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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Jordan – Relations – United States'

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Published: 10 December 2022

Last updated: 30 January 2023

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1

Abu-Lebdeh, Hatem Shareef. "The United States and Jordan: A study in bilateral relations, 1921 to present." Case Western Reserve University School of Graduate Studies / OhioLINK, 1991. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=case1059480406.

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2

Forbes, Nathan G. "Supplying democracy? : U.S. security assistance to Jordan, 1989-2002." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2003. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/03Mar%5FForbes.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2003.
Thesis advisor(s): Glenn E. Robinson, Harold Trinkunas. Includes bibliographical references (p. 67-72). Also available online.

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3

Chamberlin, Paul. "Preparing for Dawn: The United States and the Global Politics of Palestinian Resistance, 1967-1975." The Ohio State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1243876457.

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4

Markow, John Manning Gerber Larry G. "Pieces of peace an evaluation of the Nixon administration's response to the rise of Arab radicalism in the Persian Gulf, Libya and Jordan /." Auburn, Ala, 2008. http://repo.lib.auburn.edu/EtdRoot/2008/SPRING/History/Thesis/Markow_John_12.pdf.

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5

Al-Jebarin, Abdulqadir Schapsmeier Edward L. "The United States-Egyptian relations, 1945-1958." Normal, Ill. Illinois State University, 1988. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ilstu/fullcit?p8818706.

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Thesis (D.A.)--Illinois State University, 1988.
Title from title page screen, viewed September 2, 2005. Dissertation Committee: Edward L. Schapsmeier (chair), Joseph H. Grabill, Lawrence W. McBride, Earl A. Reitan, Hibbert R. Roberts. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 258-264) and abstract. Also available in print.

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6

Ketkamon, Mattana Grabill Joseph L. "United States-Southeast Asian relations, 1780s-1980s." Normal, Ill. Illinois State University, 1988. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ilstu/fullcit?p8907676.

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Thesis (D.A.)--Illinois State University, 1988.
Title from title page screen, viewed September 22, 2005. Dissertation Committee: Joseph L. Grabill (chair), Robert W. Hunt, Lawrence W. McBride, Louis G. Perez, L. Moody Simms. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 153-165) and abstract. Also available in print.

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7

Yaguchi, Yujin. "The Ainu in United States-Japan relations." W&M ScholarWorks, 1999. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539720321.

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This study reevaluates the significance of the Ainu in U.S.-Japan relations. Specifically, the study emphasizes a trilateral configuration of relations among the Japanese, Americans, and the Ainu in Hokkaido, the northern island of Japan, in the period since the middle of the nineteenth century. By analyzing a wide range of documentary, visual, and material sources available in the United States and Japan, the study discusses specific connections that existed between the Ainu, Americans, and the Japanese in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Some were direct encounters. Other forms of relationship involved indirect connections. These encounters affected the social and historical consciousness of the Japanese and Americans in the past and which continue to do so today.;By reclaiming the presence of the Ainu in the vision of the past, this dissertation enlarges the terrain of the intercultural history of the United States and Japan. It recognizes the Ainu as a significant third party in third history of U.S.-Japan relations and questions the conventional historical framework used in the understanding of the U.S.-Japan relationship, a framework which has marginalized and even excluded the Ainu. By inserting the Ainu into our constructions of past and present human relationships in Hokkaido, the dissertation complicate and problematizes the very framework of the conventional understanding of the relationship between the two nations by pointing to the integral role the Ainu have continuously played on the various stages of cultural interaction in the northern island of Japan.

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8

Miqdadi, Ruba. "Mathematics anxiety : a cross-cultural study of Jordan and the United States /." Available to subscribers only, 2006. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1147178791&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1509&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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9

Al-Shamari, Sulaiman Gaza. "Government-press relations : a comparative study of Syria, Jordan and Kuwait." Thesis, University of Leicester, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/34663.

