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Published: 10 December 2022

Last updated: 29 January 2023

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1

Wilson, Rodney J. A. "Jordan's Trade: Past Performance and Future Prospects." International Journal of Middle East Studies 20, no. 3 (August 1988): 325–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800053654.

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Many Middle Eastern governments are seeking to liberalize their trade policies. There is a desire to abandon policies based on import substitution through protectionism, and instead concentrate on export promotion. Advisors from the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) urge governments to be less interventionist, and to create an environment where the provate sector can have freer rein. It is hoped that private entrepreneurs can revitalize the economies, and play a major role in emport promotion. Egypt, for example, has had an open door policy since 1974 following the years of government intervention and control under Nasser. Syria has also liberalized its import regime, and would like to encourage private sector exports, and Ba'thist socialist ideology has been less emphasized in recent years.

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2

Williams, Andrew. "Negotiating an international trade regime." Paradigms 2, no. 1 (June 1988): 30–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13600828808442957.

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3

Bonn, Thomas. "On the political sideline? The institutional isolation of donor organizations in Jordanian hydropolitics." Water Policy 15, no. 5 (June 6, 2013): 728–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2166/wp.2013.007.

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Fresh water availability is very low in Jordan. Current water usage is unsustainable and structures of water resource governance are inadequate. Drawing on expert interviews and the analysis of media texts, this study shows that patterns and privileges of water consumption sustain specific political and social orders, aggravating Jordan's suboptimal water resource deployment. Many of these long-established modes of water distribution are not commensurate with new resource governance structures fostered by international development cooperation. This puts pressure on Jordan's political elite: the flow of foreign aid stabilizes the regime as does the preservation of existing privileges. It is argued here that maintaining two opposed but coexisting ‘resource realities’, i.e. governance structures and usage patterns of water resources, allows the regime to escape this dilemma. Donor organizations are thus bound to operate in an institutionally isolated sphere in Jordan with only a marginal ability to penetrate the relevant actor groups to trigger profound effects on either resource reality.

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4

Kapstein, Ethan B. "Distributive Justice and International Trade." Ethics & International Affairs 13 (March 1999): 175–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.1999.tb00334.x.

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Public officials frequently assert that nations shape their own economic destiny. This statement implies that the international economy presents a level playing field for all participants. If the rules of globalization were somehow written in favor of certain countries, however, that would not be true, and the legitimacy of the economic system would be cast in doubt. This essay examines the structure of the international trade regime. Following John Rawls, it asserts that “justice is the first virtue of social institutions.” This leads to the question: Is the trade regime just?The essay seeks to answer that question through both a theoretical and empirical exploration of the trading system. Building on the Rawlsian “original position,” it sketches the fundamental principles that would underlie such a regime. It then traces the history of North-South trade relations as a case study.The essay concludes by suggesting that concerns with the trade regime's normative framework have played an important role in shaping its basic principles. But that does not mean that the regime is just. Greater transfers from North to South would be one of the major requirements of justice that currently are not being met

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Mansfield, Edward D., Helen V. Milner, and B. Peter Rosendorff. "Free to Trade: Democracies, Autocracies, and International Trade." American Political Science Review 94, no. 2 (June 2000): 305–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2586014.

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Relatively little research has focused on whether countries' political institutions affect their international trade relations. We address this issue by analyzing the relationship between regime type and trade policy. In a formal model of commercial policy, we establish that the ratification responsibility of the legislature in democratic states leads pairs of democracies to set trade barriers at a lower level than mixed country-pairs (composed of an autocracy and a democracy). We test this hypothesis by analyzing the effects of regime type on trade during the period from 1960 to 1990. The results of this analysis accord with our argument: Democratic pairs have had much more open trade relations than mixed pairs.

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JOHNSTON, ADRIAN M., and MICHAEL J. TREBILCOCK. "Fragmentation in international trade law: insights from the global investment regime." World Trade Review 12, no. 4 (June 12, 2013): 621–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474745613000128.

