Relevant bibliographies by topics / Jordan – Foreign economic relations

Academic literature on the topic 'Jordan – Foreign economic relations'

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Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 29 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Jordan – Foreign economic relations"

1

Helalat, Mohamad Ali. "The legal guarantees to protect foreign investment in Jordan." Journal of International Trade Law and Policy 21, no. 1 (October 11, 2021): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jitlp-01-2021-0003.

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Purpose This paper aims to indicate that the foreign investment system in Jordan includes many provisions that create an appropriate environment for encouraging foreign investments and grant a distinctive treatment for the foreign investor that allows them the status equal to the national investor. Design/methodology/approach This study deals with the protection provided by the Jordan Government for foreign investments to attract foreign investment by studying the guarantees given by Jordan including many legal principles that encourage investment. The legal guarantees for the foreign investor enhance the confidence of the foreign investor in the host country. Findings The system provides a lot of guarantees with respect to non-commercial risks to which the foreign investor may be exposed. Originality/value The paper also clarifies that the role played by bilateral agreements in the field of investments, as these agreements give foreign investments a measure of protection through the guarantees and they are considered as incentives for the investor.
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Alshwawra, Ahmad, and Ahmad Almuhtady. "Impact of Turmoil and Gas Resources in the Eastern Mediterranean on Jordanian Energy Security and Foreign Policy." Transformation of Turkey’s Defense Industry: Causes, Context and Consequences 22, Summer 2020 (September 16, 2020): 237–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.25253/99.2020223.13.

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The Mediterranean region has witnessed a lot of turbulence in the last decade. On the one hand, the Arab uprising changed the shape of the regional relations towards more rivalry. On the other hand, the discovery of natural gas resources has opened up a valuable chance for cooperation and settling the long-standing disputes. Jordan is affected by what happens in the Mediterranean region in more than one aspect. The various economic difficulties including energy insecurity, resulting from multiple refugee crises and the interruption of Egyptian gas is one of the most critical challenges Jordan has ever faced. As a heavy energy importer, the Jordanian energy sector is very sensitive to the regional and International context. The recently discovered Eastern Mediterranean gas is an attractive energy resource for Jordan. Nonetheless, a fear of its influence on the Jordanian foreign policy in the Palestinian context has grown. This article discusses the impact of the recent turmoil in the Mediterranean region on Jordan energy security. It tracks the change of energy security in Jordan between 2010 and 2018 using a proposed energy security framework. The article also discusses the potential implications of Jordan’s decision to import the Mediterranean gas through Israel on Jordanian energy security using the proposed energy security framework. Moreover, the article utilizes semi-systematic literature review methodology to analyze international, regional and national contexts in order to investigate the potential ramifications of that decision on Jordanian foreign policy regarding the Palestinian cause.
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باقر, أ. م. د. اسامة مرتضى, and أ. م. د. اسامة مرتضى باقر. "Iraq's foreign policy and the regional context, the input of instability and mechanisms of normalization." مجلة العلوم السياسية, no. 52 (February 20, 2019): 97–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.30907/jj.v0i52.67.

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Iraq has suffered since 1991 from international sanctions imposed on it by the dictatorial regime that existed at the time, invading Kuwait, which led to the decline of the status of Iraq and the isolation of international and regional (Arab) and clear Iraq as a strange entity living within its regional environment, after April 2003 did not change much In fact, there were no signs of détente before the Arab League summit in Baghdad in 2011, and the signs of a break in the stalemate in inter-relations over the past years have become evident. Disruption and refraction was not high (Islamic Republic of Iran, Turkey, Syrian Arab Republic, Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait). Each side is governed by perceptions about Iraq, especially after 2003, and the political and economic developments taking place.
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Zajaczkowski, Małgorzata. "External and internal liberalization that ENP promotes as transmission belts of democratization and political stability: success and failure revisited - the Southern Dimension." Kwartalnik Kolegium Ekonomiczno-Społecznego. Studia i Prace, no. 3 (November 26, 2017): 87–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.33119/kkessip.2017.3.5.

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The European Neighborhood Policy (ENP) was launched in 2004 with the aim of building new political and economic relations between the EU and its Southern and Eastern neighboring states through support for introduction of reforms and systemic changes in the partner states. In the South, the initiative covered ten countries: Algeria, Egypt, Israel, Jordan, Lebanon, Libya, Morocco, Palestine, Syria and Tunisia. It was associated with better political and economic relations with the EU, which should result in a wider access to the European market for Mediterranean goods and a larger foreign direct investment in$ow to the partner countries' markets. The aim of the paper is to analyze the effects of ENP on the Southern Mediterranean neighbors in the context of economic liberalization and pro-democratic changes. The paper analyses two problems: economic development and trade liberalization offered by ENP through deeper integration with the EU and marketoriented regulations. The second problem analyzed in the paper concerns the process of democratic changes that the EU committed to promote. Due to the highly controversial nature of democratization for the Mediterranean states, it was replaced by the idea of good governance. For this purpose, general trends within the Mediterranean societies in their approach to that notion of governance are presented.
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Saymeh, Abdul Aziz Farid, Marwan Mohammad Abu Orabi, and Abdullah A. S. Alshourah. "The Impact of Inflation Prospects on Investments of Industrial Companies (Jordan’ case)." WSEAS TRANSACTIONS ON BUSINESS AND ECONOMICS 18 (May 21, 2021): 916–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.37394/23207.2021.18.87.