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This study attempts to determine the effect of foreign policy on the freedom of the press through analysing newspapers from three Middle Eastern countries (Syria, Jordan and Kuwait) to test hypotheses regarding the direction and trends in the coverage of the two superpowers (The United States of America and the Soviet Union). The coverage was examined in the light of trends in Syrian, Jordanian and Kuwaiti foreign policies towards the United States of America and the Soviet Union. This study is trying to assess any correlation between foreign policy and the freedom of the press, and to look at internal factors (press and publication law) which might influence both foreign policy and press. This study found out that the meaning of freedom of the press is shaped by political and economic factors. There are clear differences in the definitions and implications of freedom of the press between journalists in Syria and in the other two countries (Jordan and Kuwait). This analysis leads us to the conclusion that the Syrian, Jordanian and Kuwaiti press and publication laws share one major characteristic that is the laws of these countries are more restrictive than protective. The ideals in the three countries constitutions which guarantee freedom of the press are one thing and practices are another.

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10

Helper, Susan R., and Mari Sako. "Supplier Relations in Japan and the United States." MIT-Japan Program, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/7577.

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11

Mustapha, Abubakar A. "United States-Nigeria relations: impact on Nigeria’s security." Thesis, Monterey, California: Naval Postgraduate School, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/44629.

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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited
This thesis examines how U.S.-Nigerian relations can be optimized to reduce the growing insecurity in Nigeria and reestablish Nigeria in the strategic calculus of ensuring Africa’s regional stability. It analyzes why U.S. security programs are not achieving their desired outcomes despite increased U.S. assistance. It also assesses the 2012 U.S. Strategy for Sub-Saharan Africa and U.S. security programs with respect to Nigeria’s security challenges. The thesis reveals that poor outcomes are not due to program-problem mismatch, but due to the U.S. bureaucratic bottlenecks in Washington and the incapacity of the Nigerian security agencies. The underlying causes of insecurity in Nigeria, such as low literacy rates, poverty, and weak institutions, also impinge on the program. The remedies lie in repositioning Nigeria’s security agencies and building Nigeria’s institutions to address the underlying causes of insecurity. The U.S. government also needs to prioritize its humanitarian programs to address more specific problems.

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12

Зінченко, Катерина, and Kateryna Zinchenko. "Investment relations between Canada and the United States." Thesis, Національний авіаційний університет, 2020. http://er.nau.edu.ua/handle/NAU/43562.

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In the context of global transformation in the economic integration of Canada and the USA, there is a tendency towards the internationalization of economic rela-tions and the internationalization of capital. Very close relations between Canada and the United States contributed to the geographical proximity, historical and cultural similarities of the two countries.

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13

Gaarder, Stephen Matthew. "Presidential succession and United States-Latin American relations." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/186120.

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This dissertation examines the consequences of presidential change for American foreign policy toward Latin America during the post World War II era. It focuses upon five dimensions of inter-American relations and analyzes the effects of presidential succession upon these foreign policy behaviors: Economic and military aid, bilateral international agreements, symbolic attention toward Latin America, and political use of force in Latin America. Using time-series analysis, this research tests the hypothesis that foreign policy should be largely immune from the effects of changing presidencies. The empirical findings lend qualified support to this expectation. The political use of force appears largely immune from the influence of presidential succession. The allocation of economic aid as well as the creation of international agreements and symbolic attention all appear minimally susceptible to presidential change. Military aid, on the other hand, is noticeably sensitive to fluctuations in leadership.

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14

AbuGhazaleh, Shereen N. A. "The resolution of domain name disputes : a comparison of Jordan, United Kingdom, United States, and ICANN rules." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2010. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?pid=158341.

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Domain names constitute a valuable key element in electronic commerce. However, some intend to benefit from this fact by registering identical or similar trademarks as domain names, thereby depriving the legitimate owners from obtaining the domain name. This thesis aims to evaluate the protection provided for domain names, by illustrating several models that are under civil, common and international jurisdiction, namely, Jordan, the United Kingdom, the United States and by ICANN. In the first model there are no special regulations. In the second model alternative regulations are applied while, in the third model, a special act is provided; the fourth model constitutes a global protection for specific types of domain name disputes. It is concluded that the absence of a unified legal identity for domain names is the reason why diverse positions are required to protect them; concomitantly, domain name disputes have not been sufficiently addressed, and there is a necessity to provide domain names with a globally comprehensive protection mechanism.

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15

Ye, Jong Young. "Cooperation beyond rivalry : world system evolution and U.S.-Japan relations since 1945 /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10790.