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AbstractWith World Trade Organization negotiations stagnant, and preferential trade agreements (PTAs) rapidly proliferating, international trade relations are shifting markedly toward bilateralism. The resulting fragmentation in the international trade regime poses serious risks to economic welfare and the coherence of international trade law. Similar challenges have been faced in the international investment regime, which is comprised of a highly fragmented network of bilateral investment treaties (BITs). However, scholars have identified several mechanisms that promote harmonization in the international investment regime. Among these are cross-treaty interpretation in dispute settlement and the inclusion of most-favoured nation (MFN) clauses in BITs. This paper assesses the scope for these two mechanisms to emerge in the international trade regime by comparing the legal framework, institutional dynamics, and political economy of the trade and investment regimes. The analysis suggests that cross-treaty interpretation is likely to emerge in the trade regime as PTA dispute settlement activity increases and that greater use of MFN clauses in PTAs is a viable possibility. These developments would mitigate the effects of fragmentation and advance harmonization in the international trade regime.

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7

Moerenhout, Tom S. H. "Energy Pricing Policies and the International Trade Regime." Journal of International Economic Law 23, no. 1 (November 18, 2019): 119–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jiel/jgz026.

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ABSTRACT Energy subsidy and pricing reform is widely heralded as a necessity to transition to sustainable development and keep global warming below 2°C. Energy pricing policies and subsidies are also at the heart of the energy–trade–climate nexus, but progress has been slow within the international trade regime. This is unlike other international organizations or networks, where progress has been more substantial. This article investigates the lack of legitimacy to regulate or coordinate pricing reform and links it to fundamentally divergent interests between fuel producers and importers. The article discusses the regulatory and coordinative potential of the World Trade Organization and preferential trade agreements. It finds that at the World Trade Organization, the Subsidies and Countervailing Measures, the Anti-Dumping Agreement, case law, Ricardian theory, and negotiation history all preempt the consideration of most pricing policies as subsidies. As a result, subsidy notification within the World Trade Organization is low and while other options for improving transparency via the Committee on Trade and Environment and Trade Policy Review Mechanism have been suggested, not much has actually happened because producers protect their comparative advantage. Therefore, support for fuel pricing reform remains on a general level via Ministerial Statements or through general provisions in preferential trade agreements that reconfirm the G-20 and Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation commitments to fuel subsidy reform. The only real advancement has been made within bilateral trade negotiations where heavyweights such as the European Union can push trading partners to abandon dual pricing policies.

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8

Zacher, Mark W. "Trade gaps, analytical gaps: regime analysis and international commodity trade regulation." International Organization 41, no. 2 (1987): 173–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300027430.

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Studies of international regimes have sought to describe international collaborative arrangements in more systematic terms than in the past, and to analyze their development in terms of major schools of international relations theory. This article refines the commonly used definition of regimes and elucidates the major hypotheses of one theoretical school, structural realism. The strength and nature of the international commodity trade regime are systematically described, and their development is analyzed in terms of the major hypotheses of structural realism. In large part, these hypotheses are supported by the analysis of what is a relatively weak international regime.

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9

Malkawi, Bashar H. "U.S. Trade Relations with Arab Countries: Past, Present, and Future." Global Jurist 9, no. 2 (January 16, 2009): 1–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1934-2640.1298.

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Arab countries have adopted market economy principles and pursued policies designed to strengthen their economies. The cornerstone of Arab countries' long-term economic objectives has been to increase trade and support economic growth via regional and global integration. To this end, Arab countries are attempting to broaden their engagement in the multilateral trading system by joining the World Trade Organization (WTO). In addition, some Arab countries entered into trade arrangements with the United States (U.S.) to foster economic development, attract investment, and develop peaceful relationship. These trade agreements carry several implications for local economies.The purpose of this paper is to examine the implications of the trade agreements signed between the U.S. and Arab countries on the economic and legal regimes of the latter. The paper will proceed in two main parts. The first part analyzes the preferential trade arrangement known as "Qualifying Industrial Zones" created between the U.S on the one hand and Jordan, Israel, and Egypt on the other hand. It discusses the general rules of qualifying industrial zones program and the impact of these zones on local production and employment. The second part discusses trade agreements concluded between the U.S. and Arab countries. The emphasis will be on the U.S.-Jordan Free Trade Agreement as it is considered the template for future agreements signed between the U.S. and other Arab countries. The paper analyzes the most important provisions of the U.S.-Jordan Free Trade Agreement and their implications. Then, the paper will analyze trade agreements between the U.S. and other Arab countries. The paper argues that, while current trade programs between the U.S. and those Arab countries analyzed in the paper required difficult reforms in their domestic laws and led some negative consequence, on balance; these trade programs increased trade and created employment opportunities.

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Garcia, Frank J., Lindita Ciko, Apurv Gaurav, and Kirrin Hough. "Reforming the International Investment Regime: Lessons from International Trade Law." Journal of International Economic Law 18, no. 4 (December 2015): 861–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jiel/jgv042.

