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Journal articles on the topic 'Jews Iraq History'

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Author: Grafiati

Published: 10 December 2022

Last updated: 29 January 2023

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1

Khan, Geoffrey. "The Neo-Aramaic dialect spoken by Jews from the region of Arbel (Iraqi Kurdistan)." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 62, no. 2 (June 1999): 213–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00016682.

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Aramaic-speaking Jewish communities used to be found in various towns and villages throughout north-eastern Iraq, north-western Iran and southern Turkey before the mass exodus of Iraqi Jewry to the state of Israel in 1950–51. In Iraq, the Aramaic speakers were found in an area that may be denned as the land lying above a line drawn on a map across the country through the towns of Musil and Kirkuk. Aramaic was not the first language of all Jews of the area. In the large towns of Musil, Kirkuk, Aqra, as well as Arbel, Arabic was the Jewish vernacular. In some villages the Jews spoke Kurdish as their first language. In Iran, Aramaic-speaking Jewish communities were found as far south as Kerend. The northern limits of the Jewish Aramaic area were formed by communities in the region of lake Van in southern Turkey and those around lake Urmia in north-west Iran (Hopkins, 1993: 62–4).

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2

SHEM-TOV, NAPHTALY. "Performing Iraqi-Jewish History on the Israeli Stage." Theatre Research International 44, no. 3 (October 2019): 248–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307883319000294.

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The analysis of the following two Israeli plays is the focus of this article: Ghosts in the Cellar (Haifa Theatre, 1983) by Sami Michael, and The Father's Daughters (Hashahar Theatre, 2015) by Gilit Itzhaki. These plays deal with the Farhud – a pogrom which took place in Iraq in 1941, in which two hundred Iraqi Jews were massacred by an Iraqi nationalist mob. The Farhud has become a traumatic event in the memory of this Jewish community. Using the concept of ‘performing history’ as advanced by Freddie Rokem, I observe how these plays, as theatre of a marginalized group, engage in the production of memory and history as well as in the processing of grief. These plays present the Farhud and correspond with the Zionist narrative in two respects: (1) they present the traumatic historical event of these Middle Eastern Jews in the light of its disappearance in Zionist history, and (2) their performance includes Arab cultural and language elements of Iraqi-Jewish identity, and thus implicitly points out the complex situation of the Arab–Israeli conflict.

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3

Sciarcon, Jonathan. "New Babylonians: a history of Jews in modern Iraq." Journal of Modern Jewish Studies 13, no. 2 (May 4, 2014): 317–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14725886.2014.942073.

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4

Snir, Reuven. "'What Has Been Written Upon the Forehead, the Eye Must See': An Arabic-Jewish Author Between Baghdad and an Israeli Transit Camp." Miscelánea de Estudios Árabes y Hebraicos Sección Hebreo 70 (December 29, 2021): 169–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.30827/meahhebreo.v70.22580.

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As an integral part of Arab society since the pre-Islamic period, Jews participated in the making of Arabic literature. We know of prominent Jewish poets such as al-Samawʾal ibn ʿᾹdiyāʾ in the sixth century A.D. and Ibrāhīm ibn Sahl in al-Andalus in the thirteenth century. During the first half of the twentieth century, Arabic literature in fuṣḥā (standard Arabic) written by Jews witnessed a great revival, especially in Iraq and Egypt, but this revival was cut short as a casualty of Zionism and Arab nationalism and the conflict between them. We are currently witnessing the demise of Arabic literature written by Jews; the Arabic language among Jews will probably remain mostly a tool of the military establishment and the intelligence systems as encapsulated in the dictum 'know your enemy' instead of being a medium for coexistence and knowing the Other. The article concentrates on the literary activities of one of the most talented Iraqi-Jewish authors, Shalom Darwīsh (1913-1997), whose promising anticipated literary future in Arabic literature encountered a deadlock following the aforementioned exclusion of Jews from 'Arabness'.

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5

Sluglett, P. "ORIT BASHKIN. New Babylonians: A History of Jews in Modern Iraq." American Historical Review 118, no. 4 (October 1, 2013): 1288–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/118.4.1288.