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This paper aimed to evaluate the impact of inflation prospects on investments of Industrial Companies in Jordan. The main objective is to elaborate the most relevant and feasible techniques to improve the prospects for developing the invests in the industrial sector. In the introduction part, inflation prospects and selected methods of analysis via available information resources were defined. It is well known that inflation is a prominent economic phenomenon in the modern world. The financial inflation is the prime objective of present study because it is primarily concerned with the investment process, especially to consider that inflation almost affects both the foreign and domestic direct investments by almost equal rates. The topic of industrial development is highly concerned with process of investment in Jordan. This research deals with the inflation effect on investment outcomes of most industrial companies in Jordan. This study will contribute to enrich the existing literature with financial structure and investment decisions via monetary inflation represented by capital, commodity and imports within the set of industrial companies. The study tool is a questionnaire that collected the needed data aiming to elaborate the preset conclusions of this research. Pearson correlation testing program was implemented to measure the relation between inflation and investment procedures. Overall outcomes revealed that the lowest coefficient observed between imports inflation. and all other variables were reversed, most increases in imports inflation were almost stabilized by the decrease of the other variables. While all other correlation values were positive.
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Da Silva, Leonardo Luiz Silveira. "O papel das estratégias norte-americanas para as rupturas paradigmáticas na orientação da Política Externa jordaniana na segunda metade do século XX/The role of U.S. strategies for the paradigmatic changes in Jordanian foreign policy." Brazilian Journal of International Relations 5, no. 1 (May 1, 2016): 186–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.36311/2237-7743.2016.v5n1.09.p186.

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Resumo: A descolonização do Oriente Médio que originou novos Estados na região da Bacia do rio Jordão, coincide temporalmente com um novo arranjo da ordem mundial que se reorganizava no período pós-Segunda Guerra Mundial. A trajetória da política externa da Jordânia na segunda metade do século XX é extremamente didática para entendermos os efeitos das relações de poder entre as nações em âmbito regional e global para a mudança de comportamento dos Estados que praticavam políticas anti-hegemônicas. Nesta trajetória destaca-se a intensa disputa pelos escassos recursos hídricos regionais, à medida que o recurso é fundamental para o desenvolvimento das atividades econômicas e para a própria soberania do Estado. Na já distante década de 1950, poucos anos após o conflito da Guerra de Independência que opôs Israel e os Estados árabes vizinhos, a Jordânia passou a adotar uma postura intransigente em relação à aproximação com Israel, apesar dos esforços dos Estados Unidos para promover a estabilidade regional. Com o acordo de paz entre Egito e Israel, mediado pelos Estados Unidos e costurado na virada das décadas de 1970 e 1980, o tabu da oposição sistemática a Israel foi rompido. Desta forma, este artigo tem como objetivo apresentar as mudanças na política externa da Jordânia na segunda metade do século XX, associando estas mudanças às novas estratégias norte-americanas para região, permitindo a compreensão das novas formas de imperialismo que dominam o cenário do Oriente Médio desde a década de 1970.Palavras-Chave: Jordânia, Estados Unidos, Israel, políticas anti-hegemônicas. Abstract: The decolonization of the Middle East that originated in the new states of the Jordan Basin region coincides temporally with a new arrangement of the world order, which is rearranged in the post - World War II period. The trajectory of the Jordanian foreign policy in the second half of the twentieth century is extremely didactic to understand the effects of power relations between nations on a regional and global level to the changing behavior of States which practiced anti - hegemonic politics. On this path there is the intense competition for scarce regional water resources, as the feature is essential for the development of economic activities and the very sovereignty of the state. In the distant 1950s, a few years after the conflict of the War of Independence which opposed Israel and neighboring Arab states, Jordan adopted an uncompromising stance towards rapprochement with Israel, despite U.S. efforts to promote peace in the region. With the peace agreement between Egypt and Israel, brokered by the United States and sewn at the turn of the 1970s and 1980s, the pattern of systematic opposition to Israel was broken. This paper aims to present the changes in Jordan's foreign policy in the second half of the twentieth century, linking these changes to the new US strategy for the region, allowing the understanding of new forms of imperialism which dominate the Middle East scenario since the decade 1970.Keywords: Jordan, United States, Israel, anti - hegemonic politics.
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DZHUMAGULOVA, A. T. "NOGAY DIASPORA IN THE TURKISH REPUBLIC (FORMATION HISTORY AND PRESENT STATE)." Kavkazologiya, no. 2 (2021): 40–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.31143/2542-212x-2021-2-40-60.

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The article highlights a little-studied problem – the history of the formation and current situation of the nogai diaspora in the republic of Turkey, which arose as a result of the migration waves of nogai societies from the territories of the North Caucasus and the Northern Black Sea region from the end of the XVIII century to the beginning of the XX century. The relevance of the study is due to the complexity and inconsistency of the topic of russian-turkish relations and their influence on the causes and nature of the migrations of the nogai to the territory of the Ottoman empire, which laid the foundation for the formation of the foreign nogai diaspora. The relevance of this study also lies in the absence of generalizing publications on this topic. The article presents the periodization of the nogai exodus to the Ottoman empire, which makes it possible to build a certain logical connection between the different stages of the emergence and development of the nogai diaspora in the Turkish republic. The factors that influenced the resettlement of nogai societies to Turkey in different periods are shown. Socio-economic, political and psychological reasons played a key role in this process. The processes of adaptation of nogai societies in the regions of the Ottoman empire, as well as the specifics of the settlement of nogai in Turkey and its regions in the period under review, are partially covered. The author of the article touches upon the problem of the division of the foreign nogai diaspora, in which the nogai found themselves after the collapse of the Ottoman Empire at the beginning of the 20th century. Today, representatives of the nogai diaspora live in Turkey, Syria, Jordan, Bulgaria and Romania. Part of the turkish nogai in the middle of the XX century emigrated to Western Europe.
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Ivanov, S. M. "Joe Biden's visit to the Middle East: losses and gains." Diplomaticheskaja sluzhba (Diplomatic Service), no. 5 (September 27, 2022): 398–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2205-05.

