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Relevant bibliographies by topics / Jordanian politics

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Academic literature on the topic 'Jordanian politics'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Jordanian politics"

1

Tobin, Sarah. "Vernacular Politics, Sectarianism, and National Identity among Syrian Refugees in Jordan." Religions 9, no. 7 (July 23, 2018): 225. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel9070225.

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In Jordan—home to some one million Syrian refugees—the vital roles played by vernacular politics, discourses of inclusion and exclusion, and sectarian social histories for Syrians are often considered unimportant when examining possibilities for integration or coexistence. Based on ethnographic research and participation in women’s religion classes in a Syrian refugee camp in Jordan in 2014, I argue that while sectarian identities may not in and of themselves appear to divide the majority of Syrian refugees in Jordan from the majority of Jordanian residents (as Sunni Muslims), through utilizing a vernacular politics theoretical perspective I reveal that the sectarian orientations and localized histories of Syrian refugees have an understudied potential to create new forms of divisiveness in Jordanian society. To dismiss any concerns raised, Jordanians reinforce the idea that sectarian discourses, in an objectified sense, are not welcome in Jordan, and that they are even—as a few asserted—“against Islam”. These differing national experiences with vernacular politics expressed in sectarian terms prompt Jordanians to reinforce the narrative that Jordan is free of such divisions, and will continue to remain so. This paper concludes by discussing the implications for national–transnational tensions.

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Roald, Anne Sofie. "Islamists in Jordan: Promoters of or Obstacles to Female Empowerment and Gender Equality?" Religion & Human Rights 4, no. 1 (2009): 41–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187103209x440209.

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AbstractThis study deals with the Muslim Brotherhood's reception of CEDAW (Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discriminations against Women) in Jordan. In view of the Arab Human Development Report (AHDR) and interviews with several political actors in Jordanian society it is possible to evaluate Islamist ideas on women's rights. The main aim is to investigate whether Jordanian Islamists are promoters of or obstacles to female empowerment and gender equality. By analyzing various political stands it became apparent that Islamists, on the one hand, reject CEDAW, gender empowerment, and gender equality, and on the other promote issues which in the long run may empower women in Jordanian society. There is thus an unintentional trend towards female empowerment in the organization of the Muslim Brotherhood despite its opposition to such female politics.

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Schuetze, Benjamin. "Simulating, marketing, and playing war: US–Jordanian military collaboration and the politics of commercial security." Security Dialogue 48, no. 5 (July 14, 2017): 431–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010617717620.

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The King Abdullah II Special Operations Training Center (KASOTC) was financed and established by the US Department of Defense, is operated by a US private business, and is owned by the Jordanian army. It not only offers a base for the training of international Special Forces and Jordanian border guards, but also for military adventure holidays, corporate leadership programs, and stunt training for actors. This article provides an analysis of the processes and technologies involved in US–Jordanian military collaboration by investigating some of the ways in which war is simulated, marketed, and played at KASOTC. Particular focus is paid to the stark biopolitical judgments about the different worth of human subjects and their role in intersecting processes of militarization and commercialization. The article argues that US–Jordanian military collaboration at KASOTC is marked by the simultaneous blurring and reinforcement of boundaries, as commercial security is moralized and imagined moral hierarchies marketized. While war at KASOTC is an interactive and consumable event for some, it engenders deadly realities for others. The article is an empirically-grounded contribution to critical security studies based on interviews and observations made during a visit to KASOTC in early 2013.

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Al-Mahadin, Salam. "Jordanian women in education: politics, pedagogy and gender discourses." Feminist Review 78, no. 1 (November 2004): 22–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.fr.9400188.

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Lucas, Russell E. "Public attitudes on peace with Israel in Jordanian politics." Middle Eastern Studies 57, no. 3 (April 16, 2021): 469–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263206.2021.1898380.

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Buttorff, Gail. "Coordination failure and the politics of tribes: Jordanian elections under SNTV." Electoral Studies 40 (December 2015): 45–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2015.06.011.

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Albtoush, Mohammad Abedltif, and Pei Soo Ang. "Marriage and family metaphors in online Jordanian sociopolitical editorials." Journal of Modern Languages 31, no. 1 (July 31, 2021): 22–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/jml.vol31no1.2.

