Academic literature on the topic 'John Howard; Australian leadership; policy'
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Journal articles on the topic "John Howard; Australian leadership; policy"
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Lumentut, Dhea T., Yan G. Pelamonia, and Johni R.V. Korwa. "ANALISIS KEBIJAKAN LUAR NEGERI JOHN HOWARD TERHADAP IMIGRAN ILEGAL DI AUSTRALIA." Jurnal Asia Pacific Studies 4, no. 1 (June 30, 2020): 46–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.33541/japs.v4i1.1632.
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This paper aims to analyze Australian Prime Minister John Howard’s foreign policy in responding to illegal immigrants who attempt to enter Australian territory by sea. This study employed library research as well as a qualitative approach. In particular, this study used the theory of foreign policy offered by Walter Calsnaes called ‘a logically tripartite approach’ to analyze Howard’s policy in responding to illegal immigrants. This paper found that Howard’s foreign policy in responding to illegal immigrants was not only state-centric in nature focusing on protecting Australian sovereignty, but the policy also had a purpose to maintain power control. Firstly, Howard was willing to show the world that his leadership was different compared to his predecessors, asserting that Australia should not be regarded as a country of easy destination. Secondly, Howard showed that limiting the number of illegal immigrants was in the best interest of the country to protect Australians. Thirdly, Howard proved that his foreign policy towards illegal immigrants could influence the politics of Australia including federal elections. Lastly, Howard demonstrated his ability in the context of institutional settings by issuing new laws to strengthen his foreign policy.
Keywords: Australia, John Howard, Illegal Immigrants, Policy
Abstrak
Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis kebijakan luar negeri Perdana Menteri John Howard dalam merespon para imigran ilegal yang datang ke Australia secara khusus melalui jalur laut. Studi ini menggunakan metode studi pustaka dan pendekatan kualitatif. Secara khusus, penulis menggunakan teori kebijakan luar negeri yang ditawarkan oleh Walter Carlsnaes yang disebut „a logically tripartite approach‟ untuk menganalisis kebijakan Howard dalam merespon imigran ilegal. Studi ini menemukan bahwa kebijakan luar negeri Howard dalam merespon imigran ilegal tidak hanya bersifat state-centric yang berfokus pada perlindungan kedaulatan negara, tetapi kebijakan itu juga memiliki motivasi untuk mempertahankan kekuasaan. Pertama, Howard ingin menunjukkan pada dunia bahwa ia adalah pemimpin yang berbeda dari pendahulunya dengan menegaskan bahwa Australia seharusnya tidak dipertimbangkan sebagai negara yang dapat dicapai dengan mudah. Kedua, Howard ingin menunjukkan bahwa pembatasan jumlah imigran ilegal adalah capaian kepentingan nasional untuk melindungi komunitas Australia. Ketiga, Howard menunjukkan bahwa kebijakannya terkait imigran ilegal dapat memengaruhi nuansa perpolitikan di Australia khususnya pada pemilihan umum federal. Keempat, Howard menunjukkan kemampuannya dalam konteks pengelolaan kelembagaan dengan mengeluarkan Undang-Undang baru hasil amandemen untuk memperkuat kebijakan luar negerinya.
Kata kunci: Australia, John Howard, Imigran Ilegal, Kebijakan
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Septiana, Sena, Arfin Sudirman, and Yusa Djuyandi. "Public Policy Analysis in the Field of National Security: A Study on the Securitization of Illegal Asylum Seekers During the John Howard Administration in Australia." Jurnal Public Policy 8, no. 4 (October 30, 2022): 255. http://dx.doi.org/10.35308/jpp.v8i4.6032.
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This article aims to understand the securitisation process of MV Tampa asylum seekers during the leadership of John Howard, who tended to perceive them as a threat. As one of the countries that ratified the International Convention regarding asylum seekers, this action became a problem because it was considered a form of Australia's inconsistency towards the Convention and drew many reactions from other related parties. This article aims to discover how MV Tampa asylum seekers are framed as a national threat to Australia using the concept of Securitisation and Illegal Asylum Seekers. In this article, the author uses a qualitative method with data collection techniques through document-based studies, internet-based studies, and interviews. The author finds that the policies taken by Australia are not always state-centric because of John Howard's motives in facing the 2001 federal election. In addition, asylum seekers tend to be framed as an existential threat to social security in Australia.