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11

Azmeh, Shamel, Christopher Foster, and Jaime Echavarri. "The International Trade Regime and the Quest for Free Digital Trade." International Studies Review 22, no. 3 (September 6, 2019): 671–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isr/viz033.

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Abstract The global economy is experiencing the digitalization of production, exchange, and consumption of goods and services. The internet and cross-border data flows are becoming important channels of trade as more products are traded through the web or integrate features that rely on digital connectivity. Reflecting the autonomy states have to enact such policies, national variations in internet governance have expanded over the previous decade, with states increasingly looking to use internet and data policies for economic and trade objectives. These dynamics are having important implications on the international trade regime through challenging existing trade rules and creating demands for new rules. This has resulted in growing debates in the trade arena around “digital trade,” as a number of states, led by the United States, push for rules as a way to discipline national internet policies and support trade in digital goods and services. This paper examines the political economy of this campaign. We argue that the objectives of this campaign go beyond updating rules to better fit the “Internet age” into achieving further liberalization of trade in goods and services. We highlight the technological contingency of existing international rules and show how technological shifts have been a driver of competitive regime creation and forum shifting contributing to processes of fragmentation of the international trade regime.

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12

Dunn, James A. "Automobiles in international trade: regime change or persistence?" International Organization 41, no. 2 (1987): 225–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300027454.

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The concept of a “regime” is frequently used to describe and explain behavior in international political economy. Peter Cowhey and Edward Long, attempting to test theories of surplus capacity and hegemonic decline, advanced a version of a regime governing international trade in automobiles which was fundamentally liberal from 1966 to 1975, but then collapsed into protectionism. Their diagnosis is mistaken, however, because the trade regime for autos was neither as liberal as they assert during the 1950s and 1960s, nor as protectionist as they believe it has become in the 1980s. The discussion focuses on a new definition of the auto trade regime based on four fundamental rules that have persisted since the 1950s. By examining data on auto imports since 1955 on a region-by-region basis, it becomes clear that the trade expansion of the postwar years was not based on a global liberalization of the trade regime, but on carefully managed regional arrangements that favored imports within the region, or extra-regional imports that did not threaten domestic producers. The flurry of restraints on Japanese imports in recent years is not a collapse into protectionism, but a reinforcement of the fundamental regime rules. The auto industry case illustrates the tendency of analysts to underestimate protectionist elements in industry trade regimes and to overestimate the amount of changes that take place in their fundamental rules.

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13

Halomoan, Kristianto Pustaha. "Sustainable development and international trade under WTO regime." International Journal of Public Law and Policy 5, no. 1 (2015): 20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1504/ijplap.2015.067777.

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14

Pal, Parthapratim. "Regional Trade Agreements in a Multilateral Trade Regime." Foreign Trade Review 40, no. 1 (April 2005): 27–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0015732515050102.

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One of the most striking developments in the world trading system since the mid 1990s has been the surge in Regional Trade Agreements (RTAs). From about 50 till 1990, the number of RTAs has crossed 250 in 2003. As trading within RTAs does not come under the purview of World Trade Organization (WTO), this explosive growth of regionalism is threatening to emerge as an alternative to the WTO led international trading system. This has initiated an intense debate among economists whether RTAs are “building blocks” or “stumbling blocks” of the multilateral trading system. In this backdrop, this paper traces the reasons behind this resurgent regionalism and surveys the literature on RTAs and its interaction with the multilateral trading system. This paper attempts to look at these issues from the perspective of a developing country.

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15

Tamayo-Álvarez, Rafael. "The Strategic Use of International Investment Law in Colombia – Textiles: Navigating within the International Regime Complex for Development." Law and Development Review 13, no. 1 (February 25, 2020): 31–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ldr-2018-0080.

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AbstractTrade-based money laundering (TBML) is a major concern in Colombia, where criminal organisations employ under-invoicing to conceal drug-trafficking proceeds. In response, Colombia imposed a compound tariff on certain Panamanian importations that were considered linked to this phenomenon. Alleging that the policy measure infringed Colombia’s tariff concessions, Panama activated the World Trade Organisation (WTO) dispute settlement mechanism. The dispute revolved around Article II:1 of the General Agreement on Tariff and Trade 1994. Colombia argued that this norm should be interpreted as to encompass licit trade only. Colombia looked for normative support in the investment treaty regime by establishing a parallel between undervalued imports and illegal investments. Therefore, just as investment treaty tribunals abstain from extending international legal protection to illegal investments, the WTO adjudicating bodies should not extend tariff concessions to importations linked to TBML activities. This article contends that by transplanting a more favourable doctrine of legality from the investment treaty regime to the multilateral trade regime, Colombia engaged in strategic regime shifting. Accordingly, drawing on regime complexes analysis, the article argues that by considering development a common issue-area, it is possible to articulate strategic connections between both regimes.