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The article analyzes the US foreign policy in the Middle East in the context of the growing confrontation between the collective West and Russia against the backdrop of the Ukrainian crisis. Particular attention is paid to the results of the visit of US President Joe Biden to Israel, to the West Bank of the Jordan River to the State of Palestine and to Saudi Arabia, which he made in mid-July 2022. The author comes to the conclusion that another attempt by Washington to draw the countries of the region into its behind-the-scenes foreign policy games has failed. The Middle Eastern allies and partners of the United States represented by Israel, the monarchies of the Persian Gulf and other Arab states took a neutral position in relation to the confl ict in Ukraine, and the oil and gas exporting countries did not go for a sharp increase in hydrocarbon supplies to the EU countries and the UK, as he insistently asked Biden. The White House failed to put together a regional anti-Iranian bloc on the basis of the Cooperation Council for the Arab States of the Persian Gulf (GCC), as the leaders of Qatar, Oman and Iraq are determined to maintain their traditional ties and contacts with Tehran. Moreover, these countries are making mediation eff orts to normalize relations between the Saudi Arabia and Iran, and there are prerequisites for success in this matter. In general, the Arabs do not support the US administration's concept of hegemony in the world and building a unipolar world order in the Middle East. Even with some remaining dependence on the United States and the West as a whole in the fi nancial, economic, military-technical and other fi elds, the Arab countries prefer to pursue an independent policy on key issues of our time, develop a multipolar world, and maintain mutually benefi cial and respectful relations with all states, including China and Russia. The Arab capitals are in no hurry to speed up the rapprochement with the State of Israel, which is imposed by Washington, expecting from its leadership to intensify eff orts to justly resolve the Palestinian problem and liberate the illegally occupied Arab lands. Even the bogey exaggerated by the White House of a common threat to the Middle East from the hypothetical appearance of Iran's nuclear weapons and its expansion in the region cannot persuade the Persian Gulf monarchies and other Arab countries to cooperate with Jerusalem in the military or military-technical fields.
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HUAN, GUOCANG. "China's Foreign Economic Relations." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 519, no. 1 (January 1992): 176–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716292519001013.

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Areiqat, Ahmad Y., and Hanan Ibrahim. "The Impact of Turning Jordan into an Economic Free Zone on the Flow of Foreign Investments." International Journal of Business and Management 13, no. 12 (November 12, 2018): 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ijbm.v13n12p61.

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Purpose: The purpose of this study is to show that turning Jordan into an economic free zone will lead to a significant increase in foreign investments. This increase, in turn, will lead to an economic growth and to a reduction in the unemployment rate. Jordan is a developing country and any successful investments in the economy sector will have a positive impact on the quality of the social life of its people. This is particularly important now in view of the economic pressure that Jordan is going through as a result of the presence of a huge number of immigrants who have fled the civil wars in neighboring countries.  Methodology: This study has utilized the relevant literature by way of evaluating the benefits of establishing economic free zones in Jordan. Many of the findings are based on analyzing statistical information published by governmental institutions in Jordan. Findings: Jordan offers an attractive investment environment due to the security and stability it enjoys compared with other countries in the Arab region. As such, it has succeeded in establishing new economic free zones through partnership with foreign investors. This has led to a significant increase in the flow of more foreign investments in Jordan. The present study shows that turning the whole of Jordan into an economic free zone will lead to yet a further increase of foreign investments, and hence to more empowerment of the economic sector. Limitations:  The quantitative data available is limited to the years 1999-2007. Value: The findings of this study can be a point of departure for researchers and economic decision-makers in Jordan to prepare economic plans with the purpose of attracting foreign investments and hence promoting economic growth in the country.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Jordan – Foreign economic relations"

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Ponniah, Helen. "Malaysia - Japan relations : economic and political implications." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/110876.

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Japanese involvement in Malaysia dates back to the beginning of this century. From the beginning Japanese interests were predominantly economic in nature Japan looked upon Malaya as a source of raw materials and also as a potential market for its finished products Japan was initially drawn by the rubber industry which became lucrative in 1910 and the iron ore mines which were essential for its steel industries. In 1928 iron ore imports from Malaya accounted for 40 percent of Japan's total consumption. Japanese cotton goods and other manufactures were low priced and therefore popular in Malaysia. However Japanese efforts to make in-roads on the Malaysian economy were impeded by the British colonial administration. For example, the British enacted a Rubber Restriction Act in 1917 which limited rubber exports to Japan. The British also introduced a quota system on Japanese manufactured imports in the late 1930s.
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Rashdan, Abdelfattah A. (Abdelfattah Ali). "Foreign Policy-Making in Jordan: the Role of King Hussein's Leadership in Decision-Making." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1989. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc332183/.

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The purpose of this study is to identify King Hussein's belief system, or operational code as it is called by George and Holsti, and to test its influence on foreign policymaking in Jordan. The research has three related goals: to identify King Hussein's operational code through analysis of his writings and speeches during the period between 1967 and 1980, to review four major foreign policy decisions in an attempt to understand the factors affecting the decision making process in Jordan, and to analyze these decisions to ascertain the impact of the king's personality and beliefs on them in order to discover whether the operational code construct can be used to predict or explain Jordan's foreign policy behavior.
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Herrmann, John. "Japan's economic relations with the South Pacific." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/129551.