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Fatmawati, Fatmawati, and Tarunasena Ma'moer. "DINAMIKA HUBUNGAN BILATERAL AUSTRALIAINDONESIA PADA MASA PERDANA MENTERI JOHN HOWARD TAHUN 1996-2007." FACTUM: Jurnal Sejarah dan Pendidikan Sejarah 7, no. 2 (October 1, 2018): 145–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.17509/factum.v7i2.15602.
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Prime Minister John Howard’s behaviour often considered conservative and “Anti- Asian”, no exception to Indonesia. John Howard viewed Indonesia did not have a strategic position for Australia’s national interests. This study answered the question on “how did the dynamic of Australia-Indonesia bilateral relations at Prime Minister John Howard’s era in 1996-2007?”. At his administration, John Howard issued numbers of policy towards Indonesia, which are the policy related to East Timor issue, counterterrorism cooperation, the policy of Pacific Solution, assistance for tsunami disaster in Aceh that happened in 2004. These policies apparently made impacts to Australia- Indonesia bilateral relations. During eleven years administration of Prime Minister John Howard, the bilateral relations between Australia-Indonesia has experienced its dynamics of ebb and flow. These dynamics primarily caused by policies that Prime Minister John Howard issued, which gave more benefit to the Australian Government and created imbalance relations between two countries. Therefore, it became more interesting to be discussed for further study regarding which policies that gave more benefit for the Australian Government and in a contrary gave less benefit to Indonesian Government, thus the position of two countries became an imbalance in bilateral relations context. This research is expected to be a reference for other researchers who will examine the bilateral relations between Australia-Indonesia in John Howard’s era because there are still many aspects between the two countries relations that have not been elaborated by the researcher, namely economic, education and socio-cultural.
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Alunaza, Hardi, Ireng Maulana, and Adityo Darmawan Sudagung. "The Pacific Solution as Australia Policy towards Asylum Seeker and Irregular Maritime Arrivals (IMAs) in John Howard Era." Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional 14, no. 1 (May 9, 2018): 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.26593/jihi.v14i1.2789.61-75.
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<p>This research is attempted to answer the question of why John Howard used the Pacific Solution as Australian policy towards Asylum Seekers and Irregular Maritime Arrivals (IMAS). By using the descriptive method with a qualitative approach, the researchers took a specific interest in decision-making theory and sovereignty concept to analyze the phenomena. The policy governing the authority of the Australian Government in the face of the Asylum Seeker by applying multiple strategies to suppress and deter IMAs. The results of this research indicate that John Howard used Pacific Solution with emphasis on three important aspects. First, eliminating migration zone in Australia. Second, building cooperation with third countries in the South Pacific, namely Nauru and Papua New Guinea in shaping the center of IMAs defense. On the other hand, Howard also made some amendments to the Migration Act by reducing the rights of refugees. Immigrants who are seen as a factor of progress and development of the State Australia turned into a new dimension that threatens economic development, security, and socio-cultural. </p>
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Eidenfalk, Joakim, Vivien W. Forner, Michael Jones, and Dominique Rene Parrish. "Prime ministers as leaders: Applying self-determination theory on Australian prime ministers." Journal of Social and Political Psychology 6, no. 1 (June 26, 2018): 224–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/jspp.v6i1.763.
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The leadership capability of Australia’s four Prime Ministers 1996 – 2015 has been widely debated by political commentators, financial analysts and the general public. The success of these senior leaders has been questioned, as has their management of their office, staff, and colleagues. This article will investigate the performances of these four Australia Prime Ministers – John Howard, Kevin Rudd, Julia Gillard and Tony Abbott. Self-Determination Theory (SDT) is presented as a framework that could provide guidance on the aspects of leadership that if attended to could result in enhanced performance of political leaders and ultimately security of their position. SDT is also used as a theoretical lens to evaluate the behaviour and provide a comparative assessment of these four Australian Prime Ministers. It is posited that SDT analysis illustrates ways that each of the four Prime Ministers could have performed better and highlights key lessons for current and future leaders around the world.
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Filus, Adam. "Stosunek rządu Australii do nielegalnej migracji w latach 1996–2018." Poliarchia 6, no. 1(10) (September 26, 2019): 49–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/poliarchia.06.2018.10.03.
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Australian Governments’ Stance on Illegal Immigration in 1996–2018
Australia is well known for its strict immigration policy. It results from the country’s constant struggle with the flow of illegal migrants, brought to Australian shores through human smuggling. The author analyses immigration policies of five Prime Ministers representing two major Australian parties: the Liberal Party of Australia and the Australian Labor Party. Starting with the premiership of John Howard (1996–2007), and ending with Malcolm Turnbull’s era (2015– –2018), the author examines the situation of illegal immigrants in Australia and changes in immigration and asylum policies.