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6

Snir, Reuven, and Nissim Kazzaz. "Kazzaz, "The Jews in Iraq in the Twentieth Century"." Jewish Quarterly Review 84, no. 4 (April 1994): 495. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1455088.

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7

Julius, Lyn. "New Babylonians: A History of Jews in Modern Iraq, by Orit Bashkin." Middle Eastern Studies 50, no. 2 (March 4, 2014): 343–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263206.2013.871964.

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8

Haurand, Kathrin. "New Babylonians: A History of Jews in Modern Iraq by Orit Bashkin." Journal of Jewish Identities 6, no. 2 (2013): 102–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jji.2013.0023.

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9

Stillman, Norman A. "New Babylonians: A History of Jews in Modern Iraq by Orit Bashkin." Shofar: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Jewish Studies 32, no. 2 (2014): 149–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sho.2014.0010.

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10

Monaghan, Sean. "The Last Jews of Baghdad." American Journal of Islam and Society 25, no. 1 (January 1, 2008): 121–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v25i1.1497.

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“It is all but impossible to pinpoint a date or an event with which the positionof the Jews of Iraq began to deteriorate and take the course leading finally, inevitably, to the destruction of community,” writes Nissim Rejwan near theend of his memoir The Last Jews of Baghdad (p. 188). Yet their centurieslongpresence was such that, as the author notes, for those Jews who wereborn and grew up in Baghdad before the mass exodus of 1950-51, the presenceof a mere handful of elderly Jews in the city today is “a state of affairs[that] is hard to imagine” (p. 1). Rejwan’s endearing memoir traces out aperiod of Iraqi history that saw the disappearance of a community that hadbeen an integral part of the human map and the city’s history. The author’syouth, from his birth in 1926 to his irrevocable departure in 1952 for Israel,condemns him to what he refers to as a state of permanent unbelonging.Rejwan was born in a Baghdad, where Jews were an indigenous, integratedcommunity that participated fully in the city’s sociocultural life.Although relations with Muslims and Christians may have been characterizedby a certain aloofness due to the logic of custom and faith, Rejwan’sportrayal of the Baghdad of his childhood is such that the spatial organizationand interpenetration of the communities in the quotidian illustrate a cityof shared economic struggles, neighborhood vernaculars, and an interminglingthat came to life in “[t]he shouts…the endless disputations and argumentsand the extremely juicy curses…[and] the encounters [that] were inthe nature of veritable revelations” for the young author (p. 31). The paramountcyof marriage for his siblings, the negotiated dowries, and the interfamilialpolitics of social position and responsibility translate a world ofintra-communal mores where life’s rhythms were dictated by that which hadcome before ...

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11

Brack, Jonathan. "A Jewish Vizier and his Shīʿī Manifesto: Jews, Shīʿīs, and the Politicization of Confessional Identities in Mongol-ruled Iraq and Iran (13th to 14th centuries)." Der Islam 96, no. 2 (October 4, 2019): 374–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/islam-2019-0028.

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Abstract This paper seeks to situate Jewish individuals from the upper echelons of the Mongol government in Iran and Iraq (1258‒1335) in relation to the process of confessional, Sunnī-Shīʿī polarization. Focusing on the case of the Baghdadi Jewish physician and vizier Saʿd al-Dawla (d. 1291), I explore how the Jewish minister sought to take advantage of Twelver-Shīʿī rise to prominence under the Mongols. I argue that the vizier attempted to strike an alliance with the Shīʿī communities in Iraq and with influential Shīʿī families with long-established ties to the Mongol regime, in order to curtail resistance to his policies and to the Jewish dominance in the realm’s bureaucracy. I consider Saʿd al-Dawla’s endeavors within the broader historical context of Shīʿī-Jewish relations. The article concludes by examining the two decades following Saʿd al-Dawla’s downfall, when a group of eminent Jewish physicians at the Mongol court converted to Islam. I show how these converts continued to exploit the process of politicization of confessional identities under the Mongols.

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12

Eppel, Michael. "Zionism in an Arab Country: Jews in Iraq in the 1940s (review)." Shofar: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Jewish Studies 24, no. 4 (2006): 197–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sho.2006.0089.

