Journal articles on the topic 'Jews Israel'
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1
Gans, Chaim. "Nationalist Priorities and Restrictions in Immigration: The Case of Israel." Law & Ethics of Human Rights 2, no. 1 (January 1, 2008): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1938-2545.1024.
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It may be that the appropriate demographic objective of Israel as a country in which the Jewish people realize their right to self-determination is the existence of a Jewish public in Israel in numbers sufficient to allow its members to live in the framework of their culture. It may also be that the appropriate demographic objective of Israel should be the existence of a Jewish majority within it. While I discussed this issue elsewhere; here I discuss the legitimate means for the realization of these goals. Israels principal means for realizing these objectives thus far has been its Law of Return and its Citizenship Law. These laws afford every Jew anywhere in the world the right to immigrate to Israel and become a citizen of the State of Israel. Many liberals and left-wingers consider these laws to be tainted with racism, because they regard any nationally-based preference with regard to immigration to be a form of racism. In the first part of my paper I argue against this position. I offer three justifications for nationality-based preferences in immigration. However, the fact that nationality-based priorities in immigration are not necessarily racist and that there are legitimate human interests justifying such priorities, does not entail that the specific priorities manifested by Israels Law of Return and its other immigration and citizenship policies are just. These policies in effect mean that all Jews and only Jews (or anyone related or married to a Jew) have the right to immigrate to Israel and to become fully integrated in Israeli life. In the second part of the paper, I argue that these two aspects of Israels immigration policies, namely, its almost categorical inclusion of all Jews and its almost categorical exclusion of all non-Jews, are somewhat problematic. In addition to the Law of Return, a number of additional ways to ultimately increase the number of Jews in relation to the number of Arabs have been proposed and even adopted in Israel in recent years. During the incumbency of the fifteenth Knesset, right-wing Member of Knesset Michael Kleiner tabled a draft bill intended to encourage people that do not identify with the Jewish character of the state [i.e., Palestinian citizens of Israel C.G.] to leave. The Israeli Government later tabled a billthat was eventually passedto amend the Israeli Citizenship Law in a manner that would deny Arabs who are Israeli citizens and have married Palestinian residents of the Occupied Territories the right to live in Israel with their spouses and children. In the third part of the paper, I clarify why in contrast to granting Jews priority in immigration, both the aforementioned laws, namely, Kleiners law and the law pertaining to family unification are racist and are therefore morally unacceptable.
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Waller, Harold M. "Ofira Seliktar. Divided We Stand: American Jews, Israel, and the Peace Process. Westport, CT: Praeger, 2002. xvi, 272 pp." AJS Review 29, no. 2 (November 2005): 412–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009405470178.
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Israel, and before that the idea of a Jewish state in the traditional homeland, has long captured the imagination of many, if not always most, American Jews. The close connection between Jews in Israel and the United States intensified as the events of the last century unfolded, especially the Holocaust, the struggle for Israel's independence, and then the unending effort to safeguard that independence and ensure security. The 1967 Six-Day War, the run-up to which conjured up images of another calamity, had a profound effect in the Diaspora, driving home the reality of Israel's precarious security and the state's central importance in modern Jewish life. That watershed produced a relatively short-lived period when it seemed that American Jews were united in their support for Israel. But, since 1977, that “sacred unity” has been called into question as sharp divisions have appeared—exacerbated by controversial Israeli government decisions and the pressures of the peace process since 1991.
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Trachtenberg, Barry, and Kyle Stanton. "Shifting Sands: Zionism & American Jewry." Journal of Palestine Studies 48, no. 2 (2019): 79–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2019.48.2.79.
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The current willingness of major American Jewish organizations and leaders to dismiss the threat from white supremacists in the name of supporting Israel represents a new stage in the shifting relationship of U.S. Jews toward Zionism. In the first stage, during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the majority of U.S. Jews did not take to Zionism, as its goals seemed antithetical to their aspirations to join mainstream American society. In a second stage, attitudes toward Zionism grew more positive as conditions for European Jews worsened, and Jewish settlement in Palestine grew substantially. Following Israeli statehood in 1948, U.S. Jews began gradually to support Israel. Jewish groups and leaders increasingly characterized criticism of Zionism as inherently anti-Semitic and attacked Israel's critics. In a third and most recent stage, many major Jewish organizations and leaders have subordinated the traditional U.S. Jewish interest in combatting white supremacy and bigotry when it comes into conflict with support for Israel and Zionism.
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Katz, Yaacov. "Religious and Heritage Education in Israel in an Era of Secularism." Education Sciences 8, no. 4 (October 19, 2018): 176. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/educsci8040176.
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Israel as a unique country composed of a religiously heterogeneous society of native-born Israelis whose parents arrived in the country before the declaration of Israel as an independent state in 1948 and immigrant Jews coming from countries spread throughout the world, mainly from the early 1960s until the present time, as well as Arab Moslem, Arab Christian, and Druze citizens born in the country. The Jewish population consists of secularized Jews who are almost totally estranged from the Jewish religion; traditional Jews who identify with the Jewish religion; religious modern orthodox observant Jews who share common societal goals with members of secular and religious Jewish society; and religious ultra-orthodox observant Jews who are rigid in their faith and oppose absorption and assimilation into general society. The Israeli Arab population comprises Moslems who are generally more religious than Israeli Jews, but are less religious and more flexible in their religious beliefs than Moslems living in many other countries in the Middle East. Christians who identify with their religion; and a moderately religious Druze community. Because of the heterogeneity of Israeli society, mandatory religious and heritage education presents each sector with a unique curriculum that serves the particular needs considered vital for each sector be they secular, traditional, or religious. In order to offset the differences in religious and heritage education and to enhance common social values and social cohesion in Israeli society, citizenship education, coupled with religious and heritage education, is compulsory for all population sectors.
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Shaltout, Sherif M. H. M. "Impact of the Israeli-Arab conflict on the Jews of Russia in Israel in the Contemporary Hebrew Novel." British Journal of Translation, Linguistics and Literature 2, no. 3 (September 8, 2022): 49–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.54848/bjtll.v2i3.39.
