To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Jordanian politics.
Journal articles on the topic 'Jordanian politics'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Jordanian politics.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Tobin, Sarah. "Vernacular Politics, Sectarianism, and National Identity among Syrian Refugees in Jordan." Religions 9, no. 7 (July 23, 2018): 225. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel9070225.
Full textAbstract:
In Jordan—home to some one million Syrian refugees—the vital roles played by vernacular politics, discourses of inclusion and exclusion, and sectarian social histories for Syrians are often considered unimportant when examining possibilities for integration or coexistence. Based on ethnographic research and participation in women’s religion classes in a Syrian refugee camp in Jordan in 2014, I argue that while sectarian identities may not in and of themselves appear to divide the majority of Syrian refugees in Jordan from the majority of Jordanian residents (as Sunni Muslims), through utilizing a vernacular politics theoretical perspective I reveal that the sectarian orientations and localized histories of Syrian refugees have an understudied potential to create new forms of divisiveness in Jordanian society. To dismiss any concerns raised, Jordanians reinforce the idea that sectarian discourses, in an objectified sense, are not welcome in Jordan, and that they are even—as a few asserted—“against Islam”. These differing national experiences with vernacular politics expressed in sectarian terms prompt Jordanians to reinforce the narrative that Jordan is free of such divisions, and will continue to remain so. This paper concludes by discussing the implications for national–transnational tensions.
2
Roald, Anne Sofie. "Islamists in Jordan: Promoters of or Obstacles to Female Empowerment and Gender Equality?" Religion & Human Rights 4, no. 1 (2009): 41–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187103209x440209.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis study deals with the Muslim Brotherhood's reception of CEDAW (Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discriminations against Women) in Jordan. In view of the Arab Human Development Report (AHDR) and interviews with several political actors in Jordanian society it is possible to evaluate Islamist ideas on women's rights. The main aim is to investigate whether Jordanian Islamists are promoters of or obstacles to female empowerment and gender equality. By analyzing various political stands it became apparent that Islamists, on the one hand, reject CEDAW, gender empowerment, and gender equality, and on the other promote issues which in the long run may empower women in Jordanian society. There is thus an unintentional trend towards female empowerment in the organization of the Muslim Brotherhood despite its opposition to such female politics.
3
Schuetze, Benjamin. "Simulating, marketing, and playing war: US–Jordanian military collaboration and the politics of commercial security." Security Dialogue 48, no. 5 (July 14, 2017): 431–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010617717620.
Full textAbstract:
The King Abdullah II Special Operations Training Center (KASOTC) was financed and established by the US Department of Defense, is operated by a US private business, and is owned by the Jordanian army. It not only offers a base for the training of international Special Forces and Jordanian border guards, but also for military adventure holidays, corporate leadership programs, and stunt training for actors. This article provides an analysis of the processes and technologies involved in US–Jordanian military collaboration by investigating some of the ways in which war is simulated, marketed, and played at KASOTC. Particular focus is paid to the stark biopolitical judgments about the different worth of human subjects and their role in intersecting processes of militarization and commercialization. The article argues that US–Jordanian military collaboration at KASOTC is marked by the simultaneous blurring and reinforcement of boundaries, as commercial security is moralized and imagined moral hierarchies marketized. While war at KASOTC is an interactive and consumable event for some, it engenders deadly realities for others. The article is an empirically-grounded contribution to critical security studies based on interviews and observations made during a visit to KASOTC in early 2013.
4
Al-Mahadin, Salam. "Jordanian women in education: politics, pedagogy and gender discourses." Feminist Review 78, no. 1 (November 2004): 22–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.fr.9400188.
Full text
5
Lucas, Russell E. "Public attitudes on peace with Israel in Jordanian politics." Middle Eastern Studies 57, no. 3 (April 16, 2021): 469–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263206.2021.1898380.
Full text
6
Buttorff, Gail. "Coordination failure and the politics of tribes: Jordanian elections under SNTV." Electoral Studies 40 (December 2015): 45–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2015.06.011.
Full text
7
Albtoush, Mohammad Abedltif, and Pei Soo Ang. "Marriage and family metaphors in online Jordanian sociopolitical editorials." Journal of Modern Languages 31, no. 1 (July 31, 2021): 22–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/jml.vol31no1.2.
Full textAbstract:
Contextualized within corruption issues in Jordan, the Arab Spring uprisings as well as outsiders’ padded relations and interests in the Arab region, this study explores how marriage and family metaphors construct the political reality of the partners involved. The integrative principles of the conceptual metaphor theory and critical metaphor analysis along with the concept of ‘metaphor scenario’ were applied to the data gathered from online Jordanian editorials published by Ahmad Al-Zu’bi (2010-2015). These metaphors were found in 97 out of 1000 editorials used in a larger study of different metaphors. Findings suggest the political relationships of the Arab rulers with the citizens and the outsiders are akin to marriage of convenience that violate the sociocultural traditions. Gender roles also appear to be tailored to the notion of masculine authority over femininity in so far as husbands’ stubbornness or tenacity contributes to wives’ zero-tolerance, hence the collapse of marriage and family system which is reflected on the ailing situation of the Jordanian sociopolitics. The key emotion of shaming permeates in 7 metaphorical scenarios: A stepmother scenario, illegitimate pregnancy, marriage proposal, dysfunctional family, parentless children, engagement, and married partners scenarios. Rhetorically, these scenarios serve as a call for principled relations between partners and emancipation of the passive Arabs from oppressing politics.
8
Robinson, Glenn E. "The Politics of Legal Reform in Palestine." Journal of Palestine Studies 27, no. 1 (1997): 51–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2537809.
Full textAbstract:
After briefly reviewing the legal systems in the West Bank and Gaza from 1948 until the Oslo agreements, the author examines the major obstacles to creating a viable legal system in Palestine. These are the difficulties in unifying two distinct legal systems-the continental, Jordanian system in the West Bank, and the Anglo-Saxon, common law system in Gaza-and the blurred lines of authority. The author argues that the Palestinian legal sector, where decision making has been characterized by uncertainty, diktat, and personalism, can be seen as a microcosm of PA politics. In both the legal sector and in general, the PA has created a "politics of antithesis" to consolidate its own power.
9
Libiszewski, Stephan. "Integrating High and Low Politics: Lessons from the Israeli-Jordanian Water Regime'." Water International 22, no. 1 (March 1997): 6–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02508069708686656.
Full text
10
Abuamoud, Ismaiel, and Maxwell Saltman. "The Sustainable Management of Cultural Heritage Sites: Tourism and the Politics of Archaeology at Petra." Academic Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 9, no. 4 (July 10, 2020): 46. http://dx.doi.org/10.36941/ajis-2020-0060.