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16

Duke, Simon. "United States defence bases in the United Kingdom." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1985. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:5f7987f7-8286-48b0-9595-d60413ef6fc6.

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The main concerns of the study, covering the years 1945-84, are arrangements that have been made for the use of military bases in the United Kingdom by United States forces. The subject is examined within a chronological framework. The development of the United States military presence is traced, from the earliest Joint Chiefs of Staff plans in 1945 and the Spaatz- Tedder agreement in 1946, which gave the United States permission to deploy certain forces in the United Kingdom in time of emergency. The 1948 Berlin Crisis led to the arrival of bombers in East Anglia which was the first major post-war deployment of United States forces to Britain. It was stated that it would be for a period of temporary duty. In fact the bases have remained from that day to this, though their number and types have varied over time. The Korean War proved to be the next major turning point. It increased demands upon the Attlee government for an agreement defining the conditions of use of United States bases in the United Kingdom. The subsequent Truman- Attlee, and later Truman-Churchill, meetings resulted in the key phrase: the use of bases would be 'a matter for joint decision ... in the light of circumstances prevailing at the time.' Different interpretations have been placed on these words at different times. The years 1950-57 saw a consolidation of the United States military presence, with Britain's importance as an intelligence base also growing. The dawning of the missile age symbolised by the first Soviet earth satellite in 1957, the agreement in the same year to deploy Thor missiles, and the deployment of Polaris to Holy Loch in 1960, raised questions regarding the adequacy of the earlier agreements on the conditions of use. This factor, alongside the development of a distinct European identity of which Britain has become a part, has led to a questioning of American hegemony within NATO. The arrival of cruise missiles in 1983 gave added urgency to the debate. Whilst it may be generally recognized that the bases make a substantial contribution to the United Kingdom's defences, the need for clarification of the uses to which the bases can be put by United States forces remains.

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17

Paz, Jorge Macelo Cadima. "Present and future of the United States-Bolivia relations /." Fort Leavenworth, KS : US Army Command and General Staff College, 2009. http://cgsc.contentdm.oclc.org/u?/p4013coll2,2600.

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18

Zoerlein, Timothy A. "United States-Japan security relations : scenarios for the future /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 1996. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA307205.

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19

Gundogan, Mehmet S. "Iranian-Venezuelan relations and impacts on the United States." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/27837.

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This thesis examines the recent IranianVenezuelan partnership, especially as it relates to Irans involvement in Latin America and its impact on U.S. foreign policy. Thus, this study analyzes Irans behavior vis--vis the U.S. and Latin America and asks whether Iran IS trying to strike a balance against the U.S. by forming a bloc with Venezuelaand, if so, whether it can succeed. Over the past five years, the Islamic Republic of Iran has expanded its influence in Latin America as part of the aggressive foreign policy of President Ahmadinejad. He especially seeks support for Irans nuclear program and a way to evade international isolation. Furthermore, Ahmadinejad aims to outflank Irans foremost opponentthe United Statesin its own backyard with the help of the Venezuelan populist leader, Hugo Chvez, who also endorses strong anti-imperialist and anti-American rhetoric. With the assistance of President Chvez, Iran has found a bridge to infiltrate the region. The two countries have formed an anti-U.S. front known to the world as the axis of unity. Through this relationship, Iran has deepened its contacts with other leftist countries such as Ecuador, Bolivia, Nicaragua, and Cuba.

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20

Biersmith, Eric Michael. "A neoliberal analysis of the United States relations with Iran and Sudan." Click here for download, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1288668471&sid=2&Fmt=2&clientId=3260&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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21

Chan, Man Clara. "An American perspective on security relations with the Republic of Korea and Japan in the 1990s." Click to view the E-thesis via HKUTO, 1997. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B42574584.

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22

Wongduen, Narasuj Grabill Joseph L. "Siamese-American relations in the nineteenth century." Normal, Ill. Illinois State University, 1988. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ilstu/fullcit?p8818718.

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Thesis (D.A.)--Illinois State University, 1988.
Title from title page screen, viewed September 12, 2005. Dissertation Committee: Joseph L. Grabill (chair), L. Moody Simms, Lawrence W. McBride, Louis G. Perez, Richard H. Jacobs. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 130-143) and abstract. Also available in print.

