when filming for their champagne tour Absolutely Champers (2017). It is befitting indeed that such controversial fame came from the UK, the first country to discover sparkling champagne outside France (Simon 48), and where the aspirational middle classes were keen to consume it already in the nineteenth century (Harding). More controversial still is the case of Cristal (made by Louis Roederer) and the US rap world. Enthusiastically embraced by the “bling-bling” world of (black) rappers, champagne seems to fit their ethos well. Cristal was long favoured as both a drink and a word in rap lyrics. But in 2006, the newly appointed managing director at the family owned Roederer, Frédéric Rouzaud, made comments considered racist by many (Woodland). Rouzard told in an interview with The Economist that the house observed the Cristal-rap association “with curiosity and serenity”. He reportedly continued: “but what can we do? We can’t forbid people from buying it. I’m sure Dom Pérignon or Krug would be delighted to have their business”. It was indeed those two brands that the rapper Jay-Z replaced Cristal with, when calling for a boycott on Cristal. It would be easy to dismiss Rouzard’s comments as snobbery, or indeed as racism, but they merit some more reflection. Cristal is the premium wine of a house that otherwise does not enjoy high recognisability. While champagne’s history involves embracing new sorts of clientele, and marketing flexibly to as many consumer groups as possible (Rokka), this was the first spectacular crossing of racial boundaries. It was always the case that different houses and their different champagnes were targeted at different clienteles, and it is apparent that Cristal was not targeted at black rap artists. Whereas Bollinger was able to turn into a victory the questionable fame brought by the white middle-class association of Absolutely Fabulous, the more prestigious Cristal considered the attention of the black rapper world more threatening and acted accordingly. They sought to defend their own brand bubble, not the larger champagne bubble. Cristal’s reputation seems to have suffered little – its 2008 vintage, launched in 2018, was the most traded wine of that year (Schultz). Jay-Z’s purchase of his own champagne brand (Armand de Brignac, nicknamed Ace of Spades) has been less successful reputation-wise (Greenburg). It is difficult to break the champagne bubble, and it may be equally difficult to break into it. Conclusion In this article, I have looked into the various dilemmas the “bubble-makers” of Champagne encountered when fabricating what is today known as “champagne”. There have been moments of threat to the bubble they formed, such as in the turn of nineteenth and twentieth centuries, and eras of incomparable success, such as from the 1860s to 1880s. The discussion has demonstrated the remarkable flexibility with which the makers and defenders of champagne have responded to challenges, and dealt with material, socio-cultural, economic, and other problems. It feels appropriate to end with a note on the current challenge the champagne industry faces: Covid-19. The pandemic hit champagne sales exceptionally hard, leaving around 100 million bottles unsold (Micallef). This was not very surprising, given the closure of champagne-selling venues, banning of public and private celebrations, and a general mood not particularly prone to (or even likely to frown upon) such light-hearted matters as glamour and champagne. Champagne has survived many dramatic drops in sales during the twentieth century, such as the Great Depression of the 1930s, and the post-financial crisis collapse in 2009. Yet they seem to be able to make astonishing recoveries. 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