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The post-World War II decades witnessed one of the most important economic achievements in recent world history: the rise of Japan as a global economic power. This served notice of Japan's new status as an actor on the world stage and ultimately, of its potential to influence developments around the world. In the South Pacific, Japan's drive to globalise its giant economy over a period of four decades generated a considerable impact on the economies of Pacific Islands countries (PICs). In the period leading up to the mid-1970s, relations between Japan and the South Pacific developed gradually with a continuing emphasis on economic involvement initially through trade and investment. That economic relationship expanded rapidly during the 1980s. Japan's intent for a role beyond a continuing 'economic' emphasis became increasingly apparent during this period with Overseas Development Assistance (ODA), because of its strategic value, becoming a significant component in Japanese involvement. It was the declaration of the Kuranari Doctrine in 1987 that made clear Japan's motivation for a greater political role. Thus, from an initial focus on economic activities in the South Pacific, strategic and political objectives became important considerations for Japan in the growing economic relationship.
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Gaarder, Christopher. "California's Foreign Relations." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1147.

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Globalization has significantly increased the number of stakeholders in transnational issues in recent decades. The typical list of the new players in global affairs often includes non-state actors like non-governmental organizations, multinational corporations, and international organizations. Sub-national governments, however, have been given relatively little attention even though they, too, have a significant interest and ability to shape the increasing flow of capital, goods, services, people, and ideas that has so profoundly influenced the global political economy in recent decades. California, arguably the most significant among sub-national governments – its economy would be seventh or eighth in the world at $2.2 trillion annually, it engages in over $570 billion in merchandise trade, and has a population of nearly 40 million, out of which over 10 million are immigrants – is also one of the most active in transnational issues. The state government has opened and closed dozens trade offices abroad since the 1960s. It set up a multi-billion dollar carbon cap-and-trade system jointly with the Canadian provinces of Québec and Ontario under Assembly Bill 32, one of the most significant pieces of climate change legislation to date. California’s educational, technological, and media hubs – its public and private universities, Silicon Valley, and Hollywood – draw some of the best and brightest from around the world. California also has a long history of involvement in transnational issues. State efforts to undermine growing Chinese then Japanese “menace” immigrant populations from the mid-19th through the mid-20th centuries influenced United States foreign policy. This thesis first takes a look at the federalism and international relations issues faced by California as it plays a greater role in transnational issues. Then, it examines the main actors and institutions, and the issues at play. The states have some leeway under the Constitution and contemporary political order to use their domestic powers to influence global issues, whether through climate legislation, public pension divestment, or non-binding “Memoranda of Understanding” with foreign governments. Such behavior, while less significant than national policy, can fill gaps in national policy, promote policy change, and deepen global ties, promoting a more complex interdependence among nations. California can also exert a moral, soft power influence in leading by example. The structures promoting California’s growing role in transnational issues are poorly organized. If the Golden State is to better leverage its political, economic, and moral authority internationally, it would do well to more explicitly develop a unified vision for its role in the world.
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Salloukh, Bassel Fawzi. "Organizing politics in the Arab world : state-society relations and foreign policy choices in Jordan and Syria." Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=36789.

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Why do some regimes enjoy more autonomy than others when taking foreign policy and alignment choices? How does the organization of state-society relations constrain or enable a regime's freedom to take foreign policy and alignment choices? What explains the overlap between the domestic and external security spheres of some states, but not others? Finally, how do the foreign policy and alignment choices of some regimes have domestic political origins, uses, and implications?
This study explores these theoretical questions through a comparative examination of the impact of the organization of state-society relations (the independent variable) on regime autonomy in taking foreign policy and alignment choices (the dependent variable) in King Hussein's Jordan and Hafiz al-Asad's Syria. In contrast to Jordan's overlapping security terrains, and the domestic political origins, uses, and implications of many of the Hashemite regime's foreign policy and alignment choices, in Asad's Syria these choices are responses to shifts in the external geopolitical environment. This study offers an explanation of the discrepancy between the Syrian regime's ability to ignore domestic constraints on foreign policy and alignment choices, due to its preoccupation with external sources of threat, compared to its Jordanian counterpart's inability to do so and, consequently, its preoccupation on many occasions with strictly domestic sources of threat.
This study bridges comparative politics and international relations theorizing, inviting a methodological shift away from the hitherto dominant neorealist tendency in the latter field, which anchors foreign policy and alignment choices in primarily external considerations and objectives. Borrowing from the literature on corporatism, populism, and historical institutionalism, this study also supplies a more rigorous methodology for investigating the relationship between the domestic structures of nondemocratic states and their foreign policy and alignment choices. More than a revision of neorealist theorizing, and in contrast to idiosyncratic, domestic structure, or constructivist approaches to the study of state behavior, this study contends that a contextual and historical analysis of the organization of state-society relations explains why regime autonomy to take foreign policy and alignment choices may be constrained in some states but not in others. Furthermore, and against neorealism's insistence on the external origins of foreign policy and alignment choices, this study also argues that on many occasions these choices have domestic political origins, uses, and implications. The implications of these conclusions on the study of Arab politics, and on the quest for a first-cut theory of state behavior, are also assessed.
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Husein, Jamal G. "Essays on the Impact of Foreign Aid on Economic Growth and Development: The Case of Jordan." DigitalCommons@USU, 1998. https://digitalcommons.usu.edu/etd/3958.