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Darmawan, Harry. "LONGING FOR KEVIN RUDD AND HIS LEGACY IN IMPROVING AUSTRALIA-INDONESIA RELATIONS." Journal of Social Political Sciences 2, no. 2 (May 29, 2021): 189–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.52166/jsps.v2i2.58.
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Indonesia misses Kevin Rudd's figure. The emergence and victory of Kevin Rudd in the 2007 Australian elections seemed to be a speck of light in the improvement of bilateral relations between Australia and Indonesia at that time. He succeeded in turning Australia's foreign policy into a more humanist and Asia-centric direction. A thing that was previously very rare in the era of Prime Minister John Howard. Various policies were able to reconcile the romanticism of Garuda and the Kangaroo, which is the largest ruler in Southeast Asia and the Oceania Zone. This paper examines the dynamics of Kevin Rudd's victory in the 2007 Australian Election, as well as his golden legacy in fighting for harmonization of relations between Australia and Indonesia.
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Arvanitakis, James. "Redefining the political moment." Cosmopolitan Civil Societies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 3, no. 2 (July 12, 2011): 72–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v3i2.2184.
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On 16 February 2003, more than half a million people gathered in Sydney, Australia, as part of a global anti-war protest aimed at stopping the impending invasion of Iraq by the then US Administration. It is difficult to estimate how many millions marched on the coordinated protest, but it was by far the largest mobilization of a generation. Walking and chanting on the streets of Sydney that day, it seemed that a political moment was upon us. In a culture that rarely embraces large scale activism, millions around Australian demanded to be heard. The message was clear: if you do not hear us, we would be willing to bring down a government. The invasion went ahead, however, with the then Australian government, under the leadership of John Howard, being one of the loudest and staunchest supporters of the Bush Administrations drive to war. Within 18 months, anti-war activists struggled to have a few hundred participants take part in anti-Iraq war rallies, and the Howard Government was comfortably re-elected for another term. The political moment had come and gone, with both social commentators and many members of the public looking for a reason. While the conservative media was often the focus of analysis, this paper argues that in a time of late capitalism, the political moment is hollowed out by ‘Politics’ itself. That is to say, that formal political processes (or ‘Politics’) undermine the political practices that people participate in everyday (or ‘politics’). Drawing on an ongoing research project focusing on democracy and young people, I discuss how the concept of ’politics‘ has been destabilised and subsequently, the political moment has been displaced. This displacement has led to a re-definition of ‘political action’ and, I argue, the emergence of a different type of everyday politics.
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Capling, Ann, and Kim Richard Nossal. "Parliament and the Democratization of Foreign Policy: The Case of Australia's Joint Standing Committee on Treaties." Canadian Journal of Political Science 36, no. 4 (September 2003): 835–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423903778883.
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There is little agreement about the degree to which parliamentary institutions can help overcome the democratic deficit in global governance. While much of the literature on the European Union's democratic deficit focuses on reforming parliament, most commentary on the subject in global governance and foreign policy holds out little hope that national parliaments could be used to mitigate the effects of the internationalization of public policy. This article examines the case of the Joint Standing Committee on Treaties (JSCOT), established by the Australian government in 1996 in an explicit attempt to use parliamentary reform to address the democratic deficit. Although JSCOT was highly active, it did not significantly change the way in which Australian national positions in international negotiations were arrived at; the democratic deficit created in Australia by increasing internationalization has not been mitigated by the creation of this committee. While the JSCOT initiatives might have been motivated by the concerns of the government of John Howard to overcome the democratic deficit, the way in which JSCOT actually evolved departed considerably from those original intentions. Ironically, JSCOT evolved in ways not dissimilar to the evolution of NGO consultation in Canada in the 1990s: as a tool of political management, a means by which the government could channel protest, deflect opposition, and in essence legitimize its own policy preferences.
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Wilkins, Julia. "The Royal Flying Doctor Service Flies to New Heights: The Journey of Health Information Management." Health Information Management Journal 38, no. 3 (October 2009): 51–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/183335830903800308.