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From the first attempts to establish Israel until the present time, this entity has witnesseda history full of wars and uprisings with the Arabs, produced by its usurper presence itselfon Arab lands in general, and Palestinian lands in particular. This ongoing conflict cast adark shadow on all sectors of Israeli society, including the Jews of Russia, which has hada direct impact on Modern Hebrew literature in general, and the contemporary Hebrewnovel in particular. The importance of the study is due to the fact that it is the first study -as far as I know - to deal with the impact of the Israeli-Arab conflict on the community ofRussian Jews in Israel as this issue is discussed through two models of the contemporaryHebrew novel by two Israeli female literary figures from Russian origin. The two novelsare “Victor and Masha” (2012) by the writer “Alona Kimhi”, which addressed the problemof the political integration of Jews who emigrated from Russia to Israel during the waveof the seventies of the twentieth century, and the novel “The Lost Community” (2014), bythe writer “Ola Groisman”, which She dealt with the political situation of Jewishimmigrants – especially young immigrants – from Russia to Israel in the seventies andnineties of the same century .The study aims to reveal the position of Russian Jews on thepersonality of the Arab in light of the conflict between Israel and the Arabs, in addition torevealing the extent to which the Israeli-Arab conflict affects the Russian Jews' sense ofsecurity and stability within Israel. This study adopts on the critical analytical approach,which includes analysis and interpretation of the two novels to highlight and address theissue of the impact of the Israeli-Arab conflict on Russian Jews in Israel. The study yieldsseveral results, including that the problems surrounding the process of integration into theIsraeli society, in addition to the state of war, insecurity and instability in this society, havecaused severe psychological damages to many Russian Jews. This eventually led to areverse immigration of a large sector of them.
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Eshel, Ruth. "Concert Dance in Israel." Dance Research Journal 35, no. 1 (2003): 61–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0149767700008779.
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Israel is a society of Jewish immigrants who have returned to their ancient biblical homeland. It is also a complex society made up of people of varied cultures and ideologies, enduring changing economic and political situations. For the past eighty years, Israeli dancers have reflected and helped to shape the internal dialogues of Israeli life and contributed to a global exchange of dance ideas, especially with modern dancers from Europe and America.The independence of ancient Israel came to an end in C.E. 73, when Romans destroyed the Temple in Jerusalem after fierce battles with the Jews. The great revolt against Roman rule (132–135) failed, and in its wake the Romans banished the Jews from their country. Thus began a two-thousand-year exile, during which the Jews in the diaspora preserved their religion, suffered anti-Semitic persecutions, and dreamed of returning to their land, to Eretz Israel—Zion.
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SZNAJDER, MARIO, and LUIS RONIGER. "From Argentina to Israel: Escape, Evacuation and Exile." Journal of Latin American Studies 37, no. 2 (May 2005): 351–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x05009041.
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During the last military dictatorship in Argentina, between 350 and 400 citizens who feared for their life managed to find shelter in Israel. This article traces the evolving procedures, institutional mechanisms and routes of escape operated by the Israeli diplomats and representatives stationed in Argentina and the neighbouring countries, against the contradictory background of lack of clear-cut official policies in Israel, the latter's cordial relationships with the military government, and an ethos of helping persecuted Jews evinced by some of those Israelis stationed in Argentina. In parallel, the article presents the social and political background of those who chose to appeal for Israeli help and finds – on the basis of a specially designed database covering between fifty-seven and sixty-five per cent of the fleeing individuals – that many were not associated with Israel or Zionism and a minority were not Jews, as defined by religious criteria or even by broader criteria. The broader significance of these contradictory trends is discussed.
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Ernst, Dan. "The Meaning and Liberal Justifications of Israel's Law of Return." Israel Law Review 42, no. 3 (2009): 564–602. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021223700000728.
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The Article argues for a new assessment of the significance of Israel's Law of Return—that the Law of Return reflects not the sovereign prerogative of a state to control immigration, but the right of every Jew to settle in the Land of Israel. This understanding of the Law of Return explains why Section 4 proclaims that as far as the Law is concerned, the status of Jews born within the State of Israel is the same as those arriving to Israel from abroad. Resolving the anomaly of Section 4 dispels several misinterpretations of the Law of Return and the critiques of the Law which grow out of these misinterpretations. The Article also surveys and answers several liberal objections to Israel's policy of granting preference in immigration and naturalization based on ethno-national identity and presents an argument, for giving priority to Jewish immigration and naturalization based on the extra benefits (religious, political, and communal) that Jews receive from such immigration and naturalization. Finally, it is submitted that the State of Israel has an obligation of justice to admit Jews into the state as full citizens upon their demand, since this was a reasonable expectation of those in past generations who had contributed to the existence and maintenance of the state.
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Al-Qasem, Anis Mustafa. "Arab Jews in Israel: the struggle for identity and socioeconomic justice." Contemporary Arab Affairs 8, no. 3 (July 1, 2015): 323–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2015.1054613.
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This article is based on a study in Arabic by author that formed the final chapter of the book Yahud al-bilad al-‘arabiyyah (The Jews of the Arab Countries) by the late Palestinian historian Khairiyyah Qasimiyyah. It examines the problem of identity among Jews of Arab origin in Israel and the resurgent use of the term ‘Arab Jew’ used by Jewish academics and activists in Israel. It also considers the issues of discrimination and socioeconomic injustice against the Arab Jewish community since the early history of Israel. Finally, it discusses the potential for joint action by Arab Jews and Palestinians for the cause of social justice and pluralism in Israel.
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Shiff, Ofer. "The Jewish Centrality of Israel." Israel Studies Review 36, no. 2 (September 1, 2021): 48–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/isr.2021.360205.
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This article examines reactions in the Jewish Diaspora to the ways the Diaspora is viewed in Israel, especially with regard to the Israeli self-perception of Israel as the ultimate spiritual and religious center for its Diaspora. These ideas are explored using as a case study the 1958 ‘Who is a Jew?’ controversy and David Ben-Gurion’s famous correspondence with 51 ‘Jewish sages’ on the question of how to classify on an Israeli identity card a child born in Israel to a non-Jewish mother. Focusing on the responses of the Orthodox Jewish sages, I suggest that this correspondence may be understood as a reflection of different, sometimes conflicting understandings of the nature and meaning of Israel’s centrality for Jews and Judaism.