Full textAbstract:
Jordan is a country rich with history, both modern and ancient, and its ancient past is best reflected by the thousands of archaeological sites peppered within its borders. Tourists travel from all over the world to visit Jordan and see its antiquities first-hand, contributing significantly to the ever-important Jordanian tourism industry. The interaction between tourism and archaeology is such that the two subjects share a department at the University of Jordan and a ministry in the Jordanian government. This study explores the political relationship between tourism and archaeology through the lens of Jordan’s largest tourist attraction, the ancient city of Petra. In particular, the study asks how archaeologists and tourism experts evaluate the management plans of Petra, whether these two groups find themselves in conflict or not, and whether the relationship between tourism and archaeology has squandered the many attempts at implementing a management plan at the Petra site. This study used both qualitative data in the form of interviews with academics, businesspeople, and government officials, and quantitative data in the form of a survey of faculty at the University of Jordan. The result revealed that respondents are split between those who think tourism and archaeology are destined to clash, and those who think that archaeology should adapt to the needs of tourism.
11
Yom, Sean L. "The New Landscape of Jordanian Politics: Social Opposition, Fiscal Crisis, and the Arab Spring." British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies 42, no. 3 (July 10, 2014): 284–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13530194.2014.932271.
Full text
12
Zibin, Aseel. "A corpus-based study of metaphors used to describe Syrian refugees in Jordanian politico-economic discourse." Pragmatics and Society 11, no. 4 (November 20, 2020): 640–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ps.17037.zib.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract This study aims to examine the metaphors used to describe Syrian refugees in Jordanian politico-economic discourse, adopting a Critical Metaphor Analysis Approach for data analysis. I compiled a specialised corpus containing political and economic articles from two daily Jordanian newspapers. The data was analysed using WordSmith Tools (Scott 2012), which is compatible with Arabic data. The data analysis reveals that several metaphors are used to describe Syrian refugees in Jordanian politico-economic discourse. The majority of metaphors employed have negative connotations in the contexts in which they are used, especially in the years 2015 and 2016 compared with 2012. The metaphors used reflect the internal struggle of Jordanians in relation to whether Syrian refugees should stay or leave. The struggle stems from deeply-entrenched Arab traditions, which make receiving guests perceived as a duty on the one hand, and the economic struggle of Jordanians living in a fragile economy, on the other.
13
Shryock, Andrew J. "Popular Genealogical Nationalism: History Writing and Identity among the Balga Tribes of Jordan." Comparative Studies in Society and History 37, no. 2 (April 1995): 325–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s001041750001968x.
Full textAbstract:
The proprietors of Amman's publishing houses do a brisk trade in books about politics and religion. They have also, in recent years, begun to profit from the growing demand for “tribal literature.” This new market, which emerged in the late 1970s, expanded greatly in the 1980s. It includes folkloric monographs (al ʿAbbadi 1989; al-ʿUzayzi 1984), genealogical compendia (Abu Khusa 1989), Bedouin poetry (al-ʿUzayzi 1991), introductions to tribal law (Abu Hassan 1987; al-ʿAbbadi 1982), and studies which, combining elements of all these genres, are packaged as “historical” works (al-ʿAbbadi 1984, 1986). The advent of a popular literature about the Jordanian tribes written by and for local Bedouin has been hailed in Jordan's national press as a new form of “patriotism,” and the oral traditions now being adapted to print are thought to convey a uniquely Jordanian heritage.
14
Singh, Manjari. "Parliamentary Election in Jordan, 2016." Contemporary Review of the Middle East 4, no. 3 (August 12, 2017): 297–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347798917711296.
Full textAbstract:
The 18th Jordanian parliamentary election held on 20 September 2016 was unique in two respects: one, the Islamic Action Front (IAF) participated in it after boycotting two previous elections (2010 and 2013); and two, demand for economic and political reforms emerged as the most important issue cutting across ideological and political divides. The election was also a reflection of Jordan’s social and political complexities and its extraordinary demography and identity-based politics. The electoral process was largely recognized as free and fair, a significant accomplishment in a region where elections are nothing more than a legitimizing exercise for the regimes. Intense pre-election debates, enthusiastic participation of women and minorities, and transparency came against the backdrop of low voter turnout of 36 percent thereby underlining the challenges facing democratization in Jordan.
15
AlShakhanbeh, Khaled A. "The Jordanian General Prosecutor Decision No. 1231 of 2008 over the Case of the Dutch Cartoons vs Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) Case." Journal of Politics and Law 10, no. 5 (November 29, 2017): 48. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v10n5p48.
Full textAbstract:
In 2005, Dutch cartoonist Kurt Faster Gurt published sketches of Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) in the Jyllands-Posten newspaper as well as in PDF form via its website. The images depicted the Prophet (PBUH) and his companions in what Islamic countries around the world deemed as derogatory at best and blasphemous at worst. This article looks at the decision by the Jordanian General Prosecutor to put on trial Kurt Faster Gurt and his cartoonists in 2008, which opened the flood gates to numerous challenges to domestic cyber laws having international jurisdiction. From Yahoo to YouTube, the Jordanian decision set a precedent for what has become a new world of law and politics, whereby Internet content producers, no matter where in the world they appear , could be held accountable to domestic cybercrime laws. To explain the Jordanian approach, other legal cases are studied in which it is proven that the damage caused by some material available in the Internet may justify the indictment of their authors by national Courts regardless the defendant's nationality or place of residence. Such cases urge States to provide for themselves an adequate legal corpus to be able to cope with these cases and to be able to implement the Court's decisions.
16
JONES, SANDY RUSSELL. "AMIRA EL-AZHARY SONBOL, Women of Jordan: Islam, Labor, and the Law, Gender, Culture, and Politics in the Middle East Series (Syracuse, N.Y.: Syracuse University Press, 2003). Pp. 311. $45.00 cloth, $24.95 paper." International Journal of Middle East Studies 36, no. 3 (August 2004): 504–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743804433078.
Full textAbstract:
In an Arab country that boasts the highest female literacy rate in the region (79.4% in 1998) and arguably the best educational system, how is it that Jordanian women's participation in the economy falls so terribly short of the hopeful expectations generated by these facts? In her study of women in Jordan, Amira El-Azhary Sonbol provides answers to this question. First, while the Jordanian constitution proclaims equal rights for women, specific legal codes limit these rights. Second, school curricula and classroom practices are gendered, encouraging early marriage for girls, not the pursuit of a career. Third, social attitudes continue to be patriarchal. While all the chapters of the book are written with the aim of addressing Sonbol's central concern, they are also intended to stand individually. The format serves a practical purpose: to facilitate discussion and promote legal change in Jordan and elsewhere.
17
SHRYOCK, ANDREW. "Hospitality Lessons: Learning the Shared Language of Derrida and the Balga Bedouin." Paragraph 32, no. 1 (March 2009): 32–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e026483340900039x.