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The Royal Flying Doctor Service (RFDS) of Australia was founded in 1928 by the Reverend John Flynn to deliver health services to the people of the Australian Outback. In this unique environment the RFDS Queensland Section provides both Primary Health Care and Aeromedical services to rural and remote communities throughout Queensland. It provides health services from a hub and spoke model and its clinicians work very closely with other health service providers, such as Queensland Heath, within the communities it visits. Currently, the RFDS' health records are both paper and electronic and clinicians duplicate much of patient information and data between RFDS and non-RFDS health records. Introduction of an off-the-shelf electronic medical record (EMR) would not meet the RFDS' clinical and organisational needs because of complexity, the multidisciplinary nature of the teams and the lack of communication technology in the communities the RFDS visits. This article defines the vision for a health information system designed to meet the requirements of the RFDS, and describes its implementation throughout RFDS Queensland using the PRINCE2 project management methodology.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "John Howard; Australian leadership; policy"
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McPhail, Alison May, and N/A. "John Howards Leadership of Australian Foreign Policy 1996 to 2004: East Timor and the war against Iraq." Griffith University. Department of Politics and Public Policy, 2007. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20071023.142137.
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This thesis presents a study of John Howards leadership of Australian foreign policy from 1996 to 2003. It documents and examines the way in which John Howard, Australias national leader, managed the complex challenges presented by two major events in Australian foreign policy: the East Timor crisis and the war against Iraq. Because it is the national leader who speaks for the nation, the manner in which the Prime Minister articulates and communicates the countrys foreign policy is vitally important, both domestically and internationally. Two theoretical conceptsconstant scanning and multidimensional diplomacyare proposed and developed in this thesis to explore and analyse how national leaders, situated at the nexus of domestic and foreign concerns, manage the distinctive challenges presented to them in this position. They also assist in understanding and explaining John Howards particular approach to these two major foreign policy issues. This study demonstrates that both constant scanning and multidimensional diplomacy are useful descriptive and normative tools for examining ways in which national leaders communicate and implement their foreign policies in the increasingly interconnected political landscape. By tracing and documenting the trajectory of Howards foreign policy, this study finds that his skill and confidence in the area of foreign policy, and his command and control of the foreign policy process, all increased over time. The evidence also suggests that he developed a greater awareness of the need to employ both constant scanning and multidimensional diplomacy. However, as this study shows, his absolute commitment to the ANZUS alliance saw him relinquish the responsibility to employ them in the case of Iraq. This study draws on exisiting knowledge in the areas of leadership, political science and international relations as a basis for testing the proposed concepts of constant scanning and multidimensional diplomacy. It then explores the wider application of these approaches for leaders striving to balance domestic and international concerns and considers their importance for the security and stability of the international system.
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Murray, M. L. (Kim). "John Howard: a study in policy consistency." Thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/70068.
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This thesis argues that the key policies of John Howard were consistent throughout his political career, from his entry into the Australian parliament in 1974 until Prime Minister in 2007 when he lost government and his seat of Bennelong. Studies of parliamentary debates, public speeches and policy documents reveal Howard’s reluctance to shift from policy positions that reflect his core philosophical and political convictions. They also show determination, self-belief and unremitting political ambition, despite significant obstacles. Many of Howard’s ideas are traced to the early influences of family, school, church, and the post-war, politically-conservative era of his youth, led by Liberal Prime Minister, Robert Menzies. Howard later used the narrative of his personal beliefs and value systems as factors that shaped his policy agenda, while drawing on his own background and experiences to indicate his understanding of what was important to “ordinary” Australians. Consequently, he was consistently a social conservative who supported traditional families, a British head of State, the ANZAC legacy as defining the moment of Australia’s nationhood and its national characteristics, a small-business/ entrepreneurial spirit, pride in colonial achievement and historical culture linked to Europe, with a Judeo-Christian base. He argued for border sovereignty, resisted the concept of multiculturalism, extracted acceptance of “Australian values” from new citizens, and rejected treaties, separatism, or a formal apology to Australia’s Indigenous people. His family’s small business background, attitude of self-reliance, and wariness of unions and public servants, pre-disposed his acceptance of the 1980s “New Right” or neo-liberal formulations of smaller government, deregulated markets and financial systems, competition, user-pays, targeted welfare based on mutual obligation, privatisation, broad-based taxation, and workplace reform that curtailed union power. Within this context, and aligned to personal predilections, he used neo-liberal critiques of so-called “élites” and “special interests” to appeal to “mainstream” Australia. Howard was prepared for strategic reasons to deviate, postpone or retreat on some issues, but was intransigent on core principles. He claimed most people knew the values he stood for, and that policy consistency was an element in his political success. However, when consistency became intellectual rigidity, it was his political downfall.Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Adelaide, School of History and Politics, 2010
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Bosnjak, Stjepan. "The Man of Steel and The Dragon: Australia’s relationship with China during the Howard Era." Thesis, 2017. https://vuir.vu.edu.au/36760/.