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Kobylianski, E., T. Balueva, E. Veselovskaya, and B. Arensburg. "Facial Image of Biblical Jews from Israel." Anthropologischer Anzeiger 66, no. 2 (July 11, 2008): 167–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1127/aa/66/2008/167.
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Herzog, Ben. "Presenting Ethnicity: Israeli Citizenship Discourse." Contemporary Review of the Middle East 6, no. 3-4 (September 2019): 383–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347798919872840.
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In 1950, Israel enacted the Law of Return and 2 years afterwards passed its Citizenship Law. These measures reflected the Zionist goal of encouraging Jewish immigration to Israel/Palestine, so citizenship was mostly limited to Jews. In other words, an ascriptive/ethnic classification was at the foundation of Israeli citizenship. This article explores the construction of the citizenship laws in relation to various forms of categorization—biological descent, cultural belonging, racial classifications, and voluntary affiliation. It asks how the Israeli citizenship policy was presented and which mechanisms were employed in order to justify the incorporation of all Jews, including those from Arab countries, while attempting to exclude non-Jews. After analyzing official state policies and parliamentary debates in Israel regarding the citizenship laws, I present the mechanisms employed to present the ethnic immigration policy. Those mechanisms include emphasizing the positive and democratic sides of allowing Jewish immigration; repeatedly avoiding the usage of racial terminology; highlighting the willingness to incorporate non-Jewish residents; and employing security justifications when prohibiting non-Jewish immigration. Being the Jewish State, Israel wanted to favor Jews in its immigration and naturalization policies. However, being also committed to democratic values and principles, it desired to disassociate itself from racial attitudes.
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Rabkin, Yakov M. "Language in Nationalism: Modern Hebrew in the Zionist Project." Holy Land Studies 9, no. 2 (November 2010): 129–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hls.2010.0101.
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This article examines the history of Israel's lingua franca as a constituent of the Zionist project. Based largely on recent scholarship, this work sheds light on the role of language in the educational and political efforts to create a New Hebrew Man who, in contradistinction to the European Jew, was to live ‘as a free man’ in his own land. Reflecting Jewish experience in the Russian Empire, these efforts alienated traditional, particularly non-Ashkenazi Jews. The article addresses the question of the uniqueness of the modern Israeli vernacular that contributes to the historical legitimacy of Zionism and the state of Israel.
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Shiff, Ofer, and David Barak-Gorodetsky. "Pan-Jewish Solidarity and the Jewish Significance of Modern Israel: The 1958 “Who Is a Jew?” Affair Revisited." Contemporary Review of the Middle East 6, no. 3-4 (September 2019): 266–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347798919872829.
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The focus of this article is the 1958 “Who is a Jew?” controversy and David Ben-Gurion’s inquiry into Jewishness leading intellectuals from Israel and the Diaspora regarding how to register a child born to a non-Jewish mother in the Israeli identity card. The article’s main claim is that this correspondence must be understood not only as reflecting a continuous struggle between diaspora and Israeli Jews or between Jews of various religious persuasions, but rather as reflecting a built-in tension between pan-Jewish solidarity and Israeli Jewish sovereignty. This built-in tension seems to prevail today as well, and thus our analysis of the 1958 event may enable a more complex understanding of the continuous and seemingly unresolved tensions within today’s Jewish world.
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Cohen, Yinon, and Andrea Tyree. "Palestinian and Jewish Israeli-born Immigrants in the United States." International Migration Review 28, no. 2 (June 1994): 243–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791839402800201.
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This article considers both Arab and Jewish emigration from Israel to the United States, relying on the 5 percent Public Use Microdata Sample (PUMS) of the 1980 U.S. census. Using the ancestry and language questions to identify Jews and Arabs, we found that over 30 percent of Israeli-bom Americans are Palestinian-Arab natives of Israel, the West Bank, and Gaza Strip. While the Jews are of higher educational levels, hold better jobs and enjoy higher incomes than their Arab counterparts, both groups have relatively high socioeconomic characteristics. Both have high rates of self-employment, particularly the Palestinian-Arabs, who appear to serve as middlemen minority in the grocery store business in the cities where they reside. The fact that nearly a third of Israeli-born immigrants are Arabs accounts for the occupational diversity previously observed of Israelis in America but does not account for their income diversity as much as does differences between early and recent immigrants.
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Amara, Muhammad. "My Enemy, My Neighbour: Characteristics and Challenges of Arabic Instruction in Israeli-Jewish Society." Journal of Holy Land and Palestine Studies 20, no. 1 (May 2021): 28–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hlps.2021.0256.
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This article examines Arabic instruction in Israeli Hebrew schools with regard to the political, social, cultural, historical and pedagogical issues shaping it. It examines challenges facing Arabic instruction in Israel's education system, emphasising the dissonance between potential benefits of studying Arabic and its overall marginalised status in Israel. This article argues that that the main factors shaping Arabic instruction in Israeli-Jewish schools since 1948 are official security considerations and security claims — Arabic is studied as the language of the enemy and not the neighbour. A radical policy shift is required to ‘civilianise’ and demilitarise Arabic instruction and transform it into a bridge for understanding between Israeli-Jews, Palestinian-Arab citizens of Israel, in particular, the Palestinians, in general, as well as Israel's Arab neighbours in the Middle East.
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Barzilai, Gad, and Yossi Shain. "Israeli Democracy at the Crossroads: A Crisis of Non-governability." Government and Opposition 26, no. 3 (July 1, 1991): 345–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1991.tb01146.x.
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THROUGHOUT THIS CENTURY, THE STRUGGLE FOR AND consolidation of Jewish territorial sovereignty in the ancient Land of Israel has been characterized by two complementary processes: waves of Jewish immigration from throughout the diaspora, and a succession of violent conflicts with Israel's Arab neighbours. Both of those processes were at work during 1990 — 91 when Israel became reluctantly involved in the Gulf war while also having to cope with an influx of hundreds of thousands of Jews seeking escape from the crumbling Soviet empire, as well as a few thousand emigrants from Ethiopia and from South America. For many Israelis, the surrealistic spectacle of immigrants being greeted at Ben-Gurion Airport with gas-masks designed to protect them from the Iraqi Scud missiles raining down on major Israeli cities, represented highly dramatic evidence of the fulfilment of Zionism's aspirations.