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16

Alter, Karen J., and Sophie Meunier. "The Politics of International Regime Complexity." Perspectives on Politics 7, no. 1 (February 12, 2009): 13–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592709090033.

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The increasing density of international regimes has contributed to the proliferation of overlap across agreements, conflicts among international obligations, and confusion regarding what international and bilateral obligations cover an issue. This symposium examines the consequences of this “international regime complexity” for subsequent politics. What analytical insights can be gained by thinking about any single agreement as being embedded in a larger web of international rules and regimes? Karen Alter and Sophie Meunier's introductory essay defines international regime complexity and identifies the mechanisms through which it may influence the politics of international cooperation. Short contributions analyze how international regime complexity affects politics in specific issue areas: trade (Christina Davis), linkages between human rights and trade (Emilie Hafner-Burton), intellectual property (Laurence Helfer), security politics (Stephanie Hofmann), refugee politics (Alexander Betts), and election monitoring (Judith Kelley). Daniel Drezner concludes by arguing that international regime complexity may well benefit the powerful more than others.

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17

Cupitt, Richard Thomas. "Compliance with international trade regime norms and the effects of regime change." International Interactions 14, no. 4 (September 1988): 373–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03050628808434715.

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18

WANG, Mou. "International Governance on Carbon Tariff and Its Vacuum in International Regime." Chinese Journal of Urban and Environmental Studies 01, no. 01 (December 2013): 1350008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2345748113500085.

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Drawing on the idea that countries are eligible to implement differentiated emission reduction policies based on their respective capabilities, some parties of UNFCCC attempt to weaken the principle of “Common but differentiated responsibilities(CBDR)” and impose carbon tariff on international trade. This initiative is in fact another camouflage to burden developing countries with emission cut obligation, which has no doubt undermined the development rights of developing countries. This paper defines Carbon Tariff as border measures that target import goods with embodied carbon emission. It can be import tariffs or other domestic tax measures that adjust border tax, which includes plain import tariffs and export rebates, border tax adjustment, emission quota and permit etc. For some developed countries, carbon tariffs mean to sever trade protectionism and to build trade barriers. Its theoretical arguments like “loss of comparative advantage”, “carbon leakage decreases environmental effectiveness” and “theoretical model bases” are pseudo-propositions without international consensus. Carbon tariff has become an intensively debated issue due to its duality of climate change and trade, but neither UNFCCC nor WTO has clarified this issue or has indicated a clear statement in this regard. As a result, it allows some parties to take advantage of this loophole and escape its international climate change obligation. Carbon tariff is an issue arising from global climate governance. To promote the cooperation of global climate governance and safeguard the social and economic development of developing countries, a fair and justified climate change regime and international trade institution should be established, and the settlement of the carbon tariff issue should be addressed within these frameworks. This paper argues that the international governance of carbon tariff should in cooperation with other international agreements; however, principles and guidelines regarding this issue should be developed under the UNFCCC. Based on these principles and guidelines, WTO can develop related technical operation provisions.

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19

Spaulding, Robert Mark. "German trade policy in Eastern Europe, 1890–1990: preconditions for applying international trade leverage." International Organization 45, no. 3 (1991): 343–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300033130.

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Over the past century, Germany has repeatedly attempted to use trade as a tool of foreign policy vis-à-vis Imperial Russia, the Soviet Union, Poland, and Czechoslovakia. Against the background of continual German economic superiority, this article analyzes Germany's ability to apply trade leverage in terms of four other factors: the nature of the prevailing international trade regime, government views of trade leverage as a tool of statecraft, the degree of German state autonomy in setting trade policies, and the availability of an effective bureaucratic mechanism for controlling German imports and exports. The historical record demonstrates that beyond economic superiority, the application of trade leverage requires a permissive international trade regime, state acceptance of trade-based economic statecraft, an autonomous domestic regime, and a rigorous trade control bureaucracy. Surprisingly, this conjunction of factors, as they applied to Eastern Europe, occurred during both the Nazi period and the early years of the Federal Republic. The article closes by pointing out how two important factors—the politicized nature of the East-West trade regime and the Federal Republic's high degree of state autonomy in setting Eastern trade policy–are being eroded by political and economic change in Eastern Europe.