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23

Luff, Jennifer D. "Judas exposed: Labor spies in the United States." W&M ScholarWorks, 2005. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539623476.

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This dissertation examines the phenomenon of labor espionage from the mid-nineteenth century through the 1930s. Trade unionists coined the term to describe the use of undercover agents posing as workers to collect information for employers about their employees' opinions and activities. Labor spies sometimes identified union supporters and blocked organizing drives; other spies functioned more like surrogate supervisors checking on job performance.;I explore the origins of labor espionage in "spotting," undercover surveillance of railway workers by private detectives to catch theft. I argue that spotting began as a management technology to cope with large dispersed railway workforces, but managers soon saw that secret agents could also monitor workers' behavior and subvert collective action. Rail workers' unions were hamstrung by shame over worker theft and unable to exploit public sympathy to limit employers' use of undercover agents. Next, I examine the difficulties encountered by the American Federation of Hosiery Workers when they tried to systematically counter labor spies in their industry and find that the Hosiery Workers' campaign showed that no union could effectively counter labor spies, and that the union was further hampered by its inability to acknowledge that many spies came from its own ranks. Finally, I compare labor spies to Communists as undercover agents deploying similar strategies in attempts to infiltrate American unions. Unionists developed narratives of infiltration to denounce both labor spies and Communists but deployed them to different ends in the 1930s; progressives used the labor spy narrative to lobby for federal oversight of labor relations, and conservatives used the Communist narrative to attach progressives and fight expanded federal authority. Labor conservatives helped drive early American anticommunism and the rise of McCarthyism.;Trade unionists and historians have avoided a critical fact about labor espionage, that workers performed most secret surveillance. Labor espionage should be seen not just as a management tool, but as a manifestation of worker antiunionism. Rather than asking how labor espionage impaired the growth of American unions, we should ask why some workers chose to subvert collective action, and integrate worker antiunionism into our understanding of American working-class formation.

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24

Marks, Martha Staley. "United States policy toward Tunisian nationalism during World War II." PDXScholar, 1985. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3664.

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This thesis has attempted to describe the controversy between Robert Murphy and Hooker Doolittle over American policy toward the North Africans and French during World War II. The research was based primarily on material from State Department documents found in the National Archives supplemented by material from the French archives as well as memoirs, personal interviews, and histories of the period. In order for the reader to understand this particular dispute, the problem was developed in the context of the larger political scene as it evolved in North Africa. The controversy between de Gaulle and Giraud was described since it tended to dominate relations between the United States and France at that time. As a result of the research, it was obvious that Murphy's position prevailed, but not without raising important questions about the long term implications of this position.

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25

Donaghy, Greg. "Hegemonic hug Canada and the reordering of North American relations, 1963-68 /." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/tape17/PQDD_0010/NQ32825.pdf.

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26

Kalfas, Martin Daniel. "Chinese Soft Power Promotion in the United States: 2005-2014." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1472244955.

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27

Boyd, R. Vernon. "An interpretive analysis of the integration of two churches." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 2005. http://www.tren.com.

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28

Kunovich, Sheri Locklear. "Intergenerational exchanges and economic security evidence from the United States /." Connect to this title online, 2003. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1069634506.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2003.
Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages; contains xii, 193 p.; also includes graphics (some col.). Includes bibliographical references (p. 178-193). Available online via OhioLINK's ETD Center

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29

Zietsma, David. "IMAGINING HEAVEN AND HELL: RELIGION, NATIONAL IDENTITY, AND U.S. FOREIGN RELATIONS, 1930-1953." Akron, OH : University of Akron, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=akron1185381373.

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Dissertation (Ph. D.)--University of Akron, Dept. of History, 2007.
"August, 2007." Title from electronic dissertation title page (viewed 04/24/2008) Advisor, Walter L. Hixson; Committee members, T. J. Boisseau, Mary Ann Heiss, Brant T. Lee, Elizabeth Mancke; Department Chair, Walter L. Hixson; Dean of the College, Ronald F. Levant; Dean of the Graduate School, George R. Newkome. Includes bibliographical references.

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30

Ragland, James Deen Greig James Michael. "The commander's sword & the executive's pen presidential success in congress and the use of force /." [Denton, Tex.] : University of North Texas, 2007. http://digital.library.unt.edu/permalink/meta-dc-3926.

