Relevant bibliographies by topics / Jiang Zemin era

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  2. Dissertations / Theses
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Academic literature on the topic 'Jiang Zemin era'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 15 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Jiang Zemin era"

1

Pye, Lucian W., and Willy Wo-Lap Lam. "The Era of Jiang Zemin." Foreign Affairs 78, no. 4 (1999): 147. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20049426.

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Bachman, David. "Tiger on the Brink: Jiang Zemin and China's New Elite. Bruce GilleyThe Era of Jiang Zemin. Willy Wo-Lap Lam." China Journal 45 (January 2001): 187–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3182393.

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3

Marinelli, Maurizio. "Jiang Zemin's Discourse on Intellectuals: The Political Use of Formalised Language and the Conundrum of Stability." Journal of Current Chinese Affairs 42, no. 2 (June 2013): 111–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810261304200205.

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This article focuses on the specific forms of power that are embodied in the properties and functions of formalised language, as it was used by Jiang Zemin in crucial political documents on the Party's policy towards intellectuals. This inquiry illuminates various possibilities for the normalisation and inculcation of formalised language in the understudied decade of the 1990s, when the mantra “without stability, nothing can be achieved” became a tautology. The internal constitution of the selected texts is examined with an eye to the dialogic interaction with the production and reception of Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping's political discourses on intellectuals (Mao 1942; Deng 1978). The analysis of language practices and discursive formations in a comparative perspective sheds light on the respective socio-political and historical contexts. It also reveals the extreme involution-devolution of formalised language in the Jiang Zemin era, when “preserving stability” was reaffirmed as a crucial concern of the Party leadership with the ultimate aim of preserving its monopoly of power.
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Inmo Sung. "The changes of civil-military relations in China since Jiang Zemin era." Korean Journal of Military Art and Science 70, no. 1 (February 2014): 51–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.31066/kjmas.2014.70.1.003.

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Scobell, Andrew. "Playing To Win: Chinese Army Building in the Era of Jiang Zemin." Asian Perspective 25, no. 1 (2001): 73–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/apr.2001.0033.

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Baehr, P. R. (Peter R. ). "Deng's Generation: Young Intellectuals in 1980s China, and: Tiger on the Brink: Jiang Zemin and China's New Elite, and: The Era of Jiang Zemin (review)." China Review International 7, no. 1 (2000): 7–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cri.2000.0001.

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Goldman, Merle. "Politically-Engaged Intellectuals in the 1990s." China Quarterly 159 (September 1999): 700–711. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000003441.

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Although dissident intellectuals and students continued to be persecuted in the post-Mao Zedong regimes of Deng Xiaoping and Jiang Zemin, China's intellectuals were no longer denigrated as a class, harassed, suppressed, imprisoned and persecuted to death as they had been during the Mao era. Like the 19th-century self-strengtheners, Deng and his appointed successors regarded intellectuals as essential to achieve their goal of economic modernization and make China once again “rich and powerful.” Those intellectuals involved in the sciences, technology and economics in particular enjoyed elite status as advisers to the government, similar to that which intellectuals had enjoyed throughout most of Chinese history until the 1949 revolution.
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8

Narayanan, Raviprasad. "IV Book Reviews : WILLY WO-LAP LAM, The Era of Jiang Zemin. Singapore, Prentice-Hall, 1999, 452 pp." China Report 37, no. 1 (February 2001): 121–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000944550103700108.

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9

Leung, Beatrice. "China's Religious Freedom Policy: The Art of Managing Religious Activity." China Quarterly 184 (December 2005): 894–913. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s030574100500055x.

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This article examines how the policy of “religious freedom” has been used to enable the CCP to retain institutional and ideological control over the religious sector of Chinese society. In particular, it looks at how the clash between religious and communist ideologies has evolved, first in the Maoist period and then in the context of reform and openness with the attendant growth of materialism and social change since 1978. A softening in the control of religion to encourage national reconstruction and foreign investment led to a proliferation of religious activity that alarmed Party leaders and triggered a tightening of ideological control and important changes in religious policy. The new policy of “accommodation” and emphasis on “legality” became the watchwords of the Jiang Zemin era. With further development they remain important in the new regime of Hu Jintao.
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Phillips, Michael R., and Veronica Pearson. "Future Opportunities and Challenges for the Development of Psychiatric Rehabilitation in China." British Journal of Psychiatry 165, S24 (August 1994): 128–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/s0007125000293094.

