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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Jordanian politics'

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1

Weir, Laura C. "From Diwan to Palace: Jordanian Tribal Politics and Elections." Case Western Reserve University School of Graduate Studies / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=case1354387190.

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2

Gandolfo, K. L. "The politics of identity : the case of the Palestinian-Jordanian identity in Jordan." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.525491.

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The evolution of identity has assumed a central role in the analysis of conflict and statesociety relations in the contemporary Middle East. Since the establishment of the state of Israel in 1948 the Palestinian diaspora has extended throughout the region and beyond, bringing their experiences, narratives, and customs into their new environment. Receiving the most substantial number of Palestinian refugees, Jordan now hosts a majority population of Palestinian Jordanians for whom integration has occurred at varied levels. Through the course of this thesis the correlation between civil rights and the evolution of the Palestinian- Jordanian identity shall be analyzed with a view to determine whether the absence of rights results in an enhanced Palestinian identity. In addition, variables such as economic status, duration of residence and religious affiliations shall be explored to determine the extent of their influence on the evolution of the Palestinian Jordanian identity in Jordan. The relationship between identity and civil rights is important both practically and theoretically. It is of practical importance due to the ethno-political paramountcy of the region and the mercurial dynamic between the Palestinian diaspora community and the host states on a wider regional level. As tensions in the region escalate with the rise of radical Islamist groups, an enhanced understanding of ethnic identity and the application of civil rights would be conducive to a reduction in the risk of future violence in Jordan, which has sustained a successful record of cordiality with its subjects. On a theoretical level, the thesis will explore the variables of civil rights, socioeconomics, religion, and cultural tradition with renewed vigor, presenting a contemporary insight into the Palestinian Jordanian domestic dynamic. Drawing on a collection of interviews conducted by the candidate in 2006 and 2007, in addition to a wealth of statistics compiled by the Center for Strategic Studies at the University of Jordan, the thesis shall follow the hypothesis that the discrimination enacted by Jordanian citizenship, nationality and electoral legislation fails to protect the state. While the Jordanian government avers that to present all Palestinians residing in Jordan with full citizenship rights - and ergo national and electoral rights - presents a risk to the stability of Jordan, this thesis contends that the marginalization of the Palestinian community would be conducive towards further societal division.
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3

Al-Kasaji, Mohannad K. "Evaluating the Jordanian National Security Strategy Toward the Palestinian_Jordanians (Palestinian_Jordanians as a Securitization Case-Study)." FIU Digital Commons, 2012. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/554.

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In its approach to the Palestinian-Jordanians’ issue, this dissertation employs a security-based theory and technique, which deal with the issue as a securitization case-study. It employs a modified version of the securitization theory offered by the Copenhagen School to evaluate the classical Jordanian national security strategy toward Palestinian-Jordanians. It addresses, reviews, weighs and evaluates the four strategies and tools of the Jordanian securitization model toward Palestinian-Jordanians: exclusionism, tribalism, cooptation and ideologization, which present the independent variables of this study. This evaluation process is based on a multi-standard strategy, which discusses the goals, the evidence, the outputs and the structure of the Jordanian securitization model since Black September 1970. In terms of methodology, the dissertation adopted a multi-method strategy, which used field research, participant observation and elite interviewing as primary methods for data acquisition. In its security-based re-reading of the modern Jordanian history and its evaluation of the Jordanian national security strategy, the dissertation concludes that the Jordanian securitization model has led to a number of dangerous adverse reactions and hazards, which threaten Jordanian national security. The awakening of the extreme versions of nationalism, the rise of social/tribal violence and the emergence of the radical Islamist Salafi-Jihadi movement are examples of the hazardous outputs of the classical Jordanian national security strategy. Although the classical strategy has succeeded in maintaining the physical survival of the state/regime in Jordan since 1921, it has failed to cure the structural crises of statehood and nationhood, which the Jordanian state suffers from. Also, the classical strategy has failed to decisively answer the strategic questions of "what is Jordan?" and "who are Jordanians?". This strategic failure of the classical Jordanian national security strategy toward Palestinian-Jordanians rings alarm bells about the strategic and urgent need for an alternative national security strategy based on egalitarianism, modernism, populism and democratization.
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4

Al-Awamleh, Ra'ad Abdel Kareem. "The participation of political parties in Jordanian parliamentary election in the period 1989-2010." Thesis, University of Wales Trinity Saint David, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.683052.

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5

Blanco, Palencia Maria. "Al-Ḥirāk Al-Shabābī Al-ʾUrdunī (the Jordanian Youth Movement) : organisation, strategies and significance for social and political change in Jordan." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/29336.