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20

Dunoff, J. "The death of the trade regime." European Journal of International Law 10, no. 4 (April 1, 1999): 733–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ejil/10.4.733.

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21

Wickham, John. "Non-Governmental Organizations and the Original International Trade Regime." Journal of World Trade 29, Issue 5 (October 1, 1995): 111–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad1995033.

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22

Kang, Jae Hyeong, and Sanghack Lee. "Trade Regime Choice in the Presence of International Ownership." East Asian Economic Review 4, no. 4 (December 31, 2000): 59–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.11644/kiep.jeai.2000.4.4.73.

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23

GOLDSTEIN, JUDITH, and JOANNE GOWA. "US national power and the post-war trading regime." World Trade Review 1, no. 2 (July 2002): 153–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474745602001131.

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This essay examines the effect of power asymmetries and imperfect markets on US trade policy, two issues often neglected in the conventional literature. We suggest that when the distribution of power is skewed and markets do not conform to the world of standard trade theory, open international markets will not exist unless the disproportionately most powerful state can make a credible commitment to free trade. We suggest that these two conditions characterized the post-World War II trade environment and partially explain why the United States encouraged the formation of the postwar international trade regime. To demonstrate this argument, we examine the voting rules, dispute settlement procedures, and regional trading arrangements that characterized the three postwar trade organizations: the stillborn International Trade Organization, the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, and the World Trade Organization. We argue that the rules of these institutions empowered their member states to punish any US attempts to ‘cheat’. In so doing, it made free trade their welfare-maximizing strategy choice.

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24

Abad Alkasasbeh, Omar Mohammad, and Sayda Mohammad Al-kasasbeh. "Supply chains and COVID-19: impact on Jordan’s, countermeasures and post-COVID-19 era." Journal of Social Sciences and Management Studies 1, no. 1 (January 16, 2022): 15–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.56556/jssms.v1i1.39.

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The objective of this paper is to assess existing information on the COVID-19 pandemic's impact on Jordan's supply chain and countermeasures adopted by businesses to mitigate supply chain interruptions. Many effects have been felt in the supply chain industry. The study will explain how travel restrictions have reduced international trade which has also affected Jordan’s supply chain. Global business leaders may use information from this study in making necessary decisions relating to trade activities in the country. It will assess Impacts of COVID 19 in the supply chain Industry in Jordan particularly the impacts of supply chain on demand, on logistics, manufacturing, and finally on people. A series of economic implications and research options are provided based on these results.

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25

Mansfield, Edward D., and Eric Reinhardt. "International Institutions and the Volatility of International Trade." International Organization 62, no. 4 (October 2008): 621–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818308080223.

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During the past half-century, states have established a large number of international trade institutions, both multilateral and regional in scope. The existing literature on this topic emphasizes that these agreements are chiefly designed to liberalize and increase the flow of overseas commerce. Yet such institutions have another function that has been largely ignored by researchers, namely, reducing volatility in trade policy and trade flows. Exposure to global markets increases the vulnerability of a country's output to terms of trade shocks. Governments seek to insulate their economies from such instability through membership in international trade institutions, particularly the World Trade Organization (WTO) and preferential trading arrangements (PTAs). We hypothesize that these institutions reduce the volatility of overseas commerce. We further hypothesize that, because market actors prefer price stability, trade institutions increase the volume of foreign commerce by reducing trade variability. This article conducts the first large-scale, multivariate statistical tests of these two hypotheses, using annual data on exports for all pairs of countries from 1951 through 2001. The tests provide strong support for our arguments. PTAs and the WTO regime significantly reduce export volatility. In so doing, these institutions also increase export levels.

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Rondinelli, Dennis A., and Gyula Vastag. "Assessing South Korea's Globalization Strategy and the International Competitiveness of the Seoul Metropolitan Area." Competition & Change 2, no. 3 (September 1997): 299–329. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102452949800200302.

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Korea's pursuit of globalization is being driven by its membership in international trade organizations, its international trade agreements, and the need to accelerate exports, its primary source of economic growth. Reforming its international trade regime, however, is only part of what Korea must do to make its corporations more competitive in international markets. National policies must be supported by favorable business conditions in cities and metropolitan areas where industries are located. The “international competitiveness” of the Seoul metropolitan area, together with national economic policies, liberalization of its international trade regime, and the development of agile firms and industries will determine how effectively and how quickly the Korean government achieves its objectives of globalizing Korea's economy and society.