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Amram, Azri. "Digesting the Massacre: Food Tours in Palestinian Towns in Israel." Gastronomica 19, no. 4 (2019): 60–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/gfc.2019.19.4.60.
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Guided food tours of Israeli Jews to Palestinian towns in Israel are increasing in popularity in recent years. Indeed, the relations between Jews and Palestinians in Israel are often negotiated through the plate, and such food tours allow these relationships to be examined by both local Palestinian hosts and their Israeli-Jewish guests. In this article, I argue that food tours in Palestinian towns in Israel allow Palestinian citizens of Israel to express controversial sociopolitical messages and discuss them with Israeli-Jewish participants thanks to the unique characteristics of food tourism: a multisensory experience for tourists that creates value for the destination and its residents. I demonstrate how the practice of exploring and blurring symbolic boundaries through these tours creates a space that facilitates the delivery of explicit and implicit messages regarding civil rights issues, and even highly explosive topics such as national identity. The innocuous and ostensibly apolitical nature of food allows Israeli-Jewish tourists to come to terms, at least to a certain extent, with messages that may contradict some of the significant Zionist-Jewish narratives. This article is based on ethnography conducted from 2015–17 in Kafr Qasim, a Palestinian town in Israel. I joined “Ramadan Nights” tours that sought to present the customs of the month of Ramadan, the ninth month of the Islamic calendar in which, according to religion, Muslims fast from morning until nightfall. I show how the tour facilitates the “digestion” of messages that many Israeli Jews would otherwise find hard to accept, such as the massacre of forty-nine dwellers of Kafr Qasim by the Israeli military in 1956. I conclude by discussing the use of food and hospitality as a means of creating intimacy and challenging power relations and their role in facilitating the digestion of difficult messages.
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Yakobson, Alexander. "Joining the Jewish People: Non-Jewish Immigrants from the Former USSR, Israeli Identity and Jewish Peoplehood." Israel Law Review 43, no. 1 (2010): 218–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021223700000108.
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The Law of Return grants every Jew the right to immigrate to Israel; this also applies to non-Jewish relatives of Jews. The Citizenship Law grants every such “returnee” automatic citizenship. The wave of immigration from the former Soviet Union in the 90s brought a large number of immigrants not considered Jewish under the definition accepted in Israel. Is this large group of Israeli citizens—who do not, at least formally, belong to the Jewish people—an emerging second substantial national minority in Israel? This Article argues that regardless of formal definitions based on Orthodox religious law under which a religious conversion is the only way for a non-Jew to become Jewish, these immigrants, through their successful social and cultural integration in the Hebrew-speaking Jewish society in Israel, are joining, de facto, the Jewish people. It is no longer true that religious conversion is the only way to join the Jewish people.
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Hameiri, Boaz, and Arie Nadler. "Looking Backward to Move Forward." Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin 43, no. 4 (February 8, 2017): 555–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0146167216689064.
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Two large-scale surveys conducted in Israel (Study 1A) and the Palestinian Authority (Study 1B) show that the belief by group members that people in the “enemy” group acknowledge their victimhood (i.e., Holocaust and Nakba for Jews and Palestinians, respectively) is associated with Israeli-Jews’ readiness to accept responsibility for Palestinian sufferings and offer apologies. For Palestinians, this belief is linked to a perceived higher likelihood of a reconciled future with Israelis. Three field experiments demonstrate that a manipulated high level of acknowledgment of Jewish victimhood by Palestinians (Studies 2 and 4) and of Palestinian victimhood by Israeli-Jews (Study 3) caused greater readiness to make concessions for the sake of peace on divisive issues (e.g., Jerusalem, the 1967 borders, the right of return) and increased conciliatory attitudes. Additional analyses indicate the mediating role of increased trust and reduced emotional needs in these relationships.
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Zhen, Wang, Alfred Tovias, Peter Bergamin, Menachem Klein, Tally Kritzman-Amir, and Pnina Peri. "Book Reviews." Israel Studies Review 35, no. 1 (March 1, 2020): 109–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/isr.2020.350108.
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Aron Shai, China and Israel: Chinese, Jews; Beijing, Jerusalem (1890–2018) (Boston: Academic Studies Press, 2019), 270 pp. Hardback, $90.00. Paperback, $29.95.Raffaella A. Del Sarto, Israel under Siege: The Politics of Insecurity and the Rise of the Israeli Neo-Revisionist Right (Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press, 2017), 298 pp. Paperback, $26.94.Dan Tamir, Hebrew Fascism in Palestine, 1922–1942 (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2018), 210 pp. Hardback, $99.99.Alan Dowty, Arabs and Jews in Ottoman Palestine: Two Worlds Collide (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2019), 312 pp. Hardback, $65.00.Guy Ben-Porat and Fany Yuval, Policing Citizens: Minority Policy in Israel (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2019), 250 pp. Hardback, $89.99.Deborah Golden, Lauren Erdreich, and Sveta Roberman, Mothering, Education and Culture: Russian, Palestinian and Jewish Middle-Class Mothers in Israeli Society (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2017), 225 pp. Hardback, $114.25.
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Bindman, Geoffrey. "Criticizing Israel Is Not Antisemitism." European Judaism 52, no. 1 (March 1, 2019): 111–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ej.2019.520113.
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Antisemitism is hostility to Jews as Jews, but defining antisemitism is complicated by Zionism and the existence of the State of Israel. The fundamental right to freedom of expression is threatened by the misuse of a definition of antisemitism and claimed examples of antisemitic conduct that encourage confusion between antisemitism and criticism of the policies and practices of the Israeli government and its institutions. The right to express criticism and to debate such policies and practices must not be suppressed by reliance on unsubstantiated claims of antisemitism.
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Gitlin, Todd. "American Jews and Israel." Dissent 58, no. 2 (2011): 20–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/dss.2011.0050.
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Leonard, Sarah. "American Jews and Israel." Dissent 58, no. 2 (2011): 22–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/dss.2011.0051.
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Mort, Jo-Ann. "American Jews and Israel." Dissent 58, no. 2 (2011): 25–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/dss.2011.0052.