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The models of psychiatric rehabilitation described in this supplement evolved in response to a change in the official attitude to the disabled and to the provision of welfare services that has arisen since the start of China's reform era in 1978. The traditional ‘residual’ welfare that provided the minimum services needed to prevent social unrest (Chan & Chow, 1992) has been transformed into a pro-active form of welfare that identifies disadvantaged and disabled persons in the community and provides them with support and rehabilitation. Perhaps the most dramatic indication of the new status of the disabled in China is that the opening ceremony of the Second National Congress of the China Disabled Persons' Federation on 6 October 1993 was held in Beijing's Great Hall of the People, and President Jiang Zemin, Premier Li Peng and “all China's top Party and government leaders” were in attendance (Liang, 1993).
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Jiang Zemin era"

1

Rolls, David. "The emergence of the 'Jiang Zemin Era': legitimacy and the development of the political theory of 'Neo-Conservatism' -- 1989-1995." University of Southern Queensland, Faculty of Arts, 2004. http://eprints.usq.edu.au/archive/00001500/.

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This research addresses the establishment of the 'Jiang Zemin Era' whereby Jiang Zemin, and the Chinese Communist Party, have attempted to relegitimise the Party and have attempted to make the Party meaningful to the Chinese populace. What is fundamental to this research is how Jiang Zemin, as the ‘core leader’ of the third generational leadership, incorporated the political thought of neo-conservatism (xin baoshouzhuyi) into the framework of Marxist-Leninist-Mao Zedong Thought (MLM) ideology in order to re-legitimise the CCP. The timeframe within the research is from Jiang’s appointment as the General Secretary of the CCP in 1989 until 1995. It is important that this was a time period whereby Jiang had to consolidate, and therefore legitimise, his ‘core leadership’, and provide a theoretical platform in order to bring forth his own ‘era’. The research is predominantly a historiographical narrative, utilising both primary and secondary sources, that examines the mechanisms Jiang utilised in order to create a strong government, with himself as the ‘core’, which pursued increased levels of marketisation. Indeed, after being appointed General Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party in 1989, Jiang Zemin had to achieve two goals in order to sustain and legitimate his position as ‘the core of the third generational leadership’. First, he had to secure his position as ‘the core’ through the creation of secured networks and alliances as well as legitimise of his ‘informal’ and ‘formal’ positions in the CCP hierarchy. In order to achieve this, Jiang had to first create a sustainable power base in order to retain, and therefore legitimise, his formalized positions as General Secretary of the CCP, Chairman of the Chinese Military Commission and the Presidency. In addition, he needed to be able to create alliances with both allies and protégés as well as differing power factions, be they conservative/elder or reformist, and with other leading figures like Li Peng and Zhu Rongji. Second, in order to further reinforce and legitimize his position as ‘the core’, Jiang had to develop his own ‘theoretical framework’ for governing the country – much as Mao and Deng had done previously. Therefore, the research also examines Jiang’s usage of the neoconservatism as a means of not only legitimising the CCP’s ideological framework but also as a means of providing his own ‘guiding thought’, thus enabling him to establish his own ‘era’. Indeed, after establishing himself as the ‘core’ through the aforementioned processes, Jiang had to develop such a theoretical framework that complimented Deng’s economic reforms, especially as he was designated by Deng, yet one that retained a smattering of Mao Zedong’s ‘Thoughts’ that could be applied pragmatically during the 1990s. It can be seen that Jiang Zemin successfully incorporated the political thought of ‘neo-conservatism’ within his platform in order to achieve these ends – including the establishment of a ‘Jiang Zemin Era’. This political thought, a successor to the political theory of ‘neo-authoritarianism’, already had several adherents within the higher echelons of the CCP. Indeed, it would be Jiang’s 1995 speech, entitled ‘Stressing Politics’, that would signify the incorporation of neo-conservatism within Jiang’s platform of (self) legitimation that would initiate the successful implementation of a ‘Jiang Zemin Era’.
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2

Chen, Chih-Hung, and 陳志洪. "Party-Army Relations in the Era of Jiang Zemin." Thesis, 2002. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/34298504228412704088.

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碩士
國立中山大學
大陸研究所
90
Abstract In the era of Jiang Zemin, the core leader of third generation has not be much more powerful than other leaders. Hence, he needs to build a coalition to gathering varied interests that supported his leadership. He had to bargain and compromise with other leading officials, to generate resources in order to reward and maintain the coalition which supporting him in power. Based on such “give and take” relations, he had been relatively weak when bargain with military or other interest groups within Chinese political system. And that might be the major reason to explain why the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) could get the unforeseeable political influence in the Jiang era. When discussing the Party-Army relations in the Jiang era, it would be useful to view the PLA as an interest group in the Chinese political system. Therefore, I posit two basic assumptions to analyzing such relations. The first is that army and Party are engaged in a chronic and multiform conflict stemming from their incompatible outlooks and interests. The second is that Party would insist in controlling the army and keep suppressing the expression of its group interests. Besides, several variables would be introduced to identify such conflict. These include the declination of ideological indoctrination, the power reduction of the political control system in the army, the absence of regularized procedures for the transfer of political power within the ruling Party elite, the acceptance of the principle of collective leadership, and the modernization of the economy. These factors would be used to explain the transformation of the Party-Army relations.
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3

Mei, Yuan-Guang, and 梅元光. "The PRC’s Foreign Strategy on ASEAN in the Jiang Zemin Era." Thesis, 2006. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/59877580248715959361.