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13

Shapiro, Marc B. "Suicide and the World-to-Come." AJS Review 18, no. 2 (November 1993): 245–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009400004918.

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In 1880 the Jewish community of Iraq was forced to confront a sharp increase in antisemitic persecution. Not all of the country's Jews were prepared for this new phenomenon and the result was a number of suicides. The Iraqi rabbinate, both shocked and determined to put an end to the needless taking of life, declared from all the synagogue pulpits that those who commit suicide have no share in the world-to-come. This idea was certainly not unknown to either the masses or the rabbis, who probably believed it to be found somewhere in talmudic literature. However, although it does not appear there, the rabbinic maxim is very well known. Since this notion has played a central role in many rabbinic discussions about the status of suicides, it is worthwhile to trace its origin.

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14

Smither, Edward L. "Explaining the Trinity to Muslims and Jews in Medieval Christian Mission: Lessons from the “Life of Cyril”." International Bulletin of Mission Research 41, no. 2 (January 17, 2017): 142–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2396939316672967.

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Cyril (ca. 826–69) is remembered in Christian and mission history for the celebrated Slavic mission. What is less emphasized, however, and the focus of this article, is Cyril’s prior mission work among Arab Muslims in Samarra (modern Iraq) and among the Khazars (in present-day southern Russia), which included both Jews and Muslims. In this article, I analyze how Cyril the philosopher presented the Gospel, Christ, and the Trinity and responded to the queries of these medieval Muslim and Jewish thinkers. What characterized Cyril’s approach to mission? Finally, what principles might be recovered for presenting historic Christian doctrine in mission today, particularly in Muslim contexts?

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15

شبلاق, عباس. "البابليون الجدد : تاريخ اليهود في العراق الحديث = New Babylonians : A History of Jews in Modern Iraq \ Orit Bashkin." مجلة الدراسات الفلسطينية, no. 99 (2014): 174–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.12816/0020296.

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16

Lebedev, Victor, and Yitzhak Avishur. "The Folktales of the Jews of Iraq: Thirty Stories in Judeo-Arabic from 19th Century Manuscripts." Jewish Quarterly Review 86, no. 1/2 (July 1995): 224. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1454841.

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17

Axelgard, Frederick W. "Nissim Rejwan, The Jews of Iraq: 3000 Years of History and Culture (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1986). Pp. 283." International Journal of Middle East Studies 21, no. 3 (August 1989): 434–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800032694.

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18

Shivtiel, Avihai. "Baghdad Mon Amour: The Jews of Iraq Memoirs and Sorrows (in Arabic), by Shmuel (Sami) Moreh." Middle Eastern Studies 52, no. 5 (February 25, 2016): 876–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263206.2016.1143692.

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19

Gat, Moshe. "The connection between the bombings in Baghdad and the emigration of the jews from Iraq: 1950–51." Middle Eastern Studies 24, no. 3 (July 1988): 312–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263208808700745.

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20

Hafsah Ayaz Qureshi and Amirah Sami. "قوموں کے عروج وزوال کے اسباب اور محرکات :اسلام کے تناظر میں تجزیاتی مطالعہ." International Research Journal on Islamic Studies (IRJIS) 4, no. 1 (January 1, 2022): 97–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.54262/irjis.04.01.u08.

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The study of the Qur’ān, Sunnah and History reveals that nature holds the same conditions for the rising and fall of nations. The reasons or causes of downfall and rise which were applicable for Jews and Christians are endorsed for Ummah of Muhammad (S.A.W). The same principles are followed for believers and non-believers. The rules of the Qur’ān are till the Day of Judgment. In the present era, Muslims are in the worst condition; at the national and international levels. The collapse of Baghdad and the Ottoman Empire, Muslim’s condition in Palestine and Kashmir, the genocide of Muslims in Bosnia, Kosovo, Serbia, Burma or Afghanistan, Iraq and Syria, all show decline of Muslims. Muslims are not in power and authority. Muslim riots arose in India and Libya. Muslims are tested and tried. This article found the reasons for nations’ downfall and also brought forward the causes of the rising of nations. No doubt that many moral, social, economic, political, demographic, and historical factors are responsible for the decline of nations. This article analytically studies reasons for the deterioration and escalation of nations which are mentioned in Qur’ān, Sunnah and History and established a cause-and-effect relationship between the various historical events to propose a remedy for the malaise of Nation.