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Shulevitz, Judith. "American Jews and Israel." Dissent 58, no. 2 (2011): 27–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/dss.2011.0053.
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Grove Eastman, Susan. "Israel and the Mercy of God: A Re-reading of Galatians 6.16 and Romans 9–11." New Testament Studies 56, no. 3 (May 28, 2010): 367–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688510000056.
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Noting the conjunction of ‘mercy’ and ‘Israel’ in Galatians 6.16 and Romans 9–11, this article argues that in both letters ‘Israel’ denotes the Jews. In Galatians 6.16, with an on-going mission to the Jews in view, Paul invokes peace on those who live according to the new creation, and mercy on unbelieving Israel. In Romans 9–11, he draws on both Scripture and his own experience of mercy to revisit the question of Israel's destiny, discerning therein a providential pattern of a divine call that is interrupted by obduracy under the law, and ultimately fulfilled in Christ.
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Krylov, A. V. "The role of the religious factor in political processes in Israel." Journal of International Analytics, no. 1 (March 28, 2016): 98–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2016-0-1-98-108.
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This article studies the influence of religion on political and social processes in Israel. Modern Israel is a complicated multi-ethnic and multi-religious society. Israel is home to over 8 million people and approximately a quarter of its citizens are non-Jews (Muslim Arabs and Christian Arabs, Druze, Bedouins, Circassians and etc.). In spite of the fact that the Israeli system of law provides “the complete equality of social and political rights to all its inhabitants irrespective of religion, race or sex”, many Arabs and other non-Jews citizens of the State are not really integrated into Israeli society and do not feel themselves full citizens of the State that seeks to position itself exclusively as a «Jewish State».In addition the tension between Israel’s Middle Eastern and European identities is personified in the contradictions between Ashkenazim and Sephardim. There are also religious differences between Jews who identify themselves with the ultra-Orthodox, religious nationalists (so called “Hardelim” - an acronym of two words in Hebrew – “Hared” (ultra-orthodox) and “Leumi” (nationalist)), traditionalists and secular Jews. The article notes that the current «Likud» government supported by the religious parties actually strengthens the tendency to clericalization of Israeli political and social life.The author also makes an attempt to understand and analyze the basic historical, philosophical and religious aspects of the National-Religious trend in Israeli politics. This trend turned into a powerful force after a Jewish religious fanatic Yigal Amir had killed Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin in 1995.The research reveals the forms and methods, aims and objectives of the Israeli official settlement policy, determines the attitude of the religious parties and groups towards the settlement movement and indicates a negative influence of the settlement factor on the Israeli-Palestinian negotiating process and political situation in the Middle East as well.
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Zegeye, Abebe. "The Light of Origins. Beta Israel and the Return To Yerusalem." Religion and Theology 11, no. 1 (2004): 50–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157430104x00032.
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AbstractThis article looks at the issue of the origin of the Ethiopian Jews and how they have survived the odyssey of their return to Yerusalem. The questions of how and when ancient Judaic influences entered Ethiopia remain the subject of controversy. Their impact on the last surviving Ethiopian Jews, the Beta Israel, and the Ethiopian Jews' right of return to modern Israel are of undoubted importance today. This raises the issue of whether the religious ideal and the automatic right of all jews to emigrate to Israel are equally applied. Furthermore, the concrete experiences of the Ethiopian Jews in Israel compel one to ask new questions about the possibility of the Beta Israel beginning to rethink their relationship with Ethiopian society.
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Schuster, Paulette K. "Falafel and Shwarma: Israeli Food in Mexico." Transnational Marketing Journal 6, no. 1 (May 31, 2018): 3–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/tmj.v6i1.376.
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Falafel and Shwarma are two iconic national Israeli dishes that are widely recognized and loved in Mexico. They are also the most mentioned by the participants. Kosher stores selling Israeli snack like Bamba, Bisli and Shkedei Marak (soup almonds) have a long-standing tradition in Mexico. However, restaurants serving Israeli food are far less common. In fact, for most of the 1980s and 1990s there were only three establishments, until recently when a new gourmet Israeli cuisine restaurant opened up. So, why is Strauss Israel’s largest food company bothering to invest in Mexico? Why are they marketing a line of Israeli popular items there? In addition to answering these questions. other queries to be explored include: How is Israeli food perceived in Mexico by the Jewish community? How did it go from a simple snack/street food to a gourmet affair? How are they framed and marketed? The main objective is to compare three different groups: Jewish Mexicans in Israel, Israelis in Mexico and Jewish Mexicans who remained in Mexico and how they perceive Israeli food in Mexico and in Israel. In addition to this, how marketing of Israeli food in Mexico has evolved. Twenty interviews will be conducted in Israel in total. Ten will be conducted with Mexican Jews living in Israel and ten will with Israelis who lived in Mexico and who have returned to Israel. To date, eight interviews have been conducted. They will be carried out in various cities in Israel. So far the median age is 45. It seems that for the Israelis eating their national food in Mexico represented an attempt at trying to connect to a symbolic sense of home. For Jewish Mexicans, eating Israeli food was either a way to connect to their future home (those that later immigrated to Israel) or a means to show their solidarity with Israel. Israeli companies investing in Mexico have a vested interest in selling and marketing their authentic wares in Mexico as they seek to gain a foothold in this emerging market.
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Rajan Kadanthodu, Suraj. "Migration, Discrimination and Assimilation in the State of Israel." Diaspora Studies 15, no. 2 (June 27, 2022): 134–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/09763457-bja10014.
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Abstract The coalescence of Jews from across the world to form a unified Jewish nation-state has been the dream of many Jewish and Zionist leaders. With the gathering of immigrants after the State of Israel was established, the founders strived for a ‘fusion of exiles’ (mizug hagaluyot), where individual migrant cultural identities would assimilate to form a new Israeli identity that was predominantly European. Though the idea of a ‘New State’ appealed to Indian Jews, the promises that were made before they migrated from India did not materialise once they arrived in Israel, and they had to undergo several challenges, including discrimination based on colour and ethnicity, thus delaying their assimilation within Israeli society. This paper tries to understand the migration patterns of the Bene Israeli and Cochin Jewish communities and the prejudices enforced by the Israeli government and its agencies on them, which challenged their integration into mainstream Israeli society.