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31

Zhang, Shu. "Chinese-Americans and the U.S.-China relations : the role of Chinese-Americans in U.S.-China relations." Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2554511.

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32

Pardo, Fajardo Santiago. "The United States narcotics certification process : an evaluation." Thesis, McGill University, 1996. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=20542.

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The issue of narcotic drugs and narcotrafficking has gained a preeminent place in the formulation and implementation of U.S. foreign policy, especially in respect to Latin American countries. Inter-American relations, previously defined in the setting of the "Cold War", currently gravitate to a large extent, around the production and trade of illegal drugs. In this new framework, the economic dependency of developing nations provides the United States with enough power to implement unilateral strategies aimed at the achievement of U.S. national interests, through the execution of a coercive diplomacy supported by the threat of economic sanctions. In this context, the government of the United States has advanced the narcotics question as a pretext to obtain political, legislative and judicial changes in Latin American countries, through the "narcotics certification process", which pretends the adoption and implementation of a flawed, prohibition law enforcement oriented antidrug strategy. The certification process, besides its futility in terms of providing a solution to the narcotics dilemma, causes irreparable damage to producer and transit countries, constitutes an obstacle in their development process and a violation of their national sovereignty.

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33

Elliott, Bryan James 1965. "Latin America: The United States sphere of influence." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/278459.

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The history of United States (U.S.)-Latin American relations is based on conflict. The U.S. has been accused of exercising dominance over Latin America, which is called its sphere of influence. Although the U.S. did exercise control over a Latin American sphere, it did so for a short period. U.S. influence fell into decline for two reasons. The first occurred when the U.S. attained its peak of power. At this time, the U.S. took the initiative and created democratic oriented regional and international organizations. These provided the States of Latin America a way out of the U.S. sphere. The second was the intense polarization of relations that occurred during the Cold War, at which time relations began to sour as Latin America left the U.S. sphere and vociferously opposed U.S. initiatives. Now that the Cold War has ended, this relationship should return to levels of interaction and support consistent with a natural relationship among juridical equals.

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34

Al-Mukadam, Mohammed. "A Survey of Diplomatic and Commercial Relations Between the United States and Oman in Zanzibar, 1828-1856." PDXScholar, 1990. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3952.

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Informal relations between American merchant traders and the Sultanate of Oman in the port of Zanzibar began with the landing of the first American merchants about 1828. At the same approximate time, Sultan Said bin Sultan moved his official residence from Muscat, Oman, to Zanzibar, underlining the importance of Zanzibar to the administration of his territories on the East African coast. Relations were formalized by the Treaty of 1833 between the United States and Oman, and the U.S. established a consular mission in Zanzibar in 1837 and in Muscat in 1838. The growth of the Omani Empire under Sultan Said expanded and prospered during the period examined in the present research (1828-1856). Oman's growth and prosperity, resulting primarily from its possession of Zanzibar and ports on the East African coast, roughly parallels the expansion and prosperity of the Zanzibar trade to American merchant traders. After Said's death, the Omani Empire was divided in a bitter succession battle (abetted by the British, who enjoyed military dominance in the region), and this point marked the beginning of the decline of the Oman as a regional economic and political power. The present study surveys these two parallel developments over the critical 28-year reign of Sultan Said. The survey finds that, as with much economic development in the "third world" in the nineteenth century, Oman's enormous growth and prosperity during this period was directly linked to the growth and prosperity of commercial interests of a "developed" Western nation (in Oman's case, the United States). The study found that political developments between the two countries followed, and were informed and directed by, commercial developments. America's first three consuls to the Sultanate of Oman in Zanzibar were New England merchant traders more focused on their own commercial interests than on political concerns. That both parties (American traders and the Omani government) ultimately prospered is testimony to the complementary nature of their respective economic goals and foreign policy objectives.

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35

Blumel, Christina M. "A comparative analysis of U.S. foreign policy in Iran and the Philippines." PDXScholar, 1991. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4295.

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This paper is a comparative analysis of U.S. foreign policy towards Iran and the Philippines. The question which prompted this research topic was simple: why was the outcome for the United States so different in terms of subsequent relations with each state after the downfall of the Shah and Ferdinand Marcos? Both leaders were important U.S. allies in strategic states that had benefited from foreign aid. Opposition groups in each state resented this support of their repressive leaders. Unlike Iran, good relations with the Philippines continued during the Aquino presidency, without the resentment and mistrust which prevented good relations after the Shah's departure.