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Contextualized within corruption issues in Jordan, the Arab Spring uprisings as well as outsiders’ padded relations and interests in the Arab region, this study explores how marriage and family metaphors construct the political reality of the partners involved. The integrative principles of the conceptual metaphor theory and critical metaphor analysis along with the concept of ‘metaphor scenario’ were applied to the data gathered from online Jordanian editorials published by Ahmad Al-Zu’bi (2010-2015). These metaphors were found in 97 out of 1000 editorials used in a larger study of different metaphors. Findings suggest the political relationships of the Arab rulers with the citizens and the outsiders are akin to marriage of convenience that violate the sociocultural traditions. Gender roles also appear to be tailored to the notion of masculine authority over femininity in so far as husbands’ stubbornness or tenacity contributes to wives’ zero-tolerance, hence the collapse of marriage and family system which is reflected on the ailing situation of the Jordanian sociopolitics. The key emotion of shaming permeates in 7 metaphorical scenarios: A stepmother scenario, illegitimate pregnancy, marriage proposal, dysfunctional family, parentless children, engagement, and married partners scenarios. Rhetorically, these scenarios serve as a call for principled relations between partners and emancipation of the passive Arabs from oppressing politics.

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Robinson, Glenn E. "The Politics of Legal Reform in Palestine." Journal of Palestine Studies 27, no. 1 (1997): 51–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2537809.

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After briefly reviewing the legal systems in the West Bank and Gaza from 1948 until the Oslo agreements, the author examines the major obstacles to creating a viable legal system in Palestine. These are the difficulties in unifying two distinct legal systems-the continental, Jordanian system in the West Bank, and the Anglo-Saxon, common law system in Gaza-and the blurred lines of authority. The author argues that the Palestinian legal sector, where decision making has been characterized by uncertainty, diktat, and personalism, can be seen as a microcosm of PA politics. In both the legal sector and in general, the PA has created a "politics of antithesis" to consolidate its own power.

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Libiszewski, Stephan. "Integrating High and Low Politics: Lessons from the Israeli-Jordanian Water Regime'." Water International 22, no. 1 (March 1997): 6–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02508069708686656.

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Abuamoud, Ismaiel, and Maxwell Saltman. "The Sustainable Management of Cultural Heritage Sites: Tourism and the Politics of Archaeology at Petra." Academic Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 9, no. 4 (July 10, 2020): 46. http://dx.doi.org/10.36941/ajis-2020-0060.

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Jordan is a country rich with history, both modern and ancient, and its ancient past is best reflected by the thousands of archaeological sites peppered within its borders. Tourists travel from all over the world to visit Jordan and see its antiquities first-hand, contributing significantly to the ever-important Jordanian tourism industry. The interaction between tourism and archaeology is such that the two subjects share a department at the University of Jordan and a ministry in the Jordanian government. This study explores the political relationship between tourism and archaeology through the lens of Jordan’s largest tourist attraction, the ancient city of Petra. In particular, the study asks how archaeologists and tourism experts evaluate the management plans of Petra, whether these two groups find themselves in conflict or not, and whether the relationship between tourism and archaeology has squandered the many attempts at implementing a management plan at the Petra site. This study used both qualitative data in the form of interviews with academics, businesspeople, and government officials, and quantitative data in the form of a survey of faculty at the University of Jordan. The result revealed that respondents are split between those who think tourism and archaeology are destined to clash, and those who think that archaeology should adapt to the needs of tourism.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Jordanian politics"

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Weir, Laura C. "From Diwan to Palace: Jordanian Tribal Politics and Elections." Case Western Reserve University School of Graduate Studies / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=case1354387190.

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Gandolfo, K. L. "The politics of identity : the case of the Palestinian-Jordanian identity in Jordan." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.525491.