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Machover, Moshé. "An Immoral Dilemma: The Trap of Zionist Propaganda." Journal of Palestine Studies 47, no. 4 (2018): 69–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2018.47.4.69.
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Political Zionism is based on the fallacy that there exists a single nation encompassing all the world's Jews. How can Zionism claim that Israel is the nation-state of the Jewish people, since the only attribute shared by all Jews is Judaism, a religion and not an attribute of nationhood in any modern sense of the word? Jews can belong to various nations—a Jew may be French, American, Indian, Argentinian, and so forth—but being Jewish excludes other religious affiliations. Thus, this essay argues, the Zionist claim that all the world's Jews constitute a single distinct national entity is an ideological myth, invented as a misconceived way of dealing with the persecution and discrimination suffered by European Jews, in particular. Indeed, from its earliest iterations and up to the present day, Zionism—a colonizing project—has been fueled by an inverted form of anti-Semitism: if, as it claims, Israel acts on behalf of all Jews everywhere, then all Jews must be collectively held responsible for the actions of that state—clearly an anti-Semitic position.
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Masri, Sehrab, Ihab Zubeidat, Waleed Dallasheh, and Haggai Kupermintz. "An Intervention Program Cultivating Emotional Social Skills in Israeli Arab Adolescents." Journal of Systemics, Cybernetics and Informatics 20, no. 1 (January 2022): 209–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.54808/jsci.20.01.209.
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Arab society in Israel is a traditional patriarchal culture holding collectivistic, interdependent values. Arabs in Israel receive basic human rights and privileges, but the Israeli society treats them as a separate minority group. The basic premise of the current study was that improving the emotional intelligence and the empathy abilities of adolescent Arabs in general – through a uni-national group program – would result in stronger empathy towards Jews in Israel – a change that would improve the Arab participant's attitudes and behaviors towards the Jews in Israel. The research accompanying the implementation of the program was quasi-experimental. The main goals of the current intervention were to improve the intra-personal, interpersonal and inter-group skills and functioning, to strengthen awareness and skills in identifying and understanding emotions in themselves and other people – their causes and effects, to improve emotion regulation and ability to manage other people's emotions, to improve empathy towards members of the in-group (Arabs) and the out-group (Jews), to reduce stereotypes against minority groups, and to improve Jewish-Arab relations. The sample included 172 Arab 10th and 11th grade adolescents in northern Israel. The main research hypotheses were: 1) The participants' emotional intelligence and empathy towards Arabs will be higher at the end of the program than at its beginning; 2) The participants' empathy towards Jews will be higher at the end of the program than at its beginning.
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Ginat, Rami. "Jewish Identities in the Arab Middle East: The Case of Egypt in Retrospect." International Journal of Middle East Studies 46, no. 3 (July 18, 2014): 593–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743814000646.
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Much work has been done in recent decades on the histories of the Jews of Arab lands across a variety of time periods, reflecting an increasing interest in the historical past of the Jews of the “Orient.” While diverse, this literature may be divided into several general groups. The first comprises studies written by Western and Israeli scholars and encompasses a broad spectrum of Arabic-speaking countries. This literature has explored, among other things, issues relating to the way of life and administration of ethnically and culturally diverse Jewish communities, their approaches to Zionism and the question of their national identities, their positions regarding the Zionist–Israeli–Arab conflict in its various phases, and the phenomena of anti-Semitism, particularly in light of the increasing escalation of the conflict. It includes works by Israeli intellectuals of Mizrahi heritage, some of whom came together in the late 1990s in a sociopolitical dissident movement known as the Mizrahi Democratic Rainbow Coalition. The target audience of this movement was Mizrahi Jews: refugees and emigrants from Arab countries as well as their second- and third-generation offspring. The movement, which was not ideologically homogeneous (particularly regarding approaches to the resolution of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict), took a postcolonialist approach to the Zionist narrative and enterprise, and was critical of the entrenchment of the Ashkenazi (European-extraction) Jews among the elites of the emerging Israeli society. The movement had scant success in reaching its target population: the majority of Mizrahi/Sephardi Jews living in Israel. Nevertheless, it brought to the fore the historical socioeconomic injustices that many Jews from Arab countries had experienced since arriving in Israel, whether reluctantly or acquiescently.
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Sobelman, Michał. "Zionists and ‘Polish Jews’. Palestinian Reception of ‘We, Polish Jews’." Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Litteraria Polonica 36, no. 6 (May 30, 2017): 99–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1505-9057.36.07.
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The article discusses the reception of Tuwim’s manifesto in Israel, focusing in particular on the 1940s. The author analyses various critical reponses to the poem expressed by Jewish critics in Palestine. Tuwim’s reception in Israel is presented from a new perspective which has not been explore so far.
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Tabory, Ephraim. "RELATIONS BETWEEN RELIGIOUS AND NONRELIGIOUS JEWS IN ISRAEL." Social Behavior and Personality: an international journal 19, no. 2 (January 1, 1991): 133–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2224/sbp.1991.19.2.133.
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This study investigates the cognitions, attitudes and behavioral intentions concerning interpersonal contact between nonreligious and religious Jews in Israel. The hypothesis examined is that distance from Jewish tradition is related to a negative orientation regarding questions of state and religion, tolerance for demands on the part of observant Jews to further religious goals on the state level, and the social distance between religious and nonreligious Jews. The data for this study are based on closed ended questionnaires completed by 671 Jewish male and female Israeli university students. The findings indicate that those who identify themselves as more religious observe more ritual, have a more positive orientation toward an intertwining of religion and state on a macro level and to the specific demands for the observance of religious life in the public sector, and prefer contact with religious persons over contact with nonreligious persons. At the same time, the social contacts between the religious and nonreligious are characterized by more informal than formal isolation. These findings are discussed with regard to the question of social integration among Jews in Israeli society.
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Weingrod, Alex, and ʿAdel Mannaʿ. "Living Along the Seam: Israeli Palestinians in Jerusalem." International Journal of Middle East Studies 30, no. 3 (August 1998): 369–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800066228.