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21

FRANKLIN, ARNOLD. "ROBERT BRODY, The Geonim of Babylonia and the Shaping of Medieval Jewish Culture (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1998). Pp. 404." International Journal of Middle East Studies 34, no. 2 (May 2002): 384–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743802262121.

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This detailed and clearly written book is an invaluable window onto a period of Jewish history that has remained largely unknown to all but a handful of specialists. For more than six centuries two important institutions of Jewish learning and leadership dominated Babylonia, a loose geographic term used by Jews to refer to an area roughly corresponding to modern-day Iraq. From the middle of the 6th to the middle of the 11th century, the heads of these yeshivot (s. yeshivah), known as geonim (s. gaon), exercised a combination of spiritual and political authority over Jewish communities throughout the Near East, North Africa, and Europe. Their most enduring impact on Jewish civilization, however, was the canonization of the Babylonian Talmud, which, as a result of their efforts, became the cornerstone of all forms of medieval rabbinic Judaism. Brody's book, based on a mastery of the primary sources as well as recent work in the field, provides the first comprehensive summary of the achievements of the geonim in almost fifty years, a task made both challenging and imperative by the progress of research on materials from the Cairo Genizah since the publication of S. Assaf's Tequfat ha-geءonim ve-sifrutah in 1955.

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22

Bet-Shlimon, Arbella. "Orit Bashkin, New Babylonians: A History of Jews in Modern Iraq (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 2012). Pp. 328. $80.00 cloth, $24.95 paper, $24.95 e-book." International Journal of Middle East Studies 47, no. 1 (February 2015): 198–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743814001688.

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23

Wolińska, Teresa. "Elity chrześcijańskie wobec islamu (VII-X wiek)." Vox Patrum 64 (December 15, 2015): 529–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3730.

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It is difficult to find equally important event in history as the birth of Islam and Arab expansion, although their importance was not appreciated at first. Its appearance was a breakthrough in several dimensions: religious, political, economic, cultural and lingual. The article attempts to discuss the reaction of Christian elites to the new monotheist religion. Initially, Islam was not identified as a new, separate religion. It was believed that the invaders would be chased away soon. The invasion was perceived in the biblical context, as a punishment for sins and as a work of the devil. So thought Sophronios, Theodor, John of Nikiu. Other writers pointed out Jews and heretics as the cause of God’s anger (Maximus the Confessor), but also emperor Constans (Anastasius the Synaite, Sebeos, some anonymous authors). A debate between Christians and Muslims commenced when Muhammad was still alive and both parties knew virtually nothing of each other. With time, the knowledge about Islam increased, although it still depended on education, social status, place of residence and knowledge of Arabic. In the 8th century it became obvious that Muslim rule would continue which can be observed in the opinion expressed by such writers as Sebeos, Anastasios, Denys of Tell Mahré or Ghewond. The task of Christian elites then, was to survive in an alien, not in frequently hostile environment and to preserve Christian faith. It was even more important when, particularly under the Umayyad rule, the religious policy became worse for Christians, which resulted in numerous conversions to Islam. The church must have felt threatened, consequently new arguments in the disputes with Muslims were needed. A form of a dialogue or polemics between two adversaries appeared. This can be seen in the texts of Theodor Abu Qurra, John on Damascus, in the polemics between patriarch Timothy with caliph Mahdi (781), homilies of a Syriac bishop from Iraq Mar Aba II (641-751), a discourse between monk Bert Hale and a wealthy Muslim or the answer of emperor Leo III to caliph Umar II (719), to mention just a few. The Christians attacked primarily Muhammad himself. He was accused of being a heretic or fake prophet. His knowledge would come either from Jews or heretic Christians. His adversaries pointed out that he had not done miracles as Christ had. It was also said that his revelation had been nothing but his dream or a result of his illness (epilepsy), or even that he had been possessed by daemons. Another target of attacks was the Quran, which was presented as a falsified Scripture. According to Niketas, it was not created by God, but by a daemon, as a compilation of many, often contradicting texts. It was also criticized as being non-original. Islam, was also be spread with the sword rather than with the word.