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36

Stevens, Bron. "President Carter and the Egypt-Israeli rapprochement." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/114551.

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On 17 September 1978 Egypt and Israel signed the Camp David Accords} these provided -frameworks within which a comprehensive peace and an Egypt-Israel treaty could be negotiated. The Accords were heralded as a breakthrough in the search -for peace in the Middle East and a demonstration o-f the supreme power o-f the United States in the region. The crucial American role in negotiating these Accords was the culmination of a trend, exhibited as early as the Eisenhower administration, as the United States became the only power able to influence Israe1. Such inf1uence was best exerted directly by the President; the Camp David Accords were a direct consequence of the personal intervention of President Carter. Yet the Accords fell far short of the comprehensive peace the Carter administration originally sought and claimed to have achieved. Israel remains surrounded by hostile neighbours, involved in intermittent wars and in occupation of over one million unwilling Palestinians of the West Bank and Gaza. The weaknesses of the Accords and the hostile reception they received among even 'moderate’ Arab regimes reflects the limitations on US power to influence Israel or the Arabs.

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37

Tigrak, Fatih. "Conflict And Cooperation: Syria-united States Relations Through 1970-2011." Master's thesis, METU, 2012. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12615132/index.pdf.

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This thesis analyzes the dynamics of bilateral relationship between the United States of America and Syrian Arab Republic from Hafez Asad&rsquo
s grasp of power in 1970 to the latest domestic uprising of 2011. The relationship will be considered under three main vectors
struggle over Lebanon, tensions regarding peace process and Israel, and rogue statehood of Syria attributed by the United States.

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38

Walzer, Lawrence. "United States-Israeli relations the impact on U.S. national interests." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2007. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion-image.exe/07Jun%5FWalzer.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2007.
Thesis Advisor(s): Anne Marie Baylouny, Jeffrey Knopf. "June 2007." Includes bibliographical references (p.89-96). Also available in print.

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39

Walker, Olivia. "Cuba's deepwater drilling operations United States relations, legalities, and future." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2012. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/634.

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After the calamitous and environmentally devastating occurrence of the Deepwater Horizon Oil Spill in the Gulf of Mexico in 2010, the sobering realities of the United States' failure to successfully protect its ocean waters have caused several modifications in policy, legislation, and overall direction ofthe entire nation. Although there has been a general shift towards ecological safety and away from the pursuit to drill, oil-drilling explorations have continued to take place in internationally. This research will focus on the future operations of Repsol YPF, S.A., a Spanish oil company stationed in Cuba, whose drilling ambitions have caused a myriad of problems for the United States. The intent of this paper is to investigate the legalities surrounding Cuba's forthcoming deepwater oil drilling plan within the Florida Straights and how the existing relations between Cuba and the United States will shape the outcome. The majority of United States officials, senators, and policymakers are experiencing a great deal of anxiety and apprehension as Cuba's oil drilling plan continues to solidify. Recent changes in legislation and congressional opinion display the United States' overall objective to shape the manner in which the drilling operations will be carried out. This thesis will ultimately explore what progress the United States has made thus far in the sector of dialogue with Cuban officials, the various options the United States could seek in regards to taking part in the drilling operations that will soon commence in Cuba, and the current risks involved with the entirety of the drilling endeavor.
B.A. and B.S.
Bachelors
Health and Public Affairs
Legal Studies

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40

Gjochi, Marigona. "Economic Relations Between China and the United States of America." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-198691.

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The master thesis emphasizes the economic relations between China and the United States. It gives an overview and theoretical background support on the significance of contemporary the economic relations between countries in today`s globalized era. Secondly, it analyzes how the theoretical background of economic and trade relations affect the empirical case study of the economic relations between China and the USA. The goal is to show how the economic and trade relations between China and the United States influence each other`s economies and what is the effect of such relations on the economic performance of both countries. More precisely, in order to answer the question above, the master thesis deals with complex analysis in regard of historical perspective concerning the economic relations between these countries, their ongoing cooperation in terms of balance of payments, the current and potential issues what both countries face and the existing challenges for the future. In order to complete the analysis and answer the research question, list of various sources will be used, starting from academic journals, books, literature reviews, reports from the World Trade Organization (hereafter WTO), reports from the respective countries on their economic progress, data available from the ministries of trade of respective countries and other sources related to the analysis of the contemporary economic and trade relations between the countries participating in the global economy.