Full textAbstract:
This essay explores thematic overlaps in Jacques Derrida's writings on hospitality and stories of hospitality told by Balga Bedouin in Jordan. Why do these overlaps exist? What produces them? What can these likenesses tell us about the relationship between hospitality, politics and moral reasoning? Juxtaposing an exemplary Jordanian tale of hospitality with motifs and claims central to Derrida's work, I argue that a shared and second language pervades this material. The language in question grows out of real historical relations, but it is also rooted in a desire, keenly felt among metropolitan political theorists and Bedouin social philosophers alike, to locate human interaction in idealized spaces that transcend the political and moral systems in which we live. Playing on contradictory themes of welcome and trespass, hospitality is a rich medium in which to imagine worlds that are more open, and more vulnerable, to Others.
18
McClellan, Kate. "Becoming Animal People: Empathy Pedagogies and the Contested Politics of Care in Jordanian Animal Welfare Work." Anthropological Quarterly 92, no. 3 (2019): 787–815. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/anq.2019.0043.
Full text
19
Al-Khawaldeh, Nisreen Naji, Imad Khawaldeh, Baker Bani-Khair, and Amal Al-Khawaldeh. "AN EXPLORATION OF GRAFFITI ON UNIVERSITY’S WALLS: A CORPUS-BASED DISCOURSE ANALYSIS STUDY." Indonesian Journal of Applied Linguistics 7, no. 1 (May 31, 2017): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.17509/ijal.v7i1.6856.
Full textAbstract:
Graffiti have received a great attention from scholars as they have been considered a vital cultural phenomenon for many years (Trahan, 2011; Divsalar & Nemati, 2012; Zakareviciute, 2014; Farnia, 2014; El-Nashar & Nayef; 2016). Although there are extensive contemporary researches on graffiti in many disciplines, such as linguistics, cultural studies, politics, art, and communication (Pietrosanti, 2010; Farnia, 2014; Oganda, 2015), there are few studies exploring graffiti on classrooms’ walls in higher education milieus (Farnia, 2014). To the best knowledge of the researchers, very few studies were done on the Jordanian context (e.g. Al-Haj Eid, 2008; Abu-Jaber, et al., 2012) and none was done on the Jordanian universities. Therefore, this study aims at analysing the content and communicative features of writings found on universities’ classrooms’ walls, corridors, and washrooms and their relation to the socio-cultural values of the society in order to explore how universities help students voice their attitudes and thoughts. The linguistic features that characterise these writings were also examined. Graffiti-writings, which were collected from the University of Jordan and the Hashemite University, were coded and analysed using the thematic content analysis technique (Braun & Clarke, 2006) and Critical Discourse Analysis (Fairclough, 1995). The analysis of the data has shown that graffiti serve different communicative language functions related to personal, social, national, religious, political, and taboo matters. The most salient linguistic features of these graffiti are simplicity and variation. It can be concluded that graffiti are distinctive and silent ways of communication, particularly in students’ society. The study will be of great importance to linguists, sociologists, educators, administrators, teachers and parents. It is enrichment to the available literature on linguistic studies.
20
Wojnarowski, Frederick. "The Ghosts at the Feast: Contested Land, Settlement, and Identity in the Jordanian BāDīya." Nomadic Peoples 25, no. 1 (March 1, 2021): 36–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.3197/np.2021.250103.
Full textAbstract:
This article considers how enactions of hospitality, everyday politics and livelihoods in the largely sedentarised, but still discursively Bedouin villages south-east of Amman continue to be shaped by long, contested and intersecting processes of land settlement, sedentarisation and state encompassment. I combine a specific ethnographic encounter (a village feast and the anxious, tense talk about land that occurred at it) with a reading of history to show how ideas of settlement remain crucial, though contested, for understanding the positionality of former nomadic pastoralists in Jordan. I focus on how Jordan's Bādīya – its arid and sparsely-populated eastern steppe – has been conceived of as a socially, politically and legally different, but encompassed, part of the nation-state. This discourse, I argue, has precedents in deep history and classical Arabic thought, but has taken on a particular form in the postcolonial and developmental state of Jordan.
21
Shryock, Andrew, and Sally Howell. "“EVER A GUEST IN OUR HOUSE”: THE EMIR ABDULLAH, SHAYKH MAJID AL-[ayn]ADWAN, AND THE PRACTICE OF JORDANIAN HOUSE POLITICS, AS REMEMBERED BY UMM SULTAN, THE WIDOW OF MAJID." International Journal of Middle East Studies 33, no. 2 (May 2001): 247–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743801002045.
Full textAbstract:
The literature on Jordan is awash in studies of the history, politics, and possible futures of the Hashemite family. In a polity so closely identified with its ruling dynasty, one would be surprised if this fixation did not prevail. More curious to the anthropologist is the extent to which the scholarly attention lavished on the Hashemites has centered on the rather obvious fact that they rule, but has given less concern to the fact that they rule as a family—that they express their dominance in a patriarchal rhetoric brimming with kinship metaphors, and that they preside over a body politic in which households and their influential heads are of far greater significance than electoral constituencies, public opinion, or (least of all) individual citizens and their rights. When King Hussein described his realm as “the big Jordanian family” (al-usra al-urduniyya al-kubra¯), he invoked an image of community (and authorized a style of political exchange) that made immediate sense to his subjects. In his final years of rule, Hussein artfully consolidated his role as national father figure. His heir, King Abdullah II, who was 37 years old when he inherited the throne in 1999, affects the “older brother” persona appropriate to his age. In announcing Hussein's death, Abdullah II relied heavily on the vocabulary of political kinship his father had standardized: “Hussein was a father, a brother, to each of you, the same as he was my father. . . . Today you are my brothers and sisters, and with you I find sympathy and condolences under God”1
22
Alawaisheh, Ahmad Youseef Tumah, and Dr Rudina Ibraheem Alrefai. "Violation of the Jordanian Personal Status Law No. 15 of 2019 of the opinion of the Hanafis in the ruling on forced divorce, pursuant to Sharia policy." Journal of Social Sciences (COES&RJ-JSS) 10, no. 3 (July 1, 2021): 317–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.25255/jss.2021.10.3.317.330.
Full textAbstract:
Families in general are subjected to many external influences and pressures especially the husband, who is usually under threats and compulsion, to forcibly divorce his wife. This divorce might occur for the sake of greed of her money, beauty, or settle down some personal issues through inflicting punishment or peeve her husband. The present study aims at defining forced divorce and clarify the scholars’ opinions of forced divorce along with clarifying the most likely opinion and the opinion adopted by the Jordanian Personal Status Law No. 15 of 2019 by answering the following question: What is the reason for the law changing the opinion of Imam Abu Hanifa to the opinion of most jurists on the issue of forced divorce, and what is the interest achieved by This turn off? What is the role of legitimate politics in that? To answer this question, the researcher used the comparative analytical method as the main research design. The study concluded that forced divorce does not occur, which is the opinion held by the public, due to its consistency with the spirit and purposes of Islamic law. This opinion is also consistent with the legitimate interest and policy, which is what the Jordanian law adopted in contravention of the opinion of Imam Abu Hanifa to the opinion of the public as it achieves the general interests and legitimate policy.