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Deeply divided between opposing national, religious, and ethnic groups, contemporary Jerusalem is a paradigm of urban heterogeneity and dichotomous identities. The social divisions that split Jerusalem are many and deep; to list the more obvious lines of fragmentation, this small city of about a half-million persons includes Muslims, Christians, and Jews; secular and ultra-orthodox Jews; Palestinian refugees; peasants; and old established Jerusalemite families. Although Jerusalem's physical and social landscape is criss-crossed by multiple political and symbolic boundaries, there can be no doubt that the major fault line is between Israelis and Palestinians—or, to use the terms often employed by members of both groups, between Jews and Arabs. This results from Israel's occupation of East Jerusalem in 1967 and the forced imposition of Israeli sovereignty over the entire city. Israel holds political and legal control throughout Jerusalem, while the Palestinians, who consider themselves to be in a situation of illegal occupation, continue to be Jordanian citizens who are classified under Israeli law as ‘residents of Jerusalem’ (Romann & Weingrod 1991). As a consequence of this fundamental division, practically every feature of this Holy City—from urban space to everyday consumer products (such as milk, vegetables, bread, and cigarettes) and including buses, buildings, and even sounds and colors—is perceived and identified by members of both groups as either “Israeli” or “Palestinian.” These two basic group identities appear to be totally discrete and mutually exclusive.
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Zimmerman, Laurie. "“No Palestinian House Is Without Tears”: Disrupting American Jewish Narratives of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict." Hiperboreea 6, no. 2 (May 1, 2021): 184–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jjewiethi.6.2.184.
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Abstract This article argues that as American Jewish support for Israel wanes American Jews need a new Jewish ethical framework in which to understand the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. It extends the discourse beyond a Jewish narrative and examines the values of empathy and responsibility toward Palestinians, as well as the importance of recognizing historical injustices perpetrated by Israel. This article draws on the work of scholars and discusses their ideas in conjunction with the author's experiences as a congregational rabbi. It evaluates the dual-narrative approach and then focuses on the work of Bashir Bashir and Amos Goldberg to explore how narratives such as me-shoah le-tekumah, from the destruction of the Holocaust to the rebirth of Israel, can lead American Jews to view the Palestinian experience as entirely separate from their own.
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Schlesinger, Juliana Portenoy. "DENATURALIZING CULTURE: SAYED KASHUA'S NEWSPAPER COLUMNS ON THE TOPIC OF PREJUDICE." Sociologia & Antropologia 5, no. 3 (December 2015): 911–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/2238-38752015v5311.
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Abstract Discrimination is a recurrent topic in the work of the Israeli-Arab writer Sayed Kashua. In the last couple of years, Sayed Kashua has moved away from writing about the prejudice expressed by his own Israeli Muslim community towards the Israeli Jewish population to focus his attention instead on the prejudice shown by Jews against Arabs in Israel. Self-criticism has always been a hallmark of Sayed Kashua's work so this shift indicates a significant change in the columnist's perception of his own society. Based on a survey of various issues relating to Israeli society, such as the law, the educational system and language, as well as a theoretical review of authors who observe a mutual alienation of Arabs and Jews in Israel, this article analyses several of Sayed Kashua's recent columns in the Israeli newspaper Haaretz. It also investigates how the author understands prejudice and, in a singular and surprising way, expresses his concerns and solutions to this problem.
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Mann, Itamar. "Disentangling Displacements: Historical Justice for Mizrahim and Palestinians in Israel." Theoretical Inquiries in Law 21, no. 2 (July 28, 2020): 427–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/til-2020-0020.
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AbstractIsrael’s discursive strategy for legitimizing the displacement of Palestinians in 1948 involved describing it as part of a regional “population exchange.” This argument contributed to three critical characteristics of Israeli citizenship. First, it solidified an understanding of citizenship as a negation of persecution and a haven for would-be Jewish refugees. Second, it tied Mizrahi claims against states across the Middle East to Palestinian claims against Israel. Israel thus exploited Mizrahi refugee rights for its geostrategic interests—a fight against the claims of Palestinian refugees. This had detrimental material consequences for both groups. Third, this strategy contributed to the construction of Palestinians as an “exchangeable remainder” and a demographic threat that could potentially pose a risk to the Jewish majority. Ultimately, Israel irrevocably entangled the displacement histories of three groups: Ashkenazi Jews, Mizrahi Jews, and Arab Palestinians. This Gordian knot remains with us today, and is reflected in a stratified Israeli society. But the vision that this symposium suggests we consider, that of “historical justice,” demands that it be undone. This Article therefore offers a way in which the refugee histories could perhaps one day be disentangled: a program of reparations for the Mizrahi and Palestinian citizens of Israel.
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Blue, Lionel. "Jews and Arabs." European Judaism 51, no. 1 (March 1, 2018): 104–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ej.2018.510114.
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Abstract In the recent past all Jewish life has been so overshadowed by the tragedy of the holocaust and the hope of Israel that we could only cry or act. Now a new time has come. Israel has solved every problem except the Arab problem and that is the only important problem now worth solving. A dialogue with the Islamic world is long overdue. We were hounded out of Europe, and we were one of the factors which pushed or helped to push another people out of Palestine. This was a sin – whether knowingly or unknowingly. Israel and Arabs are political entities. Behind them stand two other and greater beings – Judaism and Islam. It is possible that the goodness inherent in them can achieve what the politicians cannot. Unfortunately, neither is spiritually efficient, as all religion has been perverted in our society. The Israel problem poses the crucial test for Judaism itself. As for Islam, it is almost an unknown religion to most Jews. It has also encountered the full onslaught of the West in a short time, and like us, many of its adherents also failed to see the moral wood for the halachic and legalist trees. We can help each other, for we have much in common; and, God willing, we may yet find even more common ground.
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Kahan, Emmanuel Nicolás. "Progressive Jews in Argentina and the Arab-Israeli Conflict: Stances on the Six-Day War (1967)." Latin American Perspectives 46, no. 3 (February 7, 2019): 42–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x19828736.