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The evolution of identity has assumed a central role in the analysis of conflict and statesociety relations in the contemporary Middle East. Since the establishment of the state of Israel in 1948 the Palestinian diaspora has extended throughout the region and beyond, bringing their experiences, narratives, and customs into their new environment. Receiving the most substantial number of Palestinian refugees, Jordan now hosts a majority population of Palestinian Jordanians for whom integration has occurred at varied levels. Through the course of this thesis the correlation between civil rights and the evolution of the Palestinian- Jordanian identity shall be analyzed with a view to determine whether the absence of rights results in an enhanced Palestinian identity. In addition, variables such as economic status, duration of residence and religious affiliations shall be explored to determine the extent of their influence on the evolution of the Palestinian Jordanian identity in Jordan. The relationship between identity and civil rights is important both practically and theoretically. It is of practical importance due to the ethno-political paramountcy of the region and the mercurial dynamic between the Palestinian diaspora community and the host states on a wider regional level. As tensions in the region escalate with the rise of radical Islamist groups, an enhanced understanding of ethnic identity and the application of civil rights would be conducive to a reduction in the risk of future violence in Jordan, which has sustained a successful record of cordiality with its subjects. On a theoretical level, the thesis will explore the variables of civil rights, socioeconomics, religion, and cultural tradition with renewed vigor, presenting a contemporary insight into the Palestinian Jordanian domestic dynamic. Drawing on a collection of interviews conducted by the candidate in 2006 and 2007, in addition to a wealth of statistics compiled by the Center for Strategic Studies at the University of Jordan, the thesis shall follow the hypothesis that the discrimination enacted by Jordanian citizenship, nationality and electoral legislation fails to protect the state. While the Jordanian government avers that to present all Palestinians residing in Jordan with full citizenship rights - and ergo national and electoral rights - presents a risk to the stability of Jordan, this thesis contends that the marginalization of the Palestinian community would be conducive towards further societal division.

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Al-Kasaji, Mohannad K. "Evaluating the Jordanian National Security Strategy Toward the Palestinian_Jordanians (Palestinian_Jordanians as a Securitization Case-Study)." FIU Digital Commons, 2012. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/554.

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In its approach to the Palestinian-Jordanians’ issue, this dissertation employs a security-based theory and technique, which deal with the issue as a securitization case-study. It employs a modified version of the securitization theory offered by the Copenhagen School to evaluate the classical Jordanian national security strategy toward Palestinian-Jordanians. It addresses, reviews, weighs and evaluates the four strategies and tools of the Jordanian securitization model toward Palestinian-Jordanians: exclusionism, tribalism, cooptation and ideologization, which present the independent variables of this study. This evaluation process is based on a multi-standard strategy, which discusses the goals, the evidence, the outputs and the structure of the Jordanian securitization model since Black September 1970. In terms of methodology, the dissertation adopted a multi-method strategy, which used field research, participant observation and elite interviewing as primary methods for data acquisition. In its security-based re-reading of the modern Jordanian history and its evaluation of the Jordanian national security strategy, the dissertation concludes that the Jordanian securitization model has led to a number of dangerous adverse reactions and hazards, which threaten Jordanian national security. The awakening of the extreme versions of nationalism, the rise of social/tribal violence and the emergence of the radical Islamist Salafi-Jihadi movement are examples of the hazardous outputs of the classical Jordanian national security strategy. Although the classical strategy has succeeded in maintaining the physical survival of the state/regime in Jordan since 1921, it has failed to cure the structural crises of statehood and nationhood, which the Jordanian state suffers from. Also, the classical strategy has failed to decisively answer the strategic questions of "what is Jordan?" and "who are Jordanians?". This strategic failure of the classical Jordanian national security strategy toward Palestinian-Jordanians rings alarm bells about the strategic and urgent need for an alternative national security strategy based on egalitarianism, modernism, populism and democratization.

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Al-Awamleh, Ra'ad Abdel Kareem. "The participation of political parties in Jordanian parliamentary election in the period 1989-2010." Thesis, University of Wales Trinity Saint David, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.683052.

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Blanco, Palencia Maria. "Al-Ḥirāk Al-Shabābī Al-ʾUrdunī (the Jordanian Youth Movement) : organisation, strategies and significance for social and political change in Jordan." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/29336.

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This study examines Al-Ḥirāk Al-Shabābī Al-ʾUrdunī (the Jordanian Youth Movement), from now on the HSU, and aims to be a first scholarly attempt at mapping the organisation, strategy, challenges, and significance of this youth-led and youth-organised social movement. Taking an interpretive approach to organisational research, this thesis has used a wide range of primary and secondary data, benefited from extensive periods of participant observation as well as interviews with a variety of people including movement participants, in order to achieve a better understanding of the HSU. The main findings that result from this research show that the HSU is ideologically an umbrella to a variety of ideologies, from leftist or communists to Islamists, and that it chooses to organise informally and uninstitutionally in accordance with their political conviction of political parties and traditional opposition groups being a tool of social control for the regime. Politically, therefore, the movement represents a rupture with traditional politics in the country which are perceived by participants as part of a historically constructed system for exercising social control. Finally, the movement challenges traditional frames of ethnic and religious understandings of social and political subjectivities by mobilising a more inclusive discourse that tries to recover the debate on class struggle. Its political independence from other actors in the Jordanian political scene allows participant to raise more radical claims that seek regime removal as well as demands for reform, and these radical discourse within the movement greatly depend on the varying political opportunity structure in time determined by the Jordanian regime’s combination of conciliatory and repressive counter-strategies. An analysis of the strategic conversation between the regime and the HSU is key to exploring the social and political significance of movement strategies in bringing about change in the country as it determines the challenges to organisation encountered. However, relevant transformations in the culture of activism in Jordan are evident, and have the potential to transforming the future of political participation and organisation.