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This study examines Al-Ḥirāk Al-Shabābī Al-ʾUrdunī (the Jordanian Youth Movement), from now on the HSU, and aims to be a first scholarly attempt at mapping the organisation, strategy, challenges, and significance of this youth-led and youth-organised social movement. Taking an interpretive approach to organisational research, this thesis has used a wide range of primary and secondary data, benefited from extensive periods of participant observation as well as interviews with a variety of people including movement participants, in order to achieve a better understanding of the HSU. The main findings that result from this research show that the HSU is ideologically an umbrella to a variety of ideologies, from leftist or communists to Islamists, and that it chooses to organise informally and uninstitutionally in accordance with their political conviction of political parties and traditional opposition groups being a tool of social control for the regime. Politically, therefore, the movement represents a rupture with traditional politics in the country which are perceived by participants as part of a historically constructed system for exercising social control. Finally, the movement challenges traditional frames of ethnic and religious understandings of social and political subjectivities by mobilising a more inclusive discourse that tries to recover the debate on class struggle. Its political independence from other actors in the Jordanian political scene allows participant to raise more radical claims that seek regime removal as well as demands for reform, and these radical discourse within the movement greatly depend on the varying political opportunity structure in time determined by the Jordanian regime’s combination of conciliatory and repressive counter-strategies. An analysis of the strategic conversation between the regime and the HSU is key to exploring the social and political significance of movement strategies in bringing about change in the country as it determines the challenges to organisation encountered. However, relevant transformations in the culture of activism in Jordan are evident, and have the potential to transforming the future of political participation and organisation.
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6

Al, Khattab Adel. "Political risk assessment in Jordanian international firms." Thesis, University of Huddersfield, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.430297.

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7

Alkadiri, Raad. "Strategy and tactics in Jordanian foreign policy, 1967-1988." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.339785.

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8

Martin, Justin D. Johnston Anne. "News consumption & political socialization among young, urban Jordanians." Chapel Hill, N.C. : University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2009. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/u?/etd,2556.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2009.
Title from electronic title page (viewed Oct. 5, 2009). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the School of Journalism and Mass Communication." Discipline: Journalism and Mass Communication; Department/School: Journalism and Mass Communication, School of.
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9

Al-Shoukeirat, Rasmi. "The impact of the Arab Spring on the Jordanian political reform process." Thesis, Cardiff Metropolitan University, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10369/8782.

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This research investigated recent Jordanian reforms arising from the ‘Arab Spring’. There were no large-scale protests, though political, social and economic reforms were externally-induced and internally-inspired. Jordan is atypical of reforms in Arab regimes and exemplifies characteristics that have shaped the trajectory of Arab regimes reforms. A different pattern emerged reflecting a gradual reform process that disguises the gap between rhetoric and actuality. Reforms were undertaken to pursue modernisation with a hybrid style of democratisation. This research used the testimony of Jordanian key informants to place in context the unique features of Jordanian society. A qualitative methodology, using semi-structured interviews, participant observation, and secondary sources was used to explain the reform process, as influenced by political party leaders, Civil Society Organizations (CSOs), diplomats and senior government officials. The findings characterises the Jordanian reform process as the Liberal Jordanian Leadership Theory. Liberal Jordanian Leadership is a style of governance maintained by the Monarchy which balances the political and social measures necessary for long-term stability by combining internal and external factors influencing the contemporary reforms. These factors are the Arab Spring, the social media, MB, CSOs, Jordan’s political parties, US foreign policy, regional factors and the Monarchy. Consequently, the constitution and economic plans have adapted to the new challenges. The result is a break with historical tradition and more dynamic Jordanian political process. Political reform in Jordan was supported by the Regime since the beginning of the ‘Arab Spring’. In this, Jordan is unique, as it experienced a process of reforms and achievements reflecting its specific history, government system, economy and society.
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10

Mubaidin, Okleh M. Y. "Structural and administrative constraints on the Jordanian fiscal system : the case for tax revenue." Thesis, University of Essex, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.290996.

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11

Dabbas, Khaled al. "Palestinians in Jordan integration, social disaffection, and political conflicts ; an empirical study." Berlin wvb, Wiss. Verl. Berlin, 2006. http://www.wvberlin.de/data/inhalt/al_dabbas.htm.

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12

Eshnaiwer, Raed. "Refugees and the State in Jordan :Repercussions of Syrian Refugees on Jordanian Institutions, Security and Foreign Policy." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/276726.

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The study investigates the repercussions of Syrian refugees on Jordanian Institutions, Security and Foreign Policy.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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13

Alabbadi, Anas. "The role of culture in international negotiation| The Jordanian-Israeli peace negotiation as a case-study." Thesis, American University, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1569368.