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This dissertation examines the role of foreign aid in economic growth and development of Jordan. The flow of foreign capital takes two main forms: private foreign investment, mostly foreign direct investment by large multinational corporations, and public development assistance (foreign aid) from both individual national governments and multinational donor agencies. The distinguishing characteristic of foreign aid is the concessional element. In this dissertation, recent techniques and advances in time-series analysis are used in the empirical section of Chapters 2 and 3, i.e., vector autoregression (VAR), impulse response functions, and variance decompositions. In the fourth chapter, we use a nonlinear three-stage least square estimate to test the impact of foreign aid on the fiscal behavior of Jordanian government. The results of this study indicate that foreign aid in its aggregated form exerted an overall short-run positive dynamic impact on Jordanian growth rate of output, while it had a severe and long-run negative dynamic impact on domestic saving rate. When foreign aid is decomposed into its two main components, i.e., foreign aid grants and foreign aid loans, we found that grants exerted a long-run positive dynamic impact on Jordanian output growth and a severe long-run negative impact on its domestic saving rate. On the other hand, foreign aid loans had a positive but short-run impact on output growth and a positive long-run dynamic impact on domestic saving rate. We also found that foreign aid significantly affects both the revenue and expenditure side of the Jordanian government budget. Foreign aid grants positively affect consumption expenditures while foreign loans had no significant impact on government consumption. We also found that tax revenues in Jordan are mainly used to finance public consumption expenditures and not public investment. Furthermore, in the presence of foreign aid (grants and loans), an increase in taxes leads to an increase in public consumption expenditures and vice versa. Finally, the results show that in the presence of foreign aid, the Jordanian public sector reduces its efforts to collect taxes.
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Jin, Rong. "India and China :competitive co-existance through conflict management and cooperation promotion." Thesis, University of Macau, 2018. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3954064.

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Bonnor-Hay, Jenelle. "The politics of Asia-Pacific economic co-operation." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/128786.

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The focus of this thesis is on the political agenda underlying AsiaPacific economic co-operation. These agenda will be explored with reference to the Asia-Pacific Economic Co-operation (APEC) forum, and an attempt made to assess the feasibility of the APEC forum by examining the discrepancies between the stated objectives of APEC and the implicit political factors behind each participant's position.
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Obeidat, Sanaa A. "Exceptions to the enforcement of foreign arbitral awards under the New York Convention : prospects for Jordan." Thesis, McGill University, 1994. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=26216.

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The enforcement of the arbitral award is the phase upon which the success of the arbitral process depends. An adoption of the New York Convention, as well as the pro-enforcement attitude that it fosters, helps in creating a system for the facilitation of the enforcement of arbitral awards throughout the world.
In Jordan, the benefits sought from adopting the Convention will not be realised unless the Convention's bias towards the enforcement of foreign awards is clearly understood and implemented in the courts' decisions.
The autonomous nature of arbitration should make it possible for the Jordanian courts to apply a narrow interpretation of the Convention's grounds for non-enforcement; an approach which has already become a trend in cases decided under the Convention. Such a relaxed treatment of foreign awards has not, and should not, risk the procedural integrity of the arbitral process. This is so since the Convention provides for a safeguard of the enforcing state's most basic notions of public policy and due process.
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Gillies, David 1952. "Commerce over conscience : Canada's foreign aid programme in the 1980s." Thesis, McGill University, 1986. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61150.

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This study is an examination of recent changes in the organisation and activity of Canada's foreign aid programme. Three conceptually distinct categories form the theoretical framework of the study: (a) contending approaches to the study of international relations; (b) contending conceptions of economic growth and development; and (c) contending approaches to the aid policy-making process. The study examines the multiple objectives underlying Canada's aid programme, develops and interprets a series of "aid quality" indices, and undertakes a detailed examination of the aid policy process. Emphasis is placed on tracing the specific combination of domestic "push" and international "pull" factors which have pressured Ottawa into initiatives promoting a closer linkage of the aid and trade facets of government activity. Attention is also drawn to the impact of these initiatives on the developmental objectives of the programme.
The principal finding of the study is that while Canada's aid programme has until recently been able to maintain a precarious balance between the opposing forces of philanthropy and self-interest, there are now unmistakable signs of a deliberate effort to tilt the programme in a more commercial direction. In this trend, the single case of Canada mirrors a more general pattern towards an increasingly commercial orientation in most donor aid programmes.
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Books on the topic "Jordan – Foreign economic relations"

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Wolpert, Hilary. The economy of Jordan and possibilities for economic cooperation between Israel and Jordan: An overview. [Tel Aviv]: Tel-Aviv University, 1989.

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Feiler, Gil. Israel-Jordan and Israel-Egypt economic cooperation: Analysis and case studies. Israel: The University Institute for Diplomacy and Regional Cooperation, Tel Aviv University, 2007.

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Feiler, Gil. Israel-Jordan and Israel-Egypt economic cooperation: Analysis and case studies. Israel: The University Institute for Diplomacy and Regional Cooperation, Tel Aviv University, 2007.

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Jordan since 1989: A study in political economy. London: I.B. Tauris, 2005.

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Clawson, Patrick. The economic consequences of peace for Israel, the Palestinians, and Jordan. Washington, D.C: Washington Institute for Near East Policy, 1991.

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Jordan and the United States: The political economy of trade and economic reform in the Middle East. London: Tauris Academic Studies, 2011.

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GOVERNMENT, US. An Act to Implement the Agreement Establishing a United States-Jordan Free Trade Area. [Washington, D.C: U.S. G.P.O., 2001.