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Since the 1947 United Nations resolution on the partition of Palestine and, subsequently, the Israeli Declaration of Independence in 1948, the Israeli-Palestinian issue has played a powerful role in Argentine public space that has not found a concomitant response in academia. The stance with regard to the 1967 Six-Day War taken by an institution that promotes itself as representative of progressive Argentine Jews, the Idisher Cultur Farband (Argentine Federation of Jewish Cultural Institutions—ICUF), undermined certain meanings, ties of solidarity, and modes of representation held by a diversity of actors regarding the existence and legitimacy of the State of Israel. Desde la resolución de 1947 de las Naciones Unidas sobre la partición de Palestina y, posteriormente, la Declaración de Independencia de Israel en 1948, el problema israelí-palestino ha desempeñado un papel importante en el espacio público argentino que no ha encontrado una respuesta concomitante en el mundo académico. La postura con respecto a la Guerra de los Seis Días de 1967 tomada por una institución que se promueve a sí misma como representante de los judíos progresistas argentinos, el Idisher Cultur Farband (Federación Argentina de Instituciones Culturales Judías—ICUF), socavó ciertos significados, vínculos de solidaridad y modos de representación de una diversidad de actores con respecto a la existencia y legitimidad del Estado de Israel.
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Gold, Steven J. "Israel’s evolving approach to citizens who have returned to the diaspora." Review of Nationalities 12, no. 1 (December 1, 2022): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pn-2022-0001.
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Abstract This article examines the means by which Israel has sought to fulfill the contradictory goals involved with maintaining contacts with emigrants while simultaneously sustaining a national mission that asserts Jews can only achieve fulfilment, security, and self-determination by residing in their own country. It describes three successive approaches by which Israel and the larger global Jewish community have addressed the challenges associated with Israeli emigration. These are condemnation, pragmatic acceptance, and the assent of the Israeli American Council.
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Nudelman, Anita. "Understanding Immigrant Adolescents." Practicing Anthropology 15, no. 2 (April 1, 1993): 13–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.17730/praa.15.2.t353674j532r1401.
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At the beginning of 1985 Operation Moses was underway, bringing thousands of Ethiopian Jews from refugee camps in Sudan to Israel. Seeing an Ethiopian child on Israeli television brought me back to my grandfather's house in New York and to myself as a child. My grandfather, Rabbi Leo Jung, had assisted Jewish communities all over the world for many years. When I visited him I always looked forward to his bedtime stories about Jews in different places and to his accounts of his own experiences and travels. This is how I first heard about the Jews on the island of Djerba, and in Persia, and about the "Black Jews" of Ethiopia.
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Campos, Michelle U. "Between Others and Brothers." International Journal of Middle East Studies 46, no. 3 (July 18, 2014): 585–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743814000622.
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Some fifteen years ago, the Israel Museum exhibition “To the East: Orientalism in the Arts in Israel” featured a photograph by the Israeli artist Meir Gal entitled “Nine Out of Four Hundred: The West and the Rest.” At the center of the photograph was Gal, holding the nine pages that dealt with the history of Jews in the Middle East in a textbook of Jewish history used in Israel's education system. As Gal viscerally argued, “these books helped establish a consciousness that the history of the Jewish people took place in Eastern Europe and that Mizrahim have no history worthy of remembering.” More damningly, he wrote that “the advent of Zionism and the establishment of the Israeli State drove a wedge between Mizrahim and their origins, and replaced their Jewish-Arab identity with a new Israeli identity based on European ideals as well as hatred of the Arab world.”
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David, Hanna. "Are Christian Arabs the New Israeli Jews? Reflections on the Educational Level of Arab Christians in Israel." International Letters of Social and Humanistic Sciences 32 (June 2014): 175–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.18052/www.scipress.com/ilshs.32.175.
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In 1949, a year after the establishment of the state of Israel, Christian Arabs consisted of 2.9% of the population in the newly born Israel, and 21.25% of all Arabs living in it.1 In 2010 the rate of Christian Arabs decreased to just 1.8% 2 of the Israeli population, and only ~9.5% of all Arabs holding an Israeli ID3 (Statistics, Israel, 2012, Table 2.2). The tendency of decrease in the rate of Christians in Israel is clear when examining the rate of first grade children in comparison to that of the general population: In the 2010/11 school year Christian Arabs consisted only of about 1.6% of first grade students (Statistics, Israel, 2009, table 8.24) in comparison to their 1.8% rate in the population.
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Inbar, Efraim, and Ian S. Lustick. "Israel's Future: The Time Factor." Israel Studies Review 23, no. 1 (June 1, 2008): 3–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/isf.2008.230101.
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A Debate between Efraim Inbar and Ian S. LustickTime is on Israel's Side Efraim InbarFrom a realpolitik perspective, the balance of power between Israel and its neighbors is the critical variable in the quest for survival in a bad neighborhood. If Israel’s position is improving over time and the power differential between the Jewish State and its foes is growing, then its capacity to overcome regional security challenges is assured. Moreover, under such circumstances there is less need to make concessions to weaker parties that are in no position to exact a high price from Israel for holding on to important security and national assets such as the Golan Heights, the settlement blocs close to the “Green Line,” the Jordan Rift, and particularly Jerusalem.With a Bang or a Whimper, Time Is Running Out Ian S. Lustick Israel’s existence in the Middle East is fundamentally precarious. Twentieth- century Zionism and Israeli statehood is but a brief moment in Jewish history. There is nothing more regular in Jewish history and myth than Jews “returning” to the Land of Israel to build a collective life—nothing more regular, that is, except, for Jews leaving the country and abandoning the project. Abraham came from Mesopotamia, then left for Egypt. Jacob left for Hauran, then returned, then left with his sons for Egypt. The Israelites subsequently left Egypt with Moses and Joshua, and “returned” to the Land. Upper class Jews who did not leave with the Assyrians left with Jeremiah for Babylon, then returned with Ezra and Nehemiah.
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Werbner, Pnina. "South African Jews in Israel." Journal of Southern African Studies 43, no. 3 (April 19, 2017): 650–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03057070.2017.1309850.
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Arbell, Mordechai. "Haiti, Israel, and the Jews." Israel Journal of Foreign Affairs 4, no. 2 (January 2010): 85–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23739770.2010.11446419.
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Shamir, Michal, and John L. Sullivan. "Jews and Arabs in Israel." Journal of Conflict Resolution 29, no. 2 (June 1985): 283–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002785029002006.
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