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Kim, In Song, and Iain Osgood. "Firms in Trade and Trade Politics." Annual Review of Political Science 22, no. 1 (May 11, 2019): 399–417. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-polisci-050317-063728.

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We survey the literature on firms as primary actors in trade politics. In contrast with prevailing approaches, firm-centered models predict that trade internally divides industries and that larger firms are the strongest advocates for globalization. This new preference map alters extant predictions about the dynamics of interest group contestation over trade and suggests revised accounts for how political organization and institutions contribute to an open international order. We also explore the potential for new insights into the operation of the global trade regime, the politics of foreign investment, immigration and capital movements, and exchange rates. Poli-tical activities undertaken by firms are important areas for further research in international political economy: Their economic engagements directly affect the movement of goods, services, capital, and people across the globe.

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Stubbs, Richard, Jock A. Finlayson, and Mark W. Zacher. "Managing International Markets: Developing Countries and the Commodity Trade Regime." International Journal 44, no. 1 (1988): 226. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40202591.

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29

Williams, Marc. "Managing international markets: developing countries and the commodity trade regime." International Affairs 65, no. 1 (1988): 132–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2621009.

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30

von Raab, William. "Pre-Shipment Inspections: Improved Administration of an International Trade Regime." Journal of World Trade 25, Issue 5 (October 1, 1991): 87–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad1991031.

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31

Diebold, William, Jock A. Finlayson, and Mark W. Zacher. "Managing International Markets: Developing Countries and the Commodity Trade Regime." Foreign Affairs 67, no. 1 (1988): 185. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20043703.

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32

Cheol Han. "Process and Production Methods related Environment in International Trade Regime." 과학기술법연구 23, no. 1 (February 2017): 277–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.32430/ilst.2017.23.1.277.

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33

van Brabant, Jozef M. "The Soviet Union and the International Trade Regime: A Reply." Soviet Economy 5, no. 4 (October 1989): 372–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08826994.1989.10641315.

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34

Gibbon, Peter. "Present‐day capitalism, the new international trade regime & Africa." Review of African Political Economy 29, no. 91 (March 2002): 95–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03056240208704586.

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35

Sappideen, Razeen. "Property rights, human rights, and the new international trade regime." International Journal of Human Rights 15, no. 7 (October 2011): 1013–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13642981003722293.

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36

Werle, Raymund. "Standards and standards organizations in the international free trade regime." Knowledge, Technology & Policy 14, no. 3 (September 2001): 127–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12130-001-1020-7.

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37

Golden, Miriam A. "International Economic Sources of Regime Change." Comparative Political Studies 37, no. 10 (December 2004): 1238–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414004269821.

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Italy’s 1992 elections marked the end of political dominance by Christian Democracy (DC). The conventional account of the collapse of the DC’s vote to less than 30% focuses on the breakup of the Soviet Union, which is said to have freed Catholic voters to switch to new regionalist protest parties. The author documents that this argument is empirically inadequate. Evidence shows that electoral districts more exposed to international trade were where the DC lost larger vote shares and where the Northern League received more support. These findings corroborate that social groups linked to small firms in the north and center whose products were exported throughout Europe underwent electoral realignment in response to the economic opportunities offered by the 1991 Maastricht Treaty. The author argues that DC was not credible in providing national macroeconomic policies that would have allowed Italy to partake fully of the opportunities offered by European economic integration.

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Kapstein, Ethan B. "Models of International Economic Justice." Ethics & International Affairs 18, no. 2 (September 2004): 79–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.2004.tb00469.x.

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Articulating and examining the likely consequences of different theoretical and policy approaches to economic justice serves to highlight potential trade-offs and conflicts among them, and helps us to think more carefully about these trade-offs and what their consequences might be. Some of us, for example, might support a liberal free trade regime because we believe it promotes greater income equality among countries. But we might also reasonably assert that such a regime exacerbates economic injustices within some countries by causing dislocation and unemployment, particularly among vulnerable socioeconomic groups such as unskilled workers. This essay presents three models that seek to capture some of the central normative concerns that have been expressed by critics of economic globalization-communitarian, liberal internationalist, and cosmopolitan prioritarian. I indicate the kinds of economic models and data sets that are relevant to determining whether and to what extent greater openness to global trade poses a threat to economic justice as conceived by each of these approaches. Specifically, I use these analytical tools in order to relate changes in openness to foreign trade to other social and economic outcomes, particularly changes in income inequality and poverty, which have tended to draw the attention of nearly all theorists of economic justice. I characterize and critique the approach to economic justice that has been (implicitly) adopted by the major international institutions like the World Bank, International Monetary Fund, and World Trade Organization. I conclude with some policy implications and suggestions for further research in the area of international economic justice.