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24

Goldin, Farideh. "Jewish Identities in Iran." American Journal of Islam and Society 29, no. 4 (October 1, 2012): 90–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v29i4.1179.

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In Jewish Identities in Iran, Mehrdad Amanat tries to unearth the roots of IranianJews converting to both Islam and the Baha’i faith starting with the Safavidperiod in the sixteenth century. Admitting a personal interest in the project(his family converted from Judaism to the Baha’i faith), Amanat searches foranswers in, among many other resources, autobiographies written by membersof all faiths. Included are the memoirs of Mash’allah Farivar, son of the chiefrabbi and dayan (judge) of the Jewish community of Shiraz, and Fazel Mazandarani’smulti-volume history of the Babi–Baha’is. Missing from the extensivefourteen-page bibliography, however, is the field research conducted by LaurenceLoeb in Shiraz, Outcast: Jewish Life in Southern Iran, and multiple volumesof The History of Contemporary Iranian Jews, edited by Homa andHuman Sarshar.Relatively short for a research of this magnitude (210 pages), the readermight feel rushed through the historical events. The first chapter, “The JewishPresence in Pre-Islamic and Medieval Iran,” covers centuries of Iranian Jewishlife in just twenty pages. Under such headings as “Jews in the pre-Islamic Period,”“Economic and Cultural Spheres,” “Encounters with Other Religions,”“The Early Islamic Period,” “The Militant Jews of Isfahan,” “Early Conversionsto Islam,” “Religious Diversity under Mongol Rule,” and “The Emergenceof Jewish Notables,” the author barely touches the surface of each issue.Amanat’s research is nevertheless meticulous and often cites multiple examplesto reveal a cause for conversion in the later chapters ...

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25

Halperin, Liora R. "Impossible Exodus: Iraqi Jews in Israel." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 49, no. 2 (August 2018): 362–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh_r_01300.

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26

Gallagher, Nancy E. "Iraqi Jews: a History of Mass Exodus: Abbas Shiblak." Digest of Middle East Studies 15, no. 2 (October 2006): 125–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1949-3606.2006.tb00037.x.

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27

Simon, Rachel. "The Jews of Iraq: Three Thousand Years of History and Culture, by Nissim Rejwan. ix + 274 pages, maps, appendix, chronology, selected bibliography, index. Westview Press, Boulder 1985. $30.00. - The Lure of Zion: The Case of the Iraqi Jews, by Abbas ShibLak. 177 pages, appendices, bibliography, tables, index. Distributed in the U.S.A. by Humanities Books, Atlantic Highlands, N.J. Al Saqi Books, London 1986. $29.95/$9.95." Middle East Studies Association Bulletin 22, no. 2 (December 1988): 233–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026318400020563.

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28

Shem-Tov, Naphtaly. "Israeli Theater for Youth." Israel Studies Review 37, no. 1 (March 1, 2022): 81–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/isr.2022.370105.

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This article examines Mizrahi theater artists who portray the little-known history of Middle Eastern Jews to Israeli youth, focusing on two productions: Palms and Dreams (1983) and Scapegoat (1987), both of which are based on well-known novels about the immigration of Iraqi Jews to Israel. In ‘performing history,’ these plays shape an assertive Mizrahi image and a Mizrahi historical narrative that contests the Orientalism of the Israeli education system. In addition, although both plays convey the Mizrahi narrative to a youth audience, compared to similar plays aimed at adults, they are conservative in their adherence to the conventional Zionist narrative.

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29

Ram, Haggai. "Jews in the Twentieth-Century Iran: A Review Essay." Iran and the Caucasus 23, no. 1 (2019): 121–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573384x-20190111.

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The paper presents a review of a monograph by Lior Sternfeld, Between Iran and Zion, published recently on Jewish histories in 20th-century Iran. The author analyses this book within the context of previous scholarship on Iranian Jews and other Middle Eastern Jewries.

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30

Matthee, Rudi. "Merchants in Safavid Iran: Participants and Perceptions." Journal of Early Modern History 4, no. 3-4 (2000): 233–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006500x00015.