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41

Higgin, Hannah Nicole. "Disseminating American ideals in Africa, 1949-1969." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.709221.

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42

Kraft, Herman Joseph S. "Philippine - U.S. security relations in the post-bases era." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112036.

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The Philippines and United States face a new era in their security relationship. The Military Bases Agreement (MBA) signed between the two countries on March 14, 1947 terminated in December 1992. Following the rejection by the Philippine Senate on September 12, 1991 of a new treaty which would have allowed the United States to maintain its military facilities in the Philippines, the Philippine government served the United States a one-year notice of termination for the MBA on December 31, 1991. On November 24, 1992, the last U.S. combat unit left Subic Naval Base.

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43

Aydogmus, Muslum. "Geopolitics Versus Globalization: United States." Master's thesis, METU, 2008. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12609085/index.pdf.

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This thesis aims to discuss the argument of exhaustion of economic globalization as an American foreign policy principle. This study argues that economic globalization is intended to restore declining American hegemony started in 1970s, but it has eventually given way to the argument of &ldquo
return of the geopolitics&rdquo
. The return of the geopolitics is an imperial, expansionist drive as a new foreign policy imperative for United States. The new developments in the international arena in the post-cold war era and especially after the September 11, 2001 brought the end of the globalization as an American project. Globalization is replaced with geopolitics in the transition period from hegemony to empire in United States foreign policy. Because there are new threats for United States in the twenty-first century such as the rise of new global actors in world politics or international competition for oil resources in the strategic regions of the world. In this framework, this study focuses on the rise of new, alternative &ldquo
great powers&rdquo
(European Union, China etc...).

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44

Riley, Joseph. "Hedging engagement : America's neoliberal strategy for managing China's rise in the post-Cold War era." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:307b4b67-77d0-40f3-bcfc-26d9598aa6bb.

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This thesis examines America's post-Cold War relations with China in the context of the neoliberal vs. neorealist debate. It concludes that neorealism - the dominant school of thought in the international relations literature - is incapable of explaining America's response to China's rise in the post-Cold War era. Because America was the leading global power and China was its most obvious potential rival, a neorealist theory that prioritized the distribution of relative power would anticipate this relationship to be a most-likely case for American policymakers to pursue containment and prioritize relative gains. However, I leverage insights from more than 100 personal interviews to demonstrate that in reality American leaders have overwhelmingly preferred a strategy of neoliberal engagement with China that has remained decidedly positive-sum in nature. My explanation for this consistent, bipartisan preference is that American policymakers have not adopted the neorealist assumption that conflict is inevitable between existing and rising great powers. As a result, policymakers have not focused exclusively on how to minimize the relative costs of a potential conflict with China by trying to contain China's relative power and limit America' exposure to China (as they did with the Soviet Union in the Cold War). Instead, policymakers have subscribed to the neoliberal belief that conflict can be avoided, and that increasing engagement and interdependence is the best strategy to maintain peace. They have pursued this strategy despite acknowledging that engagement and interdependence have increased the costs of a potential conflict by helping to facilitate China's rise in both an absolute and relative sense, and by increasing America's exposure to China. This thesis helps to define the differences between hedging and containing strategies. It argues that while relative material power is often important in deciding whether to hedge or not hedge, these purely material calculations play no role in decisions of whether to pursue containment or engagement. Instead, the decision to contain or not hinges on the target state's behavior and what that reveals about the regime's underlying intentions. Within this new framework, I argue that American policymakers' strategy has been to engage China economically while simultaneously hedging militarily. Furthermore, to the extent that American policymakers have expressed increased concerns about China in recent years, this has been primarily a consequence of China's increased assertiveness - not changes in its relative power.

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45

Roden, Mark Allan. "The international political economy of contemporary US-China relations." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2001. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/14814/.