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The world is becoming more interdependent. Governments and diplomats negotiate across cultures every day. Some argue that negotiators are professionals and share the common diplomatic culture, therefore their cultural backgrounds are irrelevant to international negotiation and in result culture has no significant influence on the process. The author argues that culture does matter and it could influence the different negotiation elements: individuals, process, and outcome — the larger the cultural gap between the parties, the larger the cultural influence. To substantiate his argument, the author uses a case-study analysis of the Jordanian-Israeli peace negotiation that led to the 1994 peace treaty. The author conducted eight semi-structured interviews with negotiators from the two countries who actively participated in the negotiation — including the heads of the two delegations. From this work, the author concludes that culture in the Jordanian-Israeli negotiation was manifested, and influenced the negotiators, the process, and the outcome in six different ways — culture was an enabler.

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14

Atzori, Daniele. "The dialectics between globalisation and Islamisation in contemporary Jordanian society : exploring Islamic modernities through economic behaviour and political identities." Thesis, Durham University, 2013. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/8451/.

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Islamism has often been studied by postulating a nature of Islam, from which social and political facets of Islamic societies, as well as allegedly fixed patterns of Islamic behaviour, are deduced. The present research challenges deterministic assumptions by locating the study of Islamism in the interactions between society and culture. In particular, the present study focuses on the social construction of Islamic identities in contemporary Jordanian society. Thus, it investigates processes of critical interpretation of modernity, maintaining that it is crucial to analyse processes of identity construction in their relationships with concomitant transformations of the political economy without, however, postulating deterministic causal links between economy and culture. This approach stems from the theoretically informed persuasion that “‘culture’ is a process intertwined with the dynamics of economy and power, and not a fixed essence working itself out through history” (Zubaida, 2012: 8). In addition, in the analysis of contemporary Islamic identities, Islamism plays a crucial role. This study, hence, is inspired by the persuasion that, in order to study Islamism, it is crucial to extend beyond the narrowly defined political domain. In this regard, Islamism is seen as an important prism through which to understand contemporary Islamic identities. Thus, this research explores a Jordanian case study in relation with this extended definition of Islamism as the role played by the Muslim Brotherhood of Jordan, singled out as relevant in the construction of contemporary Islamic discourses, as well as through the establishment of a network of Islamic institutions. This study considers Islamism not as an abstract set of beliefs, but as a grid of historically situated praxes, which therefore need to be studied in their particular development. Thus, the aim is to analyse the cross-fertilisation between economic practices and cultural representations, by examining to what extent social reality is understood through frames connected with Islamic symbols. Within the identified aims, the objectives of this study are to critically review the development of the concept of Islamism and relate this analysis to the historical context of Jordan. In this light, the political economy domain becomes relevant as the locus in which Islamists articulated their strategies and expressed the aspirations and frustrations of the new middle classes. In order to substantiate this study, quantitative and qualitative data analyses have been conducted using primary data collected through questionnaires and interviews to focus upon different facets of on-going processes of social construction of Islamic identities in contemporary Islamic societies. Both qualitative and quantitative methods have been adopted in order to provide a more nuanced understanding of social reality, including both static and dynamic aspects. Elite interviews aimed to gather primary data from both Islamist leaders and political analysts in order to formulate a deeper understanding of Jordanian Islamism. Focus groups led to analysis of the processes of social construction of Islamic frames in their making. Survey questionnaires centred on attitudes and perceptions of Jordanian students regarding social, religious and financial matters. The findings of this research illustrate the extent to which economic and cultural practices crossfertilise with each other, contributing to the emergence of new frames. Such a hybridisation between the paradigms of homo islamicus and homo oeconomicus is arguably giving rise to distinctive models of ‘Islamic modernities’, which can be empirically observed. Such findings challenge modernisation theories inasmuch as the latter postulate a causal link between modernisation and secularisation. Rather, what can be observed are processes of re-articulation of modernity through Islamic frames. The findings of this research suggest that the Muslim Brotherhood has played a remarkable role in this articulation process in the sense of ‘Islamising the modern’ leading to multiple or hybrid modernities. Another important result of this research consists of proposing a dialectical link between political economy and the social construction of identity by underlining the interdependence between economic and cultural practices. In our case, this can be observed in the fact that socio-economic transformations provide opportunity spaces for social movements to emerge and develop. Indeed, social movements such as the Muslim Brotherhood appear as agents of transformations and products of these processes at the same time. Islamist movements manage to express the aspirations and grievances of segments of the population and, simultaneously, are actively engaged in the establishment of networks of social institutions. All these findings can help in shedding new light on the on-going process of social change by highlighting the extent of Islamism’s contribution to shaping contemporary Arab societies.
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15

Aladwan, Shaker Ahmad Talal. "The impact of TQM and service employee satisfaction on government service quality : an empirical study in the Jordanian public sector." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2017. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/7221/.