23
Rogan, Eugene L. "Archival Resources and Research Institutions in Jordan." Middle East Studies Association Bulletin 23, no. 2 (December 1989): 169–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026318400021647.
Full textAbstract:
To Date, Jordan remains a country largely studied from without. A number of excellent monographs treating diverse aspects of the politics, economy, demography, and history of Jordan have come out in recent years, drawing primarily on the wealth of resources preserved in European, American, and, most recently, Israeli archives. The sources used strongly influence the selection of topics treated. Thus, one resulting bias is that Jordan is seldom studied in its own right; rather, scholars have concentrated on its history under British mandatory rule, or as a player in the Arab-Israeli drama. Consequently, the dynamics of Jordanian structures—social, economic, and political—are either cursorily reviewed or presented as apprehended by travelers, political officers, or intelligence agents. In view of the relative ease of conducting research in Jordan, and the availability of diverse primary sources, the study of Jordan from within is to be encouraged. Towards this end, the following is intended to serve as an introduction to conducting research in Jordan, and as a survey of primary sources and research centers of value to the study of Jordan and the Middle East in general.
24
Irsheid, Mohamed Nur Hussein Bani, Nader Ibrahim Mohammed Bani Nasur, Abeer Rashid Olimat, and Wadah Soud Al-Adwan. "The Trends of Al-Balqa' Applied University Students towards Jordanian Woman's Political Participation in Parliamentary Elections." Journal of Politics and Law 12, no. 4 (November 28, 2019): 127. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v12n4p127.
Full textAbstract:
This study aimed at investigating Al Balqa' Applied University Students attitude towards Jordanian woman's political participation in parliamentary elections. Researchers used a questionnaire in order to obtain needed data for the study. The sample of the study consisted of (1327) male and female students (589 male) and (738 female) students.
The study posed the following questions:
1) What are the attitudes of Al-Balqa Applied University students towards woman’s participation in politics in Jordan?
2) Are there any statistically significant differences due to gender, college education level, and residency variables?
In order to achieve the study's objectives, researchers used various statistical analyses, such as averages account, triple t - test, and Shiva posteriori comparisons. The study reached the following results:
1) Students attitude towards woman’s political participation in all questionnaire items were medium with means of (3.68).
2) The paragraph that read "woman better able to understand the status of woman" comes in the first place with means of (4.35), and the paragraph that reads "woman’s participation in parliamentary elections increases herself confidence" came in second place with means of (4.17), and The paragraph that reads I support the election of a woman who has high education and culture came in third place with means of (4.14), while the paragraph that reads "woman is well qualified physically and intellectually for political participation" came in the last place, with means of (3.06).
There is statistically significant differences due to gender variable in favor of female student.
There is no statistically significant difference due to residency; there are statistically significant differences due to study level in favor of fourth year students.
There are no statistically significant differences due to college type. Recommendations are expressed.
25
Forester, Summer. "Protecting women, protecting the state: Militarism, security threats, and government action on violence against women in Jordan." Security Dialogue 50, no. 6 (October 29, 2019): 475–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010619877799.
Full textAbstract:
Contrary to our understanding of when states act on women’s rights, Jordan adopted a policy on violence against women at the same time as it faced a number of external and internal security threats. In this article, I query the relationship between militarism and the gender policymaking process in Jordan to make sense of this puzzle. I specifically consider the ways in which a feminist conceptualization of militarism offers a more fruitful understanding of government action on violence against women in Jordan than studying this policy development through the lens of patriarchy, state institutions, and/or feminist activism alone. Indeed, evaluating the development of Jordan’s Family Protection Law through the lens of militarism and related security practices reveals the depth and breadth of these phenomena: the martial values and priorities of the Jordanian regime extend beyond the realm of traditional, ‘high politics’ security issues and impact civil, social, and even interpersonal relations – relations that are always already gendered – that are seemingly far removed from military concerns. I argue that the Jordanian government adopted its policy on violence against women because this enhanced the state’s image in the international arena and appeased domestic audiences by adhering to a gendered logic of protection that maintains the state as the ultimate protector of women. Overall, the article deepens our understanding of how militarism and the security climate influence the gender policymaking process, particularly in semi-authoritarian regimes.
26
Dweik, Bader Saed, and Linda A. Qawar. "The Cultural Dimensions Presented in the 'English World 8' Textbook." International Journal of Linguistics 10, no. 2 (April 30, 2018): 87. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ijl.v10i2.12862.
Full textAbstract:
This study aims to investigate the cultural content embedded in the 'English World 8' textbook which is adopted by some Jordanian private schools and to highlight the levels of representation assigned to British, World and Arabic cultures. To achieve these goals, the researchers have designed a cultural checklist based on a criterion comprising 19 items representing personal names, places and countries, entertainment, ecology, customs, technology, social behavior, education, history, family, politics, man and woman relationship, communications, transportations, nutrition, sciences, economy, literature and religion. Results show that personal names, places & countries, entertainment and ecology, on the one hand, are the most prevailing cultural aspects in the textbook. On the other hand, religion is not represented at all. Results also reveal that 'English World 8' is heavily loaded with British and World cultures while the Arabic cultural elements are almost lacking.
27
Martin, Justin D. "News use and political socialization among young Jordanians." International Communication Gazette 73, no. 8 (December 2011): 706–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1748048511420094.
Full textAbstract:
This study examined the relationship between young Jordanians' ( N = 321) news use and their feelings toward the Jordanian and US governments. Consumption of traditional news delivery formats (such as print newspapers, radio broadcasts and interpersonal sources) was measured, as was reliance on new media formats such as blogs, text messaging and podcasting. Political socialization measures were indices of political trust and appraisals of the US government. Results suggest that young Jordanians in the sample rely mostly on TV news, newspapers and interpersonal contacts for current events information, and that TV news use and reliance on interpersonal sources were associated with negative views of the US government.