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Al, Khattab Adel. "Political risk assessment in Jordanian international firms." Thesis, University of Huddersfield, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.430297.

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Alkadiri, Raad. "Strategy and tactics in Jordanian foreign policy, 1967-1988." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.339785.

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Martin, Justin D. Johnston Anne. "News consumption & political socialization among young, urban Jordanians." Chapel Hill, N.C. : University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2009. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/u?/etd,2556.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2009.
Title from electronic title page (viewed Oct. 5, 2009). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the School of Journalism and Mass Communication." Discipline: Journalism and Mass Communication; Department/School: Journalism and Mass Communication, School of.

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Al-Shoukeirat, Rasmi. "The impact of the Arab Spring on the Jordanian political reform process." Thesis, Cardiff Metropolitan University, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10369/8782.

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This research investigated recent Jordanian reforms arising from the ‘Arab Spring’. There were no large-scale protests, though political, social and economic reforms were externally-induced and internally-inspired. Jordan is atypical of reforms in Arab regimes and exemplifies characteristics that have shaped the trajectory of Arab regimes reforms. A different pattern emerged reflecting a gradual reform process that disguises the gap between rhetoric and actuality. Reforms were undertaken to pursue modernisation with a hybrid style of democratisation. This research used the testimony of Jordanian key informants to place in context the unique features of Jordanian society. A qualitative methodology, using semi-structured interviews, participant observation, and secondary sources was used to explain the reform process, as influenced by political party leaders, Civil Society Organizations (CSOs), diplomats and senior government officials. The findings characterises the Jordanian reform process as the Liberal Jordanian Leadership Theory. Liberal Jordanian Leadership is a style of governance maintained by the Monarchy which balances the political and social measures necessary for long-term stability by combining internal and external factors influencing the contemporary reforms. These factors are the Arab Spring, the social media, MB, CSOs, Jordan’s political parties, US foreign policy, regional factors and the Monarchy. Consequently, the constitution and economic plans have adapted to the new challenges. The result is a break with historical tradition and more dynamic Jordanian political process. Political reform in Jordan was supported by the Regime since the beginning of the ‘Arab Spring’. In this, Jordan is unique, as it experienced a process of reforms and achievements reflecting its specific history, government system, economy and society.

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Mubaidin, Okleh M. Y. "Structural and administrative constraints on the Jordanian fiscal system : the case for tax revenue." Thesis, University of Essex, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.290996.

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Books on the topic "Jordanian politics"

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Bligh, Alexander. Jordanian-Israeli strategic partnership in historical perspective. Tel Aviv, Israel: Ariel Center for Policy Research, 1998.

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Kīlānī, Mūsā Zayd. A Jordanian perspective: Notes of life & political development. Amman: M. Keilani, 1989.

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Jordanian-Israeli relations: The peacebuilding experience. New York: Routledge, 2008.

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Amawi, Abla. Against all odds: Jordanian women, elections and political empowerment. Amman: Konrad Adenauer Foundation, 2001.

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Amawi, Abla. Against all odds: Jordanian women, elections and political empowerment. Amman: Konrad Adenauer Foundation, 2001.

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Ṭawālibah, ʻAbd Allāh. The Jordanian democratic march toward rooting and comprehensiveness. [Jordan]: Press & Publications Department, 1994.

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Inter-Arab alliances: Regime security and Jordanian foreign policy. Gainesville, FL: University Press of Florida, 2008.

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1943-, Anani Jawad Ahmed, Haddadin Munther J, and Hassan bin Talal, Prince of Jordan., eds. Peacemaking: An inside story of the 1994 Jordanian-Israeli treaty. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2006.

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Jordanian exceptionalism: A comparative analysis of state-religion relationships in Egypt, Iran, Jordan, and Syria. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave, 2002.