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This thesis fills the gap in the TQM and public service management literature by providing a more sophisticated understanding of the relationship between TQM, employee satisfaction and service quality within the context of Jordanian public sector organisations. The primary data for this research relied on two sources, survey and semi-structured interviews. These were conducted as part of fieldwork within the public sector of Jordan. The study was based on two samples to achieve the research objectives. Firstly, 420 employees working on the frontline in public service organisations in Jordan were surveyed to diagnose TQM and employee satisfaction issues. 821 customers were surveyed to explore service quality issues. For further clarification and explanation on TQM and employee satisfaction 30 employees were interviewed in parallel to the survey field work. 30 customers were interviewed to explore service quality issues. Qualitative data such as “Excellence” reports were used to support, validate and explain elements of the research model. Findings from Structural Equation Modelling (SEM) reveal the direct impact of TQM on ES, whereas TQM was found to have an indirect impact on service quality (mediated by employee satisfaction). At the same time, employees’ satisfaction has a direct impact on dimensions of service quality, namely reliability, responsiveness, assurance and empathy. The variance of service empathy can be highly predicted by employee satisfaction levels (71%).Interestingly, the outcomes of this research revealed that service employees in the public sector play four roles: enabler, mediator, complementary and collaborator.
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16

Jolen, Judith Maria. "The quest for legitimacy : the role of islam in the state's political discourse in Egypt and Jourdan, 1979-1996 /." [Nijmegen?] : Katholieke universiteit, 2003. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb40057515m.

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17

Amad, S. "Socio-political and cultural correlates of Sufism in a Jordanian setting, Dar al-Quran al-Karim Sufi Zawiyah, and its two politically active adepts." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1997. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/273398.

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18

Baranauskaitė, Alina. "Politinės liberalizacijos įtaka islamistinėms organizacijoms: Musulmonų Brolijos atvejis." Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2014. http://vddb.library.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2007~D_20140620_204535-59262.

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Šiame darbe nagrinėjama politinės liberalizacijos Vidurio Rytuose įtaka islamistinei Musulmonų Brolijos organizacijai. Aptariama islamizmo sąvoka, politinės liberalizacijos Vidurio Rytuose bruožai, rinkimų politikos principas Egipte, Jordanijoje ir Palestinos autonomijoje. Darbe analizuojamas Musulmonų Brolijos dalyvavimo politinėje liberalizacijoje ideologinis pagrindimas bei motyvacija, tiriamas pokytis Musulmonų Brolijos retorikoje ir veiksmuose iki dalyvavimo parlamento rinkimuose ir po jų, nagrinėjamas islamistų politinės programos turinys. Remiantis Musulmonų Brolijos pareiškimais ir politinėmis programomis, analizuojamas islamistų požiūris į islamiškosios teisės pritaikomumą modernioje politinėje sistemoje, požiūris į politinį pliuralizmą, politines ir asmens teises bei laisves, moterų padėtį, religines mažumas, smurto naudojimą.
The research paper examines whether electoral participation by Islamist political parties engender moderation in their politics. The case of the Muslim Brotherhood is analyzed since it is the biggest and most influential among islamist organizations in the Muslim world. The analysis is based on the islamists‘ approach towards the participation in general elections in Egypt, Jordan and the Palestinian territories. The focus of this analysis is on the possible moderation on sensitive political issues, such as the implementation of the islamic law, the status of religious minorities, attitude towards the use of violence, political and personal rights and liberties.
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19

Awadallah, Bassem Ibrahim. "The struggle over the West Bank : the effects of Jordanian and P.L.O policies towards the Israeli-occupied territories on the evolution of political attitudes in the West Bank, 1972-1986." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.510122.

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20

Hirtzlin-Pinçon, Olivier. "L'influence de la situation géopolitique au Moyen-Orient sur la génération des accords israélo-arabes depuis "Camp David I" : la frontière d'Israël." Phd thesis, Université des Sciences Sociales - Toulouse I, 2008. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00300769.

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La question moyenne-orientale est dans l'actualité depuis 1948. C'est en cette année que se crée l'Etat d'Israël sur les décombres du mandat britannique en Palestine. Dès le commencement, la guerre va commencer à fixer les frontières entre Israël et ses voisins arabes. Cependant, après 1967, une nouvelle question va apparaître, celle des relations avec les Territoires occupés. En conséquence, l'Etat d'Israël aura deux questions frontalières à gérer : la question interétatique classique et la question interne avec les Palestiniens. Cette recherche tente de démontrer les voies employées par les différents acteurs régionaux et internationaux pour trouver une solution à cette question juridique qui cause l'instabilité régionale. On s'appuiera sur le droit, l'Histoire, la science politique (en particulier, l'étude des idéologies sioniste et arabiste) et les relations internationales pour trouver une cohérence aux réussites et aux échecs qui ont émaillé l'histoire du Moyen-Orient depuis 1948 et le fait qu'Israël n'ait encore que deux frontières internationalement reconnues, une avec l'Egypte et l'autre avec le royaume de Jordanie.
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