28
Yitzhak, Ronen. "The Question of the Legitimacy of the Hashemite Regime in Jordan: the Islamic Radical Organizations, the Western Territories and Israel." Oriente Moderno 100, no. 1 (June 18, 2020): 75–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138617-12340228.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract This article explores the question of the legitimacy of the Hashemite regime in Jordan. Jordanian public opinion, on the one hand, recognizes the regime, in large part because of its genealogical descent from the Prophet Muhammad. Radical Islamic organizations, on the other hand, reject it for its ties to the West and Israel. The article examines how the views of Islamic movements towards the Hashemite regime have evolved. The Muslim Brotherhood originally recognized the legitimacy of the Hashemite regime, but changed that position in response to Jordan’s 1994 peace treaty with Israel. al-Qāʿidah and ISIS have never recognized Hashemite rule as legitimate. They have tried to undermine its political stability and, indeed, to overthrow it, rejecting its secularism and cooperation with Israel and the West. The terrorist organizations al-Qāʿidah and ISIS find support and sympathy among Jordanians, but as they committed more terrorist attacks, the Jordanian public has turned away from them and its support for the Hashemite regime has grown. The Hashemite regime thus remains stable and strong and enjoys legitimacy in the eyes of the majority of Jordanians.
29
Baylouny, Anne Marie. "CREATING KIN: NEW FAMILY ASSOCIATIONS AS WELFARE PROVIDERS IN LIBERALIZING JORDAN." International Journal of Middle East Studies 38, no. 3 (August 2006): 349–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743806412381.
Full textAbstract:
In the decade and a half since economic liberalization began in Jordan, a little noticed but large-scale organizing trend has taken over the formal provision of social welfare, redefining the institutional conception of familial identity in the process. For over one third of the population, kin solidarities have been reorganized, formalized, and registered as nongovernmental organizations in an attempt to cope with the removal of basic social provisioning by the state. Although kinship clearly has been a major element in Jordan's history, the present phenomena alter traditional familial institutions, change kin lineages, and institutionalize the economic salience of family relations. In turn, the relationship of the populace to the state has changed, marginalizing previously regime-supporting groups and facilitating the implementation of economic neoliberalism without significant protest. Repackaged as charitable elements of civil society, these family associations are sanctioned and encouraged by the state and international community. Although they are not regime creations, family associations reinforce the Jordanian regime's efforts at political deliberalization. The new elites who head the organizations have been placated through indirect incorporation into the regime; they now wield significant economic power over fellow kin and have enhanced social status backed by the new group. Furthermore, the trend mainly consists of families without immediate ambitions of entering national politics. These are not the traditional elite families.
30
Da Silva, Leonardo Luiz Silveira. "O papel das estratégias norte-americanas para as rupturas paradigmáticas na orientação da Política Externa jordaniana na segunda metade do século XX/The role of U.S. strategies for the paradigmatic changes in Jordanian foreign policy." Brazilian Journal of International Relations 5, no. 1 (May 1, 2016): 186–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.36311/2237-7743.2016.v5n1.09.p186.
Full textAbstract:
Resumo: A descolonização do Oriente Médio que originou novos Estados na região da Bacia do rio Jordão, coincide temporalmente com um novo arranjo da ordem mundial que se reorganizava no período pós-Segunda Guerra Mundial. A trajetória da política externa da Jordânia na segunda metade do século XX é extremamente didática para entendermos os efeitos das relações de poder entre as nações em âmbito regional e global para a mudança de comportamento dos Estados que praticavam políticas anti-hegemônicas. Nesta trajetória destaca-se a intensa disputa pelos escassos recursos hídricos regionais, à medida que o recurso é fundamental para o desenvolvimento das atividades econômicas e para a própria soberania do Estado. Na já distante década de 1950, poucos anos após o conflito da Guerra de Independência que opôs Israel e os Estados árabes vizinhos, a Jordânia passou a adotar uma postura intransigente em relação à aproximação com Israel, apesar dos esforços dos Estados Unidos para promover a estabilidade regional. Com o acordo de paz entre Egito e Israel, mediado pelos Estados Unidos e costurado na virada das décadas de 1970 e 1980, o tabu da oposição sistemática a Israel foi rompido. Desta forma, este artigo tem como objetivo apresentar as mudanças na política externa da Jordânia na segunda metade do século XX, associando estas mudanças às novas estratégias norte-americanas para região, permitindo a compreensão das novas formas de imperialismo que dominam o cenário do Oriente Médio desde a década de 1970.Palavras-Chave: Jordânia, Estados Unidos, Israel, políticas anti-hegemônicas. Abstract: The decolonization of the Middle East that originated in the new states of the Jordan Basin region coincides temporally with a new arrangement of the world order, which is rearranged in the post - World War II period. The trajectory of the Jordanian foreign policy in the second half of the twentieth century is extremely didactic to understand the effects of power relations between nations on a regional and global level to the changing behavior of States which practiced anti - hegemonic politics. On this path there is the intense competition for scarce regional water resources, as the feature is essential for the development of economic activities and the very sovereignty of the state. In the distant 1950s, a few years after the conflict of the War of Independence which opposed Israel and neighboring Arab states, Jordan adopted an uncompromising stance towards rapprochement with Israel, despite U.S. efforts to promote peace in the region. With the peace agreement between Egypt and Israel, brokered by the United States and sewn at the turn of the 1970s and 1980s, the pattern of systematic opposition to Israel was broken. This paper aims to present the changes in Jordan's foreign policy in the second half of the twentieth century, linking these changes to the new US strategy for the region, allowing the understanding of new forms of imperialism which dominate the Middle East scenario since the decade 1970.Keywords: Jordan, United States, Israel, anti - hegemonic politics.
31
Bader, Yousef F., and Hala H. Obeidat. "The Language of Facebook Comments on Political Articles in Jordan." International Journal of Linguistics 12, no. 6 (December 27, 2020): 180. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ijl.v12i6.18113.
Full textAbstract:
The present study aims to investigate the types of impoliteness strategies used by Jordanian Facebookers when commenting on some local political posts. To achieve this goal, one hundred comments were collected from ten political posts in Jordan. The types of impoliteness strategies were analyzed according to super and sub-strategies following the model of Culpeper (1996). The findings showed that most strategies were used by Jordanian Facebookers in political posts, including the following: bald on record, positive impoliteness, negative impoliteness, and sarcasm impoliteness. In addition, due to the religious orientation of most people, Jordanians often use supplications, a new strategy not mentioned in Culpeper (1996). Negative and sarcasm impoliteness are the most frequent super-strategies, while bald on record is the least frequently used super-strategy. Each negative and positive impoliteness has sub-strategies. Positive impoliteness is expressed into disassociating from the other, being disinterested, seeking disagreement, and using taboo words. Using taboo words is the most dominant type in positive impoliteness. Negative impoliteness is expressed into frightening, condescending, putting the other’s indebtedness on record, and associating the other with a negative aspect. Associating the other with a negative aspect is the most dominant type in negative impoliteness used by Jordanian Facebookers.
32
Reilly, James A. "EUGENE L. ROGAN, Frontiers of the State in the Late Ottoman Empire, Cambridge Middle East Studies (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999). Pp. 289." International Journal of Middle East Studies 33, no. 4 (November 2001): 627–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743801284074.