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Dirāsat al-āthār al-iqtiṣādīyah wa-al-ijtimāʻīyah li-ittifāqīyat al-sharākah bayna al-Urdunn wa-al-Ittiḥād al-Urubbī: The socio economic impacts of the Association Agreement between Jordan and the EU countries. [ʻAmmān]: al-Jamʻīyah al-ʻIlmīyah al-Malakīyah, 2005.

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United States. Congress. Senate. Committee on Finance. United States-Jordan Free Trade Area Implementation Act: Report (to accompany S. 643) (including cost estimate of the Congressional Budget Office). [Washington, D.C: U.S. G.P.O., 2001.

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United States-Jordan Free Trade Area Implementation Act: Report (to accompany S. 643) (including cost estimate of the Congressional Budget Office). [Washington, D.C: U.S. G.P.O., 2001.

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Book chapters on the topic "Jordan – Foreign economic relations"

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Adam, Jan. "Foreign Economic Relations." In Why did the Socialist System Collapse in Central and Eastern European Countries?, 71–88. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24239-9_5.

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Vinokurov, Evgeny. "Eurasian Economic Union: Foreign Economic Relations." In Introduction to the Eurasian Economic Union, 109–41. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-92825-8_5.

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Moore, Pete W. "Business-State Relations after Liberalization in Jordan." In Economic Liberalization, Democratization and Civil Society in the Developing World, 180–200. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-62818-6_9.

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Esmaili-Sardari, Mohamad, and Daria Mizza. "Economic Growth Predictions." In Persian in International Relations and Foreign Policy, 149–64. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429437090-12.

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Stankovsky, Jan. "Foreign Economic Relations in Eastern Europe’s Transition." In Economics and Politics of Transition, 125–42. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-12923-2_8.

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Kalamujić, Afan. "Foreign Economic Policy and Trade Relations of BiH." In Bosnia and Herzegovina’s Foreign Policy Since Independence, 97–111. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-05654-4_5.

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McMillan, Samuel Lucas. "US States and Governors in Foreign Economic Relations." In The Involvement of State Governments in US Foreign Relations, 143–62. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137015402_8.

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Plowiec, Urszula. "U.S. Foreign Economic Policy Towards Eastern Europe." In The Impact of Governments on East-West Economic Relations, 95–104. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-12419-0_7.

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Andreev, Yuri. "A New Foreign Economic Policy for the 1990s?" In East-West Economic Relations in the 1990s, 223–30. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-11465-8_15.

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Rosati, Dariusz K. "The Need for a New Foreign Trade Regime." In East-West Economic Relations in the 1990s, 241–61. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-11465-8_17.

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Conference papers on the topic "Jordan – Foreign economic relations"

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Bello, Ismail, Kabir Umar Musa, Asma'u Isyaku Dutse, and Muktar Bashir. "Indonesia- Nigeria Foreign Economic Relations: A Partnership for Economic Development." In Unhas International Conference on Social and Political Science (UICoSP 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/uicosp-17.2017.35.

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Saralinova, Dzhamilya. "Management Of Foreign Economic Relations Based On Structural Policy." In SCTCMG 2019 - Social and Cultural Transformations in the Context of Modern Globalism. Cognitive-Crcs, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.15405/epsbs.2019.12.04.374.

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Ohrimenko, Elena I., and Olga T. Ergunova. "Tourism Industry: Development and Importance of Foreign Economic Relations of Russia." In Proceedings of the First International Volga Region Conference on Economics, Humanities and Sports (FICEHS 2019). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/aebmr.k.200114.035.

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Mantaeva, Elza, Dayana Batyreva, Elza Goryaeva, and Olga Badlaeva. "Interregional and foreign economic relations’ development in the Republic of Kalmykia." In Proceedings of the Volgograd State University International Scientific Conference "Competitive, Sustainable and Safe Development of the Regional Economy" (CSSDRE 2019). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/cssdre-19.2019.100.

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Aryani, Made Gitanadya, and Annisa Pratamasari. "The Relationship between Foreign Direct Investment Influx, Economic Growth, and Financial Institutions in ASEAN-6." In Airlangga Conference on International Relations. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0010272600260033.

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Selminskaya, O. N., and N. A. Babkina. "FOREIGN ECONOMIC SECURITY OF RUSSIA: CONTENT AND ASSESSMENT." In CONTEMPORARY ECONOMIC PROBLEMS OF RUSSIA AND CHINA. Amur State University, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.22250/medprh.63.

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The article defines the essence of economic security in the context of the global crisis during the pandemic, analyzes the state of foreign economic security of the Russian Federation using the coefficient of import coverage by export, its dynamics, and compliance of indicators of foreign economic relations with the limit value.
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Karluk, S. Rıdvan. "Effects of Global Economic Crisis on Kyrgyzstan Economy and Developments in Economic Relations between Turkey and Kyrgyzstan." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c02.00239.

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The global crisis which started in September 2008 adversely affected many global economies and also Kyrgyzstan economy. Kyrgyzstan economy which declined and experienced a severe recession in 2009 due to the crisis started recovering from the adverse effects of the crisis after 2010. What lie beneath this positive development is increased foreign exchange revenues abroad and vigor experienced in construction industry and industrial production. The recovery experienced in economies of Russia and neighbor Kazakhstan resulted in increased exports and thus increased revenues in foreign currencies obtained from foreign countries. The political disturbances experienced in Bishkek in April 2011 and ethnic conflicts experienced in southern Kyrgyzstan in June 2011, created an adverse effect on the economy. The crisis resulted in degradation of investment environment, adversely influenced the foreign investments and increased the current account deficit. These developments adversely influenced the banking sector too. The government attempted to diminish effects of the crisis through financial incentives. The budget deficit emerged as a result of crisis was attempted to be closed through support secured from International Monetary Fund (IMF). IMF, World Bank and Asian Development Bank lent great support to invigorating Kyrgyzstan economy after events of April and July. According to IMF, if political instability goes on in Kyrgyzstan in medium and long term, economic problems shall continue. Uncertainties in banking sector are amongst the main factors which increase the economic risks. Recovery of Kyrgyzstan economy is dependent on medium term financial policy measures to be applied to the economy and balancing the foreign trade.
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Puspita Sari, Viani, and M. Ali Mauludin. "Redefining the Role of Indonesian Subnational Actors in Foreign Relations through Economic Diplomacy." In 2nd International Conference on Social and Political Development (ICOSOP 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icosop-17.2018.71.