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Elazar, Daniel Judah. Federal/confederal solutions to the Israeli-Palestinian-Jordanian conflict: Concepts and feasibility. Jerusalem: The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, The Harry S. Truman Research Institute for the Advancement of Peace, 1992.

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Book chapters on the topic "Jordanian politics"

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Esber, Paul M. "The Jordanian Muslim Brotherhood, Democratisation and the Dilemmas of Internal Organisational Reform: Seeking Unity, Finding Division?" In The Politics of Islamism, 217–41. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-62256-9_8.

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Koszinowski, Thomas. "Jordanien." In Der Nahe und Mittlere Osten Politik · Gesellschaft Wirtschaft Geschichte · Kultur, 1013–29. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-322-97178-4_61.

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Brandstaetter, Thomas, David Bamber, and David Weir. "‘Wasta’: Triadic Trust in Jordanian Business." In The Political Economy of Wasta: Use and Abuse of Social Capital Networking, 65–78. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-22201-1_5.

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Libiszewski, Stephan. "Integrating Political and Technical Approaches: Lessons from the Israeli-Jordanian Water Negotiations." In Conflict and the Environment, 385–402. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-015-8947-5_23.

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Wagemakers, Joas. "Foreign Policy as Protection: The Jordanian Muslim Brotherhood as a Political Minority During the Cold War." In Minorities and State-Building in the Middle East, 177–200. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54399-0_8.

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Perkinson, James W. "Sinai Bush and Jordanian Dove Meet Haitian Snake and Amazonian Vine: Reading Christology at the Crossroads of Empire and Ecology." In Political Spirituality in an Age of Eco-Apocalypse, 69–86. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137489814_5.

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Suleiman, Camelia. "Arabic in Jordan and Palestine." In The Politics of Arabic in Israel. Edinburgh University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474420860.003.0006.

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This chapter discusses the interface between Palestinian and Jordanian nationalism and the effect of globalisation on both. This binary, while encouraged by the Jordanian regime, particularly after the events of 1970, has an echo in the production of knowledge about Jordanian versus Palestinian nationalism and also about Jordanian versus Palestinian Arabic. In addition, another dimension of this scholarship is the ease with which Western scholars can move across borders, which is not the case for the indigenous scholars, even when they are affiliated with European or American universities. This has direct implications on the scope of the research and on the questions that can or cannot be asked. As for research on Palestinian Arabic in the West Bank and Gaza by Palestinian scholars, this seems to be confined to anthologies and dictionaries of Palestinian Arabic. An exception is the research done on Bethlehem in the 1990s. This may be directly related to the increasing difficulty of moving from one location to another for Palestinians.

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"IX. Jordanian Politics Beyond the Arab Uprisings." In Jordan and the Arab Uprisings, 215–22. Columbia University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7312/ryan18626-011.

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Mencütek, Zeynep Şahin. "Drivers of Jordanian refugee governance and refugee politics." In Refugee Governance, State and Politics in the Middle East, 214–40. Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351170369-9.

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Tuastad, Dag. "Football’s Role in How Societies Remember." In Sport, Politics and Society in the Middle East, 41–54. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190065218.003.0003.

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Based on several phases of ethnographic work over two decades, this chapter demonstrates how football creates the ideal conditions for debates over national social memories related to the Palestinian-Bedouin divide in Jordan. Social memory processes in football arenas represent two related social phenomena. Firstly, collective, historical memories are produced; Secondly, these collective memories are also enacted and embodied during football matches, through their symbolic and physical confrontations. Palestinian-Jordanian encounters on the football field have been especially important in this context, having embodied the memory of the 1970 civil war and having served as a medium through which to reprocess it. For Palestinians, as a stateless ethno-national group who lack the formal national institutions to preserve their national past in the form of museums or archeological digs, football, and particularly the al-Wihdat team, has become an important alternative. While until the early 1990s the fans’ lyrics emphasized identification with the armed struggle, today the dominant themes are Palestinian common descent, unity, and refugee identity. At the same time, al-Wihdat’s alter-ego, FC Faisaly, has been a focus of East Bank Jordanian nationalism, emphasizing tribal roots and values, Islamic tradition, Hashemite loyalty, and the tribal roots of the monarchy.

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Conference papers on the topic "Jordanian politics"

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Nassar, Dua A., Marini Othman, and Muma El.Ahmed. "The impact of political factors on the electronic health record success: a case study of jordanian electronic health record hakeem." In 2017 International Conference on Informatics, Health & Technology (ICIHT). IEEE, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/iciht.2017.7899140.

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