Full textAbstract:
Eugene Rogan's book on Transjordan in the later Ottoman period offers a narrative and an analysis that will interest Middle East historians in various fields. Using central Ottoman archives, local Jordanian records and memoirs and European accounts, Rogan paints an intriguing and nuanced picture of a frontier society's experience of incorporation into the modern state. The book frames its material in a way that allows historians in other fields to compare the Transjordanian experience to their own specialized areas. The author's major thesis is that the modern state was introduced into Transjordan by the Ottomans and their associates in the 19th century, laying the groundwork for the redefinition of the country as a political entity by the British and Hashemites after World War I. In arguing his thesis, Rogan is sensitive to regional variations in local society and politics. Each of the עAjlun, Salt, and Karak districts is finely drawn, allowing the reader to understand the distinct features of each district's engagement with late-Ottoman modernity. The book explores the indigenous population's relationship with newly arrived immigrants, colonists, merchants, and missionaries. Themes of general historical interest include state formation, population movements, integration into regional markets, crystallization of modern identities, and the creation of new forms of consciousness. The icing on the cake is Rogan's fluent prose and nimble use of character sketches, which together make this one of those rare scholarly books that is also a pleasure to read.
33
Darwish, Ibrahim, and Rafat Al Rousan. "Words on Wheels: Investigating Car Inscriptions in Jordan." Journal of Educational and Social Research 9, no. 4 (October 1, 2019): 128–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/jesr-2019-0062.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract This study investigates the thematic content of car inscriptions in Jordan. A random corpus of 322 car inscriptions was collected from various types of vehicles by the researchers themselves across Irbid Governorate in Jordan in the period 12 January to 30 March, 2019. The corpus was then refined excluding graphics, such as drawings, maps, ready-made stickers, graphs, symbols and other images. Each inscription was individually analysed and thematically tagged. Moreover, inscriptions were tagged for the age of the cars that carried them: old (>10 years old) and new (≤10 years old). Lastly, the tags were counted and percentages were extracted. The findings show that car inscriptions in Jordan fall under twelve major themes: religion, philosophy, advertisement, tagging, futility & fun, patriotism, alliance, brands, romance, instructions, politics and greetings. In addition, the results show that old cars are more likely to be written on than new ones. Finally, it is evident that Jordanian car owners and/or drivers use their moving vehicles as an inexpensive and efficient way for voicing their opinions, beliefs, views, emotions and attitudes in addition to being a low-cost advertising venue.
34
Freij, Hanna Y. "Making Peace with the PLO." American Journal of Islam and Society 14, no. 4 (January 1, 1997): 103–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v14i4.2224.
Full textAbstract:
This is a timely and engaging book about the secret peace talks between the Israeli government and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO). It is a detailed case study of Israeli decision making that produced a sea change in Israeli policy in a period of serious challenges to Israel from Islamic militants within and outside Israeli-controlled areas. Mak.ovsky underscores that a significant factor in Israel's dramatic shift toward the PLO was the latter's promise to control and repress Islamist mi1itants, Hamas and Islamic Jihad. The book gets its detailed and highly nuanced portrayal of the Israeli and PLO decisions from a number of interviews with Israeli and PLO officials, Israeli academician, and trained and critical observers of Israeli politic . The author presents a highly complex picture of the dynamics between Yitzhak. Rabin and Shimon Peres and the impact of the domestic environment on Rabin's calculations to enter into negotiations with the PLO and Arafat. The sections on Israeli domestic politics and the relationship between Rabin, Peres, and Yossi Beilin are essential for any comprehensive understanding of how Israel is likely to pursue future negotiations with Syria and the PLO in Rabin's absence. The book starts with a quick survey of the historical background of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict Although significantly weakened by the Israeli invasion of Lebanon in 1982, the PLO was not destroyed and Israel failed to reduce its support in the occupied areas (p. 6). The intifada not only saved the PLO from political oblivion, it asserted the importance of the inside, nondiaspora Palestinians in the struggle against Israel, which Arafat i currently trying toundo. The American-sponsored Madrid peace talks allowed Arafat to get afoothold in the negotiations as part of the Jordanian delegation. The Shamir governmentargued that negotiations were limited to "personal autonomy" for thePalestinians, a position the Palestinian delegation flatly rejected.The second chapter focuses on the background that got the Oslo process started.Initially, the PLO asked the Norwegians to get involved in order to start adialogue between them (PLO) and Israel. International academic conferences ...
35
Mason, Olivia. "Walking the line: lines, embodiment and movement on the Jordan Trail." cultural geographies 27, no. 3 (November 17, 2019): 395–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1474474019886835.
Full textAbstract:
This article explores the relationship between movement and cultural politics through a long-distance walking trail – the Jordan Trail. The Jordan Trail is a 650-km trail running the length of Jordan from its northern border with the occupied Golan Heights to the Red Sea. While cultural geography has increasingly engaged with walking, the actual line that is walked along has been neglected. Lines can be violent and destructive. This is exemplified by the drawing of the borders of the Jordanian state, under the British Mandate period following the breakdown of the Ottoman Empire. Lines can impose power on a place, therefore, when defined by a state. In Jordan, these state-drawn lines have created divisions where none have previously existed and have severed movement, particularly Bedouin movement. The Jordan Trail, however, has the possibility to rethink and recapture movement, particularly movement erased by the state. This is where I suggest cultural geographical approaches to lines are important in paying attention to the more experiential and ongoing nature of place. The lines of the Jordan Trail can be created by the movement of a body over the ground, they can be invisible to the human eye and instead told through stories, or they can be the recording of Global Positioning Services (GPS) coordinates. This article is based on 12 months of ethnographic research walking on the Jordan Trail and volunteering for the Jordan Trail Association and as such argues for more embedded explorations of movement and cultural politics in Jordan. I argue that a relationship between movement and cultural politics at the embodied and everyday scale can be explored by attending to the line of a walking trail. The Jordan Trail can highlight the violence of state creation and particularly the imposition of state drawn lines in Jordan and the movements they have cut off and the Trail can also capture embodied accounts of movement and place in which Bedouin and everyday accounts matter.
36
AL-EMYAN, MOZFI M., ZIAD S. ABU-HAMATTEH, and FAROOQ A. AL-AZZAM. "Jordanian Employment in the Aqaba Labor Market." International Journal of Middle East Studies 39, no. 4 (October 30, 2007): 525–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743807071024.
Full textAbstract:
This table shows the employment of Jordanians across industrial, educational, and occupational groups as a percentage of total employment in 2003. Note that the three major industries (in order) are public administration/social services; trade, including hotels and restaurants; and manufacturing. Almost 50 percent of Jordanian workers had less than a secondary education, and almost 50 percent of all employees fell into three occupational groups: service, shop, and market sales; craft and related trades; and elementary occupations.
37
Senzai, Farid. "Making Sense of Radicalization." American Journal of Islam and Society 32, no. 2 (April 1, 2015): 139–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v32i2.984.