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Luptáková, Anabela, and Elena Kašťáková. "The Position of the Eurasian Economic Union in the EU’s Foreign Trade Relations." In The 20th International Joint Conference: Central and Eastern Europe in the Changing Business Environment. Prague University of Economics and Business, Oeconomica Publishing House, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.18267/pr.2020.cer.2395.13.

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Цвиль, Мария, Mariya Tsvil, Яна Серженко, and Yana Serzhenko. "ANALYSIS OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF FOREIGN TRADE RELATIONS OF RUSSIA AND LITHUANIA." In Modern problems of an economic safety, accounting and the right in the Russian Federation. AUS PUBLISHERS, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.26526/conferencearticle_5c5060d9a80424.08383031.

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The article deals with the prospects of development of foreign trade relations between Russia and Lithuania. The structure of export and import is revealed. The main indicators of foreign trade are considered and analyzed.
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Reports on the topic "Jordan – Foreign economic relations"

1

Kawar, Mary. Gender and generation in household labor supply in Jordan. Population Council, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.31899/pgy2000.1001.

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This paper examines gender and age differences in the labor supply of households in Jordan, and the impact of young women’s employment on gender and generation relations. The objective of the study is to address the issues of gender and generation as factors influencing accessibility to labor markets, and to provide a broader understanding of female employment by exploring age-related factors. Empirically, the study looks at the disproportionate workforce participation of young urban single women in Amman, Jordan, and argues that this generation of working women is evidence of a new stage in the lives of Jordanian women: single employed adulthood. It looks at a specific “time” in the social and economic lives of households and individuals. Within this context, the paper constructs a profile of employment characteristics of adult household members to explore the intersecting influences of age and gender and the specific positions of young women. It then addresses how normative gender and generation hierarchies within households respond to these phenomena of young women’s work, their prolonged single status, and their expanding horizons.
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Kawar, Mary. Gender and generation in household labor supply in Jordan [Arabic]. Population Council, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.31899/pgy2000.1002.

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This paper examines gender and age differences in the labor supply of households in Jordan, and the impact of young women’s employment on gender and generation relations. The objective of the study is to address the issues of gender and generation as factors influencing accessibility to labor markets, and to provide a broader understanding of female employment by exploring age-related factors. Empirically, the study looks at the disproportionate workforce participation of young urban single women in Amman, Jordan, and argues that this generation of working women is evidence of a new stage in the lives of Jordanian women: single employed adulthood. It looks at a specific “time” in the social and economic lives of households and individuals. Within this context, the paper constructs a profile of employment characteristics of adult household members to explore the intersecting influences of age and gender and the specific positions of young women. It then addresses how normative gender and generation hierarchies within households respond to these phenomena of young women’s work, their prolonged single status, and their expanding horizons.
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Romero, Antonio. The Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement and relations between European Union and Cuba. Fundación Carolina, February 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.33960/issn-e.1885-9119.dtff01en.

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This document makes an assessment of the Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement (PDCA) between Cuba and the European Union (EU) in its four years of validity, and of the evolution of political and economic relations between both parties. The analysis is structured in five headings that address the background, determinants and significance of the PDCA between Cuba and the EU; the main elements discussed in the political dialogue —and in thematic dialogue— between the two parties since 2018, and the central aspects of trade, investment and cooperation relations between Cuba and the EU. The report concludes that, unlike the United States, the EU is able to support the complex process of economic and institutional transformations underway in Cuba, in four fundamental areas: i) technical assistance and advice for the design and implementation of public policies, macroeconomic management, decentralisation and local development; ii) cooperation to fight climate change and transform Cuba’s productive and technological structure; iii) the promotion and encouragement of foreign investment flows from Europe, targeting key productive sectors; and iv) the exploration of financial opportunities for Cuba through the European Investment Bank (EIB) under the current PDCA.
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Barton, Frederick D. Testimony: Statement of Frederick D. Barton, Senior Fellow and Director, Post-Conflict Reconstruction Project, Center for Strategic and International Studies, before the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate on Accelerating Economic Progress in Iraq"". Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, July 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada438876.

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Kelly, Luke. Characteristics of Global Health Diplomacy. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), June 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.09.