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Sejdini, Abdulmenaf, and Ilirjana Kraja. "International Trade of Albania. Gravity Model." European Journal of Social Sciences Education and Research 2, no. 1 (December 30, 2014): 220. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejser.v2i1.p220-228.

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Today we live in a world where such economic globalization and technological developments have created many advantages but also shortcomings regarding social and economic development of different countries of the world. Since the beginning of the transition until the trade regime now, our country has undergone profound changes. Therefore, the aim of this paper is to see the major development steps of international trade in Albania over the years and look at the key factors that have contributed to it. The paper provides some theoretical and empirical considerations regarding trade development with the focus on export-imports in our country in relation to the Free Trade Agreements, as these have affected Albania's international trade. Specifically, it offers an application of the Gravity Model of Trade for Albanian case in relation to its 27 export/import countries. The findings from the model application result in stable trade flows for Albania.

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Markovic, Ivan. "Procedures in multilateral trade negotiations within the GATT/WTO international trade system." Medjunarodni problemi 58, no. 1-2 (2006): 67–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp0602067m.

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In the first part of the paper the author deals with some general aspects of the very complex process of trade negotiations. He explains that trade negotiations, bilateral or multilateral, are the basis for establishment of the international trade regime. In order to understand multilateral trade negotiations one should be familiar with its basis, which is composed of rules and procedures. Also, it is necessary to take into consideration the fact that these rules and procedures have not emerged at once but have been introduced in the process of adjustment to the needs of negotiators. In the second part of the paper the author considers the procedures in multilateral trade negotiations within the GATT/WTO international trade system.

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Alex, Ann Thania. "Global Food Trade in a Rule Based System." Christ University Law Journal 10, no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 33–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.12728/culj.18.2.

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A rule-based regime of international trade is built upon norms of equality and non-discrimination. It helps maintain equity in international trade by the observance of principles such as that of Most Favoured Nation and National Treatment. A closer inspection of the sector wise international trade practices of nations suggests that there are deviations from the rule-based mechanism of World Trade Organisation. This detrimentally impacts the balance of trade. This research article analyses the application of the rule-based regime of the World Trade Organisation with special reference to instances of inequalities in regulations imposed on trade in food products in the context of India and other developing countries. The paper concludes with an analysis of the plausible reasons for the rejection of exports from developing countries and suggests the need for the rectification of such inequalities.

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Bouzas, Roberto, and Julieta Zelicovich. "La Organización Mundial de Comercio, los acuerdos mega-regionales y los usos estratégicos del regionalismo." Studies of Applied Economics 32, no. 3 (March 5, 2020): 963. http://dx.doi.org/10.25115/eea.v32i3.3244.

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The paralysis of the Doha Round, the proliferation of preferential trade agreement and the launching of mega-regional trade negotiations have encouraged the debate about the governance of international trade. In contrast to a benign interpretation of the relationship between “XXI century regionalism” and the multilateral trade regime, we argue that there is a remarkable continuity between the incentives and characteristics of the “new regionalism” and those of “XXI century regionalism”. Even when the content of the regulatory agenda may have reduced the discriminatory nature of the new agreements, the basic conflict between the two modalities of governance of the international trade regime remains in place.

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Duchesne, Erick. "Governing Global Trade: International Institutions in Conflict and Convergence." Canadian Journal of Political Science 37, no. 4 (December 2004): 1070–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423904500215.