Full textAbstract:
The self-proclaimed Islamic State of Iraq and Syria’s (ISIS) burning to deathof Jordanian pilot Moaz al-Kasasba and beheading of twenty-one Egyptiansin Libya are just the latest incidents in a series of escalating acts of violencethat epitomize the seemingly senseless carnage that so often results from thepolitical radicalization of individual Muslims. As the international media zeroesin on such instances, one often struggles to make sense of the perpetrators’true motives. But understanding the circumstances that lead up to such viciousnessis key if governments are to minimize such acts in the future.What motivates an individual to join a terrorist organization? Is it ideology,politics, poverty, or something else? What might be done to de-radicalize anindividual who has joined a terrorist group? The reality is that there is no singlepathway toward radicalization. In a May 2010 report entitled “Why Youth Joinal-Qaeda,”1 U.S. Army Colonel Matt Venhaus suggested that those seeking tojoin jihadist networks can be divided into revenge seekers needing an outletfor their frustration, status seekers needing recognition, identity seekers in needof a group to join, and thrill seekers looking for adventure.2 Clearly the motivesfor terrorism are differentiated and complex, as opposed to uniform and simple.Thus identifying an overarching pattern to understanding how individualsmight become susceptible to terrorist recruiters and what intervention strategiescan be employed to stop it becomes a very difficult task ...
38
Fischbach, Michael R. "Settling Historical Land Claims in the Wake of Arab-Israeli Peace." Journal of Palestine Studies 27, no. 1 (1997): 38–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2537808.
Full textAbstract:
The Arab-Israeli peace process created frameworks in which Arabs and Israelis could seek resolution of long-standing land claims engendered by the 1948 war. Decades of hostility and diplomatic nonrecognition prevented states and individual landowners alike from claiming land owned prior to 1948 that later lay across hostile borders and cease-fire lines. The 1994 Jordanian-Israeli peace treaty and the various Israeli-PLO agreements have afforded Palestinians, Jordanians, and Israelis the opportunity to resolve or at least discuss such issues. Israeli-Syrian talks may allow a discussion of similar bilateral claims.
39
Khayame, Houda A., and Mona M. Abdeljawad. "Systems Thinking in Upstream Social Marketing: Using Soft Systems Methodology to Improve Midwifery Policy in Jordan." Social Marketing Quarterly 26, no. 2 (June 2020): 167–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1524500420925810.
Full textAbstract:
Background: Despite being acknowledged worldwide as essential maternal care providers, midwives remain marginalized in the Jordanian healthcare system. Further, considering Jordan’s goal to achieve a total fertility rate of 2.1 by 2030 and Jordanian women’s preference for female providers, enhancing midwives’ role could significantly promote the use of reproductive health and family planning services. Focus of the Article: We report on opportunities created by opening the boundary of our social marketing understanding to systems thinking in practice (STiP), using soft systems methodology (SSM) to engage with the complex situation of midwifery policy in Jordan. Research Question: In what ways could STiP benefit upstream social marketing interventions? We attempt to answer this question from the perspective of an SSM action research in Jordan. Program Design/Approach: The intervention combines stakeholder analysis and evidence-based policy with an SSM seven-stage cycle. We analyze the compatibility of SSM with social marketing through the NSMC’s eight benchmark criteria. Importance to the Social Marketing Field: The case offers to learn experientially about the relevance of a systems’ approach to complement social marketing frameworks. Drawing from the practical application of SSM, this study suggests that using systems’ tools in social marketing interventions might significantly contribute to achieving intended behavioral outcomes. Methods: Gordon’s alternative framework for upstream social marketing, “advocacy, relationship building and stakeholders’ engagement,” was enacted through the SSM’s seven stages. Research findings provided advocacy arguments. Rich pictures, conceptual modeling, and the CATWOE exercise fostered relationship building and stakeholders’ engagement toward the accommodation stage. Results: At the systematic level, that is, the linear chain of programmatic activities, the policy objective was achieved with an amended Law submitted to the Parliament for debate. At the systemic level, that is, the dynamic relationships among stakeholders, the social learning that emerged during the SSM process reduced policymakers’ resistance and fostered their collective action. Recommendations for Research or Practice: Social marketers can benefit from further experimentation with systems’ approaches to develop their STiP capabilities. Thus, social marketing practice, at this historical moment, could be better equipped conceptually and practically to manage for the emergence of positive behavior change in messy upstream situations where policy and politics are always enmeshed. Limitations: SSM calls for several iterations until stakeholders feel that no more change is needed. However, these iterations are challenging to implement during the limited time frame of development projects. In this case, another iteration was suggested to diffuse the conflict between midwives and obstetrician-gynecologists who saw themselves as victims of this policy reform. However, with Jordan Communication Advocacy and Policy ending in December 2019, this case legacy might be passed on to other projects.
40
Abu-Shanab, Emad, and Raya Al-Dalou'. "An Empirical Study of E-Participation Levels in Jordan." International Journal of Information Systems and Social Change 7, no. 1 (January 2016): 63–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijissc.2016010104.
Full textAbstract:
The relationship between citizens and governments is the core of e-government. E-participation is one of the political dimensions of e-government which focuses on informing, consulting, involving, collaborating, and empowering citizens to take part of the decision making process. This study adopted a framework for the five levels of e-participation and tried to test such model empirically using 400 responses from Jordanians. The study tried to measure Jordanian perceptions towards e-participation initiatives and practices in Jordan, and to measure the achievements on each level as perceived and reported by subjects. Results indicated that the highest perceived level was e-involving, and the lowest was e-consulting. Also, the CFA results indicated a distorted distribution of items between the major levels. Results of other issues explored are discussed further in this study.
41
Fischbach, Michael R. "ADNAN ABU-ODEH, Jordanians, Palestinians and the Hashemite Kingdom in the Middle East Peace Process (Washington, D.C.: United States Institute of Peace Press, 1999). Pp. 340. $37.50 cloth, $19.95 paper." International Journal of Middle East Studies 32, no. 4 (November 2000): 575–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800002889.
Full textAbstract:
Few people can speak to the complex issue of Palestinian identity in Jordan with the degree of background of Adnan Abu-Odeh, a West Bank Palestinian who has made his mark in the Jordanian political establishment by serving in the Directorate of General Intelligence (mukhabarat), the royal diwan, the cabinet, the Senate, and Jordan's delegation to the United Nations, and as an adviser to King Hussein and his son King ⊂Abdullah II. Over the course of more than three decades of public service in Jordan, Abu-Odeh has been an inside observer and, at times, a direct participant in many of the major episodes in the Hashemite kingdom's recent history. He has also been a controversial and sometimes outspoken figure for both Palestinians and East Bank (Transjordanian) Jordanians.