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This rapid review focuses on Global Health Diplomacy and defines it as a method of interaction between the different stakeholders of the public health sector in a bid to promote representation, cooperation, promotion of the right to health and improvement of health systems for vulnerable populations on a global scale. It is the link between health and international relations. GHD has various actors including states, intergovernmental organizations, private companies, public-private partnerships and non-governmental organizations. Foreign policies can be integrated into national health in various ways i.e., designing institutions to govern practices regarding health diplomacy (i.e., health and foreign affairs ministries), creating and promoting norms and ideas that support foreign policy integration and promoting policies that deal with specific issues affecting the different actors in the GHD arena to encourage states to integrate them into their national health strategies. GHD is classified into core diplomacy – where there are bilateral and multilateral negotiations which may lead to binding agreements, multistakeholder diplomacy – where there are multilateral and bilateral negotiations which do not lead to binding agreements and informal diplomacy – which are interactions between other actors in the public health sector i.e., NGOs and Intergovernmental Organizations. The US National Security Strategy of 2010 highlighted the matters to be considered while drafting a health strategy as: the prevalence of the disease, the potential of the state to treat the disease and the value of affected areas. The UK Government Strategy found the drivers of health strategies to be self-interest (protecting security and economic interests of the state), enhancing the UK’s reputation, and focusing on global health to help others. The report views health diplomacy as a field which requires expertise from different disciplines, especially in the field of foreign policy and public health. The lack of diplomatic expertise and health expertise have been cited as barriers to integrating health into foreign policies. States and other actors should collaborate to promote the right to health globally.
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Allan, Duncan, and Ian Bond. A new Russia policy for post-Brexit Britain. Royal Institute of International Affairs, January 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55317/9781784132842.

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The UK’s 2021 Integrated Review of security, defence, development and foreign policy describes Russia as ‘the most acute direct threat to [the UK’s] security’ in the 2020s. Relations did not get this bad overnight: the trend has been negative for nearly two decades. The bilateral political relationship is now broken. Russian policymakers regard the UK as hostile, but also as weaker than Russia: a junior partner of the US and less important than Germany within Europe. The consensus among Russian observers is that Brexit has reduced the UK’s international influence, to Russia’s benefit. The history of UK–Russia relations offers four lessons. First, because the two lack shared values and interests, their relationship is fragile and volatile. Second, adversarial relations are the historical norm. Third, each party exaggerates its importance on the world stage. Fourth, external trends beyond the UK’s control regularly buffet the relationship. These wider trends include the weakening of the Western-centric international order; the rise of populism and opposition to economic globalization; and the global spread of authoritarian forms of governance. A coherent Russia strategy should focus on the protection of UK territory, citizens and institutions; security in the Euro-Atlantic space; international issues such as non-proliferation; economic relations; and people-to-people contacts. The UK should pursue its objectives with the tools of state power, through soft power instruments and through its international partnerships. Despite Brexit, the EU remains an essential security partner for the UK. In advancing its Russia-related interests, the UK should have four operational priorities: rebuilding domestic resilience; concentrating resources on the Euro-Atlantic space; being a trusted ally and partner; and augmenting its soft power. UK decision-makers should be guided by four propositions. In the first place, policy must be based on clear, hard-headed thinking about Russia. Secondly, an adversarial relationship is not in itself contrary to UK interests. Next, Brexit makes it harder for the UK and the EU to deal with Russia. And finally, an effective Russia policy demands a realistic assessment of UK power and influence. The UK is not a ‘pocket superpower’. It is an important but middling power in relative decline. After Brexit, it needs to repair its external reputation and maximize its utility to allies and partners, starting with its European neighbours.
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Oltarzhevskyi, Dmytro. HISTORICAL FEATURES OF CORPORATE MEDIA FORMATION IN UKRAINE AND IN THE WORLD. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, February 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.49.11067.

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The article examines the world and Ukrainian history of corporate periodicals. The main purpose of this study is to reproduce an objective global picture of the emergence and formation of corporate periodicals, taking into account the business and socio-economic context. Accordingly, its tasks are to compare the conditions and features of corporate media genesis in different countries, to determine the main factors of their development, as well as to clarify the transformations of the terminological apparatus. The research is based on mostly foreign secondary scientific works published from 1915 to the present time. The literature was studied using methods such as overview, historical, functional and thematic analysis, description, and generalization. A systematic approach was used to determine the role and place of each element in the system, as well as to comprehensively consider the object in the general historical context and within the current scientific discourse. The method of systematization made it possible to establish internal and external connections, patterns and contradictions in the development of the object of study. The main historical milestones on this path are identified, examples of the first successful corporate publications and their contribution to business development, public relations, and corporate communications are considered. It was found that corporate media emerged in the mid-nineteenth century spontaneously, on the wave of practical business needs in response to industrialization, company increase, staff growth, and consumer market development. Their appearance preceded the formation of the public relations industry and changed the structure of the information space. The scientific significance of this research is that the historical look at the evolution of corporate media provides an understanding of their place, influence, capabilities, and growing communicative role in the digital age.
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TITOVA, E. FEATURES OF MIGRATION POLICY IN THE JEWISH AUTONOMOUS REGION. Science and Innovation Center Publishing House, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.12731/2077-1770-2021-13-4-2-54-70.

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The article reveals the features of the state mechanism for regulating labor migration in the Jewish Autonomous Region. It is noted that labor migration is an integral part of the economic development of the region. The purpose of the study is the peculiarities of solving the problems of optimizing the mechanisms for regulating labor migration in the Jewish Autonomous Region (JAO). The practical significance of the study is underscored by the growing resource requirements of the Jewish Autonomous Region. The importance of attracting labor migrants from the widest list of countries, to increase the exchange of experience and improve interethnic relations, the organization of programs to increase the flow of willing workers and promising employers, is highlighted. The scientific novelty of the research is in the designation of the latest methods and state programs aimed at improving the efficiency of the labor migration management mechanism. Every year, the number of migrants illegally staying on the territory of Russia is growing, and the authorities of the Russian Federation are trying to improve the methods of control of foreign citizens entering the country, which makes it easier, but at the same time more effective, to exercise control over migrants and distribute it in. areas such as the patent system, employee-to-employer linkage and simplified taxation.
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