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1996 was the worst year in the Australian-Chinese bilateral relationship since the Whitlam recognition. Yet in October 2003, Chinese President Hu Jintao became the first non-American head of state to address a joint sitting of Parliament, a deeply symbolic honour. This thesis examines how the Howard Government managed to go from the lows on 1996 to the highs of 2003, using it as a case study for Neoclassical Realism (NCR).
NCR shares the same characteristics with other theories of Realism, however it argues that those theories on their own cannot fully explain events. NCR combines the statesman centric role of Classical Realism with the systemic pressures of Neorealism, and contends that both internal domestic and external international factors contribute to a state’s pursuit of its interpretation of its national interests. There are many internal variables that Neoclassical Realists argue impact on a state’s decision making, including resource extraction and domestic interests groups. This thesis focuses on political leadership and contends that John Howard played a central role in improving the relationship.
To analyse Howard’s decisions we must examine the political context within which he operated in. Australia’s domestic institutions (including Parliament, political parties, bureaucracies, business and societal elites, the electorate) and its political culture (including Australia’s historical fear of ‘being swamped by Asians’, of bandwagoning with greater powers, and Howard’s own rise to power) shaped and restrained Howard’s responses to changes to the international structure.
Knowing how the Howard Government managed to repair relations after such a disastrous start will help provide a useful blueprint for future governments with regards to how to manage similar situations. By analysing Australia’s relationship with China during the Howard era, we can learn from the mistakes and replicate the successes.
This thesis concludes with an assessment of Australia’s relationship with China at the end of the Howard Era, noting that it became Australia’s biggest trading partner.
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Anwyl, Ben. "John Howard’s Australia and September 11." Thesis, 2016. https://vuir.vu.edu.au/33187/.
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The literature on the performance of Australia’s centre-right government led by John Howard (1996-2007) has tended to underplay the role of September 11 in his electoral success. To win four terms of continuous government in the contemporary political scene is, however, no mean feat, ensuring Howard a place in the pantheon of celebrated conservative leaders in the English-speaking world.
Our framework is the celebrated gestalt developed by Fred I. Greenstein to analyse the strengths and weaknesses of each American President. Based on a series of interviews with Howard, the inner sanctum around him, other players in the political scene, and expert commentators, this thesis interrogates the leadership of John Howard in Greenstein’s terms.
Each of the six skills and attributes in the Greenstein typology is viewed in specific ways from the standpoint of the two dozen interviewees. In areas where Howard was in some sense or other deficient or lacking, his experience in government, notably September 11, had a positive effect on his capacity for leadership.
This analysis serves to help us approach the central question of this thesis, namely, what is the role of leader in the formation of a nation’s foreign policy? This question has been debated in the International Relations (IR) field for several generations of scholarship, and is most closely associated with the name of James N. Rosenau.
The case of John Howard in the reformulation of Australian foreign policy in the aftermath of September 11 is an example on the ‘yes’ side of the ledger in that important debate.
Where the Greenstein framework is important is to help us to see that these epochal events in IR can shape leaders as well as be shaped by them.
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Dalvean, Michael Coleman. "The Selection of Cabinet Ministers in the Australian Federal Parliament." Phd thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/9159.
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The two fundamental questions addressed in this thesis are 1) what are the characteristics that are associated with an Australian federal parliamentarian becoming a cabinet minister, and 2) how do these characteristics help a parliamentarian become a cabinet minister? I examine the standard representational and institutional explanations for cabinet appointment decisions such as geography, party/faction, gender and house (Senate vs House of Representatives) and find they do not account for more than 25% of cabinet appointments. I therefore turn to individual characteristics of cabinet ministers. I use education, linguistic/cognitive style, and biographical data to develop a classification model. Using data mining, I isolate three characteristics that explain a high proportion of the appointments to cabinet over the period under examination. These variables are: i) having a legal qualification: ii) entering parliament at an early age: and iii) using
abstract language. These three variables explain approximately 78% of cabinet appointments over the period under investigation. I argue that these variables are associated with cabinet appointment because they tap into a particular set of cognitive and behavioural characteristics that are beneficial in demonstrating cabinet potential. An important insight from the analysis is that, in selecting parliamentarians to serve in cabinet, personal factors are more important than representational factors.