42
Al-Azzam, Amin A. "The Reality of Political Culture in Jordan after Twenty Years of Political Openness." Journal of Social and Development Sciences 3, no. 10 (October 15, 2012): 350–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.22610/jsds.v3i10.720.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of this study is to explore the reality of the political culture in Jordan after twenty years of political openness by identifying the most important features of contemporary Jordanian political culture. In addition, the study aims to examine the main factors that shape this political culture. To build the argument on a solid ground, the study raises some significant questions about the reality of the Jordanian political culture such as: has political culture changed significantly since 1989 (after the political openness)?, what are the main factors that contributed in shaping the political culture in Jordan?, and what is the main type of political culture that clearly prevails in the society?. The study is carried out by using the descriptive analytical approach, as a method for examining the findings of the survey through distribution of 400 questionnaires to five groups of political elite in Jordan. The study concludes that there cannot be a real democratic system in Jordan without the establishment and consolidation of democratic values in the political culture of Jordanian citizens. Another conclusion of the study is that traditional political culture is still prevailing in Jordanian society, which is social, tribal, and family ties prominence despite the passage of twenty years on the political liberalization.
43
Jarrar, Amani G. "A Proposed Educational Strategy for Promoting Political Participation among Jordanian University Graduates." International Journal of Higher Education 8, no. 5 (September 2, 2019): 200. http://dx.doi.org/10.5430/ijhe.v8n5p200.
Full textAbstract:
The study proposes an educational strategy to promote the concepts of political participation among graduate students of faculties of arts and education in Jordanian universities. Political participation is proven to be the result of socio-economic, cognitive, political and moral factors that differ according to Arab Jordanian culture. The study ends in proposing ways to activate political participation of youth in Jordan, pointing out ways to implement the educational strategy, mainly through reform in education to promote political participation, through promoting political youth initiatives, in addition to supporting government policies in Jordan to promote youth political participation.
44
Stafford Smith, Clive. "Jordanian Snapshot." Index on Censorship 35, no. 2 (May 2006): 54–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064220600746847.
Full text
45
Al-Katawneh, Ahmed Hani, Abdul Raouf Al Yamani, and Ghazi Al-Atnah. "The Arab Spring and Its Impact on the Concept of Political Participation Among Jordanian University Students." Asian Social Science 16, no. 12 (November 30, 2020): 27. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ass.v16n12p27.
Full textAbstract:
The current study aimed to reveal the impact of the Arab Spring on the concept of political participation among Jordanian university students (Isra University as a model), with different variables (gender, age, and school year), the researchers used the descriptive analytical approach, as a questionnaire was developed for this purpose after reviewing the theoretical literature in this field, and it was applied on a sample of (192) male and female students from Al-Isra University in the second semester of the academic year 2019. By using appropriate statistical analyzes, the results of the study revealed that the effect of the Arab Spring on the concept of political participation among Jordanian university students came with an average degree, as the results showed that there were no statistically significant differences for the impact of the Arab Spring on the concept of political participation among Jordanian university students due to gender and age variables, while a statistically significant difference was observed between the arithmetic averages of the effect of the Arab Spring on the concept of political participation among Jordanian university students due to the variable of the school year in favor of the first, second and third years when compared to the fourth and fifth years.
46
Krylov, A. V. "The problem of the status of the Holy Places in Jerusalem and its impact on the Palestinian-Israeli conflict." Journal of International Analytics, no. 2 (June 28, 2016): 67–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2016-0-2-67-82.
Full textAbstract:
This article focuses on the legal status of Jerusalem - one of the most complex and debated issues of international law and international politics. Before the establishment of Israel in 1948, over the centuries in the Ottoman period and the years of the British Mandate there was no legally binding bilateral or international treaty that would clearly define the legal status of Jerusalem. However, both the Turkish authorities and the British administration in Palestine preceding from the fact that Jerusalem is the center of three world religions, fully ensured of the rights of believers of all confessions. In accordance with the well-known international instruments of law all Jerusalem should be a special territory of Corpus Separatum, which will be subjected to the international control (UN General Assembly Resolution 181 / II of 29 November 1947). However, in 1980 the Israeli Parliament declared Jerusalem the «eternal and undivided capital» of Israel, including the Arab territories of East Jerusalem occupied in 1967. This law, as well as the Israeli law on the protection of the Holy Places has radically changed the Status quo which existed for centuries. No country in the world recognizes Israel’s attempts to change the legal Status of the City. In the present article the following aspects are analyzed: • The Status of the Holy Places in Jerusalem, before the establishment of the British mandate over Palestine in 1922; • The Status of the Holy Places in Jerusalem in accordance with the international law instruments; • The Status of the Holy Places in Jerusalem after the partition of the City on the Israeli and Jordanian enclaves in 1948; • Change of the Status of the Holy Places of Jerusalem after the June 1967 War and the impact of this transformation both on the Arab-Israeli and the Palestinian-Israeli conflicts; • Actions taken by Israel to change the Status of the Temple Mount; • The problem of the Status of Jerusalem in the Palestinian-Israeli Peace Process.
47
Gubser, Peter. "Jordanian History." Journal of Palestine Studies 16, no. 2 (January 1, 1987): 128–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2537094.
Full text
48
Al-Adwan, Abdalhaleem. "Shura and Pluralism from an Islamic Perspective “Jordanian Parties, as a Model”." Asian Social Science 17, no. 1 (December 30, 2020): 62. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ass.v17n1p62.
Full textAbstract:
Shura and pluralism are two sides of ideologically different ideas, Islamic thought that adopts the Shura as an Islamic democratic system and Western thought embraces political pluralism. As for the Jordanian Islamic trend, since its establishment in 1945, it has been involved in political work and supported the system of government in facing the challenges it faced, and it was not involved in any subversive or terrorist acts. After 1989 he began participating in political and party pluralism, seeing Shura's concept as a feature of Islamic thinkers and thought in pluralism and democracy. That pluralism is a permissible and legitimate interest, has coexisted with left and middle political currents being the largest and most influential political currents on the Jordanian scene.
49
Jarrar, Amani G., and Muwafaq Abu Hammud. "The Role of Social Media in Developing Social Responsibility and Political Awareness of Jordanian Youth." Asian Social Science 14, no. 3 (February 26, 2018): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ass.v14n3p25.
Full textAbstract:
This study aimed at exploring the role of social media in developing social responsibility and political awareness of the Jordanian youth, where the researcher adopted the descriptive analytical methodology, by developing a specific questionnaire as a study tool. The study sample consisted of (200) students from Philadelphia University with all education levels for the academic years (2016-2017). The results showed that there are statistically significant differences at the level of significance (α = 0.05) of the role of social media in developing social responsibility and political awareness of the Jordanian youth.
50
Zak, Moshe. "Israeli-Jordanian Negotiations." Washington Quarterly 8, no. 1 (January 1985): 167–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01636608509449912.
Full text