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碩士
淡江大學
國際事務與戰略研究所碩士在職專班
94
The end of the Cold War has facilitated countries in the Asia and Pacific region to have more opportunities to cooperate with one another. At this moment, China’s interaction with the international community has never been more frequent than any other period in the history. That is to say, in order to fulfill national interest, China can no longer stand on the sideline of the international community. The international community not only sets up a stage for global strategies to play out, but also constructs certain regulations and norms for each country to follow. For such cause, China should pinpoint its new position with the world watching where it goes in the future. Alexander Wendt proposes a systemic theory as the level of analysis on international relations in his Social Constructivism which emphasizes a country’s societal nature and the determination function of international system. It stresses that the framework of the international system is subjective, composed of shared norms and intersubjective ideas and roles. Different cultures of anarchy endow states with different roles. The identity of a state is established from an interactive process. Therefore, the change of international politics is not only the change of material forces, but the change of a kind of societal relation. This paper discovered that the international system in the Jiang Zemin Era shows Lockean culture, that is, under the sovereignty principle – “to admit the right of existence of others” to treat the ASEAN as a rivalry. China applies concepts of political “good-neighborliness”, secured “peace” and economic “cooperation” to construct the PRC’s foreign strategy on ASEAN. It aggressively builds up a steady and peaceful setting around its peripheral regions, and further constructs the idea of international security environment. Secondly, China is found to have abandoned the ideology in its foreign policy by promoting “New Security Concept”. It actively proposes and participates in the international security regimes. Its appearance of following the international norms and accepting the restraint of international institutions has alleviated its threatening image to other states. China also cooperates in the security agenda and promotes peace and security dialogue so as to move forward an international order that is beneficial to its diplomatic goal.
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4

Shih, Chih-Sheng, and 施志勝. "Chinese Party-Army Relations after the Cold War: The Era of Jiang Zemin." Thesis, 2005. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/78739594910246228296.

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Abstract:
碩士
淡江大學
國際事務與戰略研究所
93
For a long time, Party-Army relations in the PRC has been a topic of particular interest to China hands. Following the end of the Cold War, the PRC was faced with changing political environments, both within and without. This was also the formation period for Third Generation Leaders. Many researchers have followed the development of PRC Party-Army relations with particular interest. The objective of this paper is to investigate post-Cold War PRC Party-Army relations, in particular, to look at the development of PRC Party-Army relations during the Jiang Zemin era.This thesis consists of six chapters﹘Chapter 1 is the Foreword. In accordance with research motive and objectives, within the research scope, and using chosen research methods, this paper is divided into the following five fundamental, independent, yet interacting units﹘The evolution of PRC Party-Army relations, the development of Party-Army relations as power was handed down from one generation to the next, the solidification and development of Jiang Zemin’s command over the Party and Army, the impact of Jiang Zemin’s personnel arrangements on Party-Army relations when he handed over of the reins of government, and the Conclusion.Chapter 2 explores how PRC Party-Army relations have developed. First of all, using the historical critical method to investigate the historical beginnings of PRC Party-Army relations, the legal basis of PRC Party-Army relations, as well as the structure and operation of PRC Party-Army. It also analyzes the structure and operations of the PRC’s Central Military Commission for the purpose of identifying any special characteristics in the way in which PRC Party-Army relations work.Chapter 3 looks into the development of Party-Army relations as power is handed down from one generation to the next, analyzing the circumstances when political authority was handed over to the new leaders from the first to third generations. It then investigates situations, both domestic and abroad, when Jiang Zemin came into power as well as the difficulties he encountered. It also surveys and analyzes the influence of the military during times of political turnover in the PRC and the development of Party-Army relations during transfers of power from generation to generation.Chapter 4, the focal point of this research, investigates the consolidation of power and development of Jiang Zemin authority over the Party and Army. From the time he succeeded to the post of Chairman of the Central Military Commission, he took control over the military and consolidated his command over the military, advancing reformation of the defense system and modernization of the military, while gradually building up the leadership centered on himself, known as “Jiang core,” through the work of military political thought.Chapter 5 investigates the impact of Jiang Zemin’s personnel arrangement on Party-Army relations. Starting with Jiang Zemin’s deployment of personnel the PRC’s 16th Party Congress as a basis for analyzing the development of Party-Army relations following the 16th Party Congress as well as probing the development of Party-Army relations after Hu Jintao took over all responsibilities after the Fourth Plenary Session of the 16th CPC Central Committee. The issue of PRC Party-Army relations and the Taiwan problem has also been incorporated into this paper for analysis.Chapter 6, the Conclusion, offers suggestions for the direction of future research based on the research results, concerned with research observations and findings, and PRC Party-Army relations, found in each chapter.The PRC has always stressed that the Party holds the reins of the military. The relationship between the Party and Army is a unique phenomenon best described as the “Army is within the Party and the Party is within the Army.” With the modernization and specialization of the PLA, the question of whether or not the Party can continue to hold the reins of the military over the long-term and possible developments if the reins are taken out of the Party’s hands and put into those of the nation (國家化及非黨化) is worth our continued attention.
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5