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Governing Global Trade: International Institutions in Conflict and Convergence, Theodore H. Cohn, Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2002, pp. xi, 329.At a time when all eyes are riveted on the World Trade Organization (WTO) and the ups and downs associated with its current round of negotiation initiated in Doha, Qatar, in November 2001, Theodore Cohn's latest publication provides a vivid reminder: The global trading regime is made up of much more than the WTO. The GATT/WTO is still pivotal in Cohn's diachronic overview of the evolution of the global trade regime since the creation of the General Agreement on Tariff and Trade (GATT) in 1947, but unlike several other studies on a similar topic, the author untangles the relationship between the GATT/WTO and other formal and informal international institutions, such as the G7/G8, the Quadrilateral Group (Quad), the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), the G77, and the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD). Each institution, as well as the United States and the European Union, is given relatively equal coverage in this notable study. Yet, as an indication that the GATT/WTO is still primus inter pares, most chapters revolve around the major negotiation rounds of the international organization. Chapter 2 traces the origins and early period of the postwar trade regime (1947–1962). Chapters 3 and 4 concentrate on the Kennedy (1962–1972) and Tokyo (1973–1979) rounds of the GATT respectively. Chapter 5 details the uncertainty associated with the survival of the GATT (1980–1986). Chapters 6 and 7 focus on the momentous Uruguay Round of the GATT (1986–1994), and chapter 8 highlights the post-Uruguay Round period (1995–2001).

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Kim, Kiyoung. "The World Trade Regime, Transnational Corporations and Human Right." Legal Studies Institute of Chosun University 29, no. 3 (December 31, 2022): 135–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.18189/isicu.2022.29.3.135.

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The inauguration of WTO in 1994 brings a global market to be administered on the rule of law ideal. A material welfare and fair trade through the trade liberalization and increasing terms of free market are no longer merely dreamy, but our palpable reality. The new trade agendas, so called New Round, had been and are being consulted seriously for the growing role of world trade administration. To our dissatisfaction, however, the challenge and dilemma of derogatory human right practice had not diminished provided that the perspective and strategy are less researched and receive a slim repercussion. A wisdom and cooperation of global states are truly demanded. In addition to the economic perspective and material prosperity, the nations need to be cautious for a dynamism of human right practice. The paper argues that the international standard of human right practice could be dysfunctional absent a strategic and systemic collaboration of key international players. Following an introduction, chapter II surveys the nature and quality of private enterprises. Chapters III and IV are devoted to a trait and scope of human rights contested and related with the international trade. Chapter V explores an ontological theme of transnational corporations’ duty and ethics. Chapter VI surveys a tentative model to effect the compliance of transnational corporations with the ethical and legal standard. Chapter VII suggests the categories of bad practice and best strategic alternative corresponding to each category. The final chapter provides a conclusive remark for the better future.

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Sang-Chul Yoon. "Exchange Rate Regime and International Trade in the World Economic Crisis." Journal of International Trade & Commerce 6, no. 1 (March 2010): 123–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.16980/jitc.6.1.201003.123.

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Patnaik, Jagadish K. "The International Trade Regime: The EU's Role in the Uruguay Round." International Studies 38, no. 2 (April 2001): 173–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020881701038002005.

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Lansford, Tom. "Towards an International Regime on Small Arms Trade: Progress and Problems." International Studies 39, no. 4 (November 2002): 365–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002088170203900403.

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Baker, Joni. "The international wildlife conservation regime and the convention on international trade in endangered species." Human Dimensions of Wildlife 4, no. 3 (September 1999): 18–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10871209909359155.

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Drahos, Peter. "Bargaining over the climate: Lessons from intellectual property negotiations." Climate Law 2, no. 1 (2011): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/cl-2011-023.

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Does the evolution of the intellectual property regime hold any lessons for the climate change regime? The paper argues that the architecture of the intellectual property regime recognizes the complexity of free-riding behaviour and divides the problem amongst a number of treaties. The integration of intellectual property trade standards into the trade regime provides plaintiff states with a way to inflict both political and economic costs on free riders. Perhaps the most important lesson relates to the way in which a highly coordinated international business network was able to shift intellectual property into the multilateral trade regime and obtain standards most countries at the time did not really want because they were net intellectual property importers.

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Cameron, James, and Kevin R. Gray. "Principles of International Law in The WTO Dispute Settlement Body." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 50, no. 2 (April 2001): 248–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/iclq/50.2.248.

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Unlike the original 1947 General Agreement on Tariffs and trade (GATT), the 1994 Agreement establishing the World Trade Organization (WTO Agreement)1 covers a much wider range of trade. It extends beyond goods and now embraces services, intellectual property, procurement, investment and agriculture. Moreover, the new trade regime is no longer a collection of ad hoc agreements, Panel reports and understandings of the parties. All trade obligations are subsumed under the umbrella of the WTO, of which all parties are members. Member States have to accept the obligations contained in all the WTO covered agreements: they cannot pick and choose.

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