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This book investigates the changing nature of US power at the level of world order using US relations with the People's Republic of China in the 1990s as a case study. It is argued that US hegemony has given way to a period of dominance in which the neo-liberal policy objectives of the US state are increasingly realised via the structural power of global institutions and the ideological preferences which underpin them; the cultivation of regional trading blocs; and the material power of the US state as conceived in more traditional terms. This neo-Gramscian assessment of US power is accompanied by the idea that political agency is required to satisfy policy goals under conditions of globalisation. State policy is thereby understood as the product of a political process involving US civil society and non-state actors rather than a given entity. The chapters of the book flesh out the methods by which the US has sought to promote a liberal trading order in the light of China's emergence as a global power and the various areas of consensus and disagreement between the two nations. This takes the form of analysing five major thematic areas of the relationship which include assessments of the historical evolution of US-China relations; the political economy of US-China trade; the role of social forces (civil society) in US-China relations; environmental aspects of the relationship; and the impact of regionalism on US-China relations. Overall, the intention is to problematise the view that the relationship can still be broached in conventional state-centric terms which play down new structural conditions underpinned by the onset of economic globalisation and more multilateral forms of power. In many senses, the thesis entails a novel approach to the political economy of relations between two of the world's foremost powers by placing analysis within the context of neo Gramscian critical theory. It concludes by noting that though US structural power remains considerable in the post-hegemonic era of the 1990s and beyond, the rise of China may induce moves, for better and perhaps worse, to a more multilateral world order.

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46

Lange, Thomas. "U.S. - European relations pre- and post September 11, 2001." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2002. http://sirsi.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/02Mar%5FLange.pdf.

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47

Martin, William R. "Corporatism in American foreign policy toward Germany between the wars, 1921-1936." PDXScholar, 1992. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4380.

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This thesis is an investigation of how United States foreign policy was made in the context of German-American relations in the period between the two world wars. The problem under investigation is whether the United States was using a corporatist approach in dealing with the problems of Germany and ultimately Europe and whether the corporatist model is a good one for analyzing foreign policy development during this period. Corporatism, as it is used in this thesis, is defined as an organizational form which recognizes privately organized functional groups outside the United States government, which collaborate with the government to share power and make policy. In the case of foreign policy, the focus of this investigation is on the role played by autonomous financial experts, especially from the banking community.

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48

Weis, Warren Michael. "Roots of estrangement : the United States and Brazil, 1950-1961 /." The Ohio State University, 1987. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487586889186759.

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49

Tisdale, Tyron Earl Jr. "The United States and Iran, 1951-1953: The Cold War interaction of national security policy, alliance politics and popular nationalism." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/184685.

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The years 1951 to 1953 are among the most important and controversial in Iranian history. The period is significant not only for the domestic dynamics of popular nationalism under Prime Minister Mohammed Mossadegh, but also for the role that United States policy played in an interaction with the conflict between a lingering British economic presence and the Iranian move to nationalize its oil industry. An examination of United States national security policy of that time reveals that policy toward Iran was consistent with the overall post-war policy of the United States, dominated as it was by the central theme of preventing the spread of communism. The task for the men who were charged with the application of U.S. policy in Iran during those years was to accommodate two factors which complicated the search for an order which would ensure post-war national security for the United States: Iranian nationalism as epitomized by Mossadegh; and the economic and diplomatic interests of Great Britain. The United States sought to resolve the conflict so that instability in Iran would not invite communist influence or takeover. United States policymakers were influenced by several factors which combined to eventually decide the outcome. The centrality of the perceived world communist expansion threat, McCarthyism in the United States, the role of several key figures with experience in U.S.-Soviet diplomacy, and the change from a Democratic to a Republican administration at the time Mossadegh was experiencing a deterioration of his own domestic political situation; all worked toward the still-controversial outcome of U.S. policy: the overthrow of Mossadegh. The primacy of containment of communism in United States policy did not preclude variations in its application, nor did this emphasis ignore the forces of Iranian nationalism and self-determination. Nonetheless, given the men involved in the policy decisions, the information available to them and the context of the post-World War II international order, the outcome was predictable and entirely consistent at the time with creating an international order conducive to the national security interests of the United States.

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50

McKercher, Asa. "Canada, Britain, the United States, and the Cuban revolution, 1959-1968." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648348.

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