蔡吟明. "Beijing’s Policy toward Taiwan in the in the Jiang Zemin Era : 10-year Retrospect on “ Jiang’s Eight-point Proposal ”." Thesis, 2005. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/79948195656650608552.

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碩士
淡江大學
國際事務與戰略研究所
93
Abstract: Jian Zemin ,the general secretary of Republic of China, issued the eight principals about relationship between China and Taiwan in 1995,called“Jian’s Eight-Point Proposal”for short. For the first time“Jian’s Eight-Point Proposal”was made, Chinese expected a lot.However,the relationship between Taiwan and China didn’t have any breakthrough.On the contrary,the visit to the United states, “state-to-state”theory by Taiwan’s former president,Lee Deng Hui and the statement of ”one side,one country”, “drawing up a constitution by referendum”by Chen made the relationship more intense. On the occasion of the 10th anniversary of “Jian’s Eight-Point Proposal”,the thesis analyzed the influence of environmental factors by historical approach.Besides,it discussed the meaning of “Jian’s Eight-Point Proposal”.Finally,it estimated the effect of developmental relationship between Taiwan and China from ”One China“policy,”Three Exchanges”,”Negotiation”and “Reunion”.For this reason,it assessed the possible trend of interaction between Taiwan and China in the future.
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Books on the topic "Jiang Zemin era"

1

The era of Jiang Zemin. Singapore: Prentice Hall, 1999.

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Scobell, Andrew. Chinese army building in the era of Jiang Zemin. [Carlisle Barracks, PA]: Strategic Studies Institute, U.S. Army War College, 2000.

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Scobell, Andrew. Chinese Army Building In The Era Of Jiang Zemin. University Press of the Pacific, 2004.

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(Editor), Wang Gungwu, and Zheng Yongnian (Editor), eds. Damage Control: The Chinese Communist Party in the Jiang Zemin Era. Times Academic Press,Singapore, 2004.

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Damage Control: The Chinese Communist Party in the Jiang Zemin Era. Times Academic Press,Singapore, 2004.

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Gungwu, Wang, Zheng Yongnian, and National University of Singapore. East Asian Institute., eds. Damage control: The Chinese Communist Party in the Jiang Zemin era. Singapore: Eastern Universities Press, 2003.

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Book chapters on the topic "Jiang Zemin era"

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Wong, Yiu Chung. "Assessing the era of Jiang Zemin." In Chinese Ideology, 183–202. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003007364-16.

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Grasso, June, Jay P. Corrin, and Michael Kort. "The Era of Jiang Zemin." In Modernization and Revolution in China, 175–88. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315626970-11.

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"The Era of Jiang Zemin." In Modernization and Revolution in China, 251–70. Routledge, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315702339-17.

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Shinn, David H. "China–Africa Ties in Historical Context." In China-Africa and an Economic Transformation, 61–83. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198830504.003.0004.

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From Mao Zedong’s seizure of power in 1949 until the early 1990s, China focused more intensely on its political relationship with Africa than its economic ties. During this period China was more concerned about support for African liberation movements, competition with Taiwan, the ‘One China’ principle, and dealing with internal challenges such as the Great Leap Forward and the Cultural Revolution. The Deng Xiaoping era witnessed a reduction of China’s engagement in Africa while the Jiang Zemin period set the stage for significant advancement. By Hu Jintao’s arrival early in the twenty-first century, the China–Africa relationship had become based predominantly on economic interests, especially China’s desire to access African raw materials. It began with trade and expanded into Chinese outward investment in Africa. By 2009, China had overtaken the United States as Africa’s largest trading partner. So far, the Xi Jinping era has resulted in a greater focus on protection of Chinese interests in Africa, security cooperation, and a levelling off and even decline in China’s economic engagement.
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Reports on the topic "Jiang Zemin era"

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Scobell, Andrew. Chinese Army Building in the Era of Jiang Zemin. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, August 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada383134.

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