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AbstractWhen dealing with the domestic merchants of Safavid Iran, modern scholarship has largely confined itself to Armenians. But Armenians were by no means the only indigenous traders to engage in commercial and financial transactions. This article looks at Armenians along with the other merchant groups active in Iran's domestic trade-Jews, Banians, and Muslims-from three different angles. Part one, an overview of the types of activities these groups were involved in, finds that, while Jews acted as bankers, they also were active in the long-distance commodity trade. Muslims played a crucial role in the transportation business, but also provided credit to foreign merchants operating in Iran. Part two discusses a topic that has received a great deal of attention in Mughal studies, but that remains neglected in the Safavid context: the position of merchants in society, in particular their relationship with the state. Were merchants an integral part of the state, or did they operate as an autonomous class whose interests differed from those of the political elite? Part three probes this issue further by examining how the state perceived merchants and the group consciousness of merchants themselves. The Safavid state had an eye for trade and its benefits, but there was no fundamental convergence of interests between politics and trade. Merchants, in turn, achieved high levels of status and wealth, yet were not holders of power. Though vulnerable to oppression by local officials, they often offered stiff resistance to those who contravened them.

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Dehqan, Mustafa. "Tehran's Unmined Archive of Kurdish Jewry: A Field Report." AJS Review 31, no. 2 (November 2007): 317–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009407000554.

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This brief article offers an overview of the various Kurdo-Jewish records preserved in Tehran in the Iranian Parliament Records archives. The documents reflect the perspectives of Jews and non-Jews alike and were originally reported by Kurdish officials of the Jewish colonies in Iranian Kurdistan, by Jewish senators of the National Parliament of Iran, as well as by Kurdish peasants of Kurdistan. Most of the documents are in Persian, with the exception of perhaps nine in French stemming from Westernized Jewish circles.

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32

Sarshar, Houman. "Between Foreigners and Shi`is." American Journal of Islam and Society 26, no. 1 (January 1, 2009): 119–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v26i1.1426.

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After twenty-seven centuries of uninterrupted presence on the Persianplateau, the Jews of Iran have become so inextricably ingrained in everypossible aspect of Iranian life, culture, religion, and history that any valuablework of scholarship in Judeo-Persian studies, such as the one at hand,must by necessity entail an interdisciplinary approach. Between Foreignersand Shi`is, a ground-breaking work that will henceforth prove indispensableto any researcher ofmodern Judeo-Persian studies, is ameticulous pieceof scholarship that brings as much novelty to its own field as it does tomodernIranian historiography, Middle Eastern political studies, and Islamicstudies.Daniel Tsadik’s book provides a history of the religious, political, andsocial life of Iranian Jews under Naser al-Din Shah Qajar (r. 1848-96).Relying on a wealth of previously untapped archival material, the authorexamines in particular detail episodes of persecution in Barforush in 1866-67 (pp. 60-78), in Shiraz at the hands of Hajj Sayyid `Ali Akbar Fal Asiri(pp. 130-37), in Isfahan at the hands of ShaykhMohammad Taqi Najafi (pp.137-49), and in Hamadan at the hands of Mullah `Abdallah (pp. 155-77).Examining these and other episodes of anti-Semitic persecution against thebroader backdrop of socio-political events throughout Iran at large, such asthe Tobacco Rebellion of 1891 and the great famine, he brings to light a hithertounnoticed dynamic in which Iran’s Jewish community emerges as therope in a three-way tug of war between the Shi`ite clergy, the Qajar court,and western diplomats, with each jostling for dominance in the fledglingnation that was becoming modern Iran ...

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33

Sternfeld, Lior. "Jewish-Iranian Identities in the Pahlavi Era." International Journal of Middle East Studies 46, no. 3 (July 18, 2014): 602–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002074381400066x.

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A few years ago, while conducting archival research on Pahlavi-era Iranian newspapers, I came across a photo from the anti-shah demonstrations that took place in late 1978 and early 1979. It showed a large group of Armenians protesting against the shah. In these years many Iranians and Westerners considered the shah's policies beneficial for religious minorities in Iran. Around the same time, I found a sentence that made this discovery more intriguing. In his seminal workIran between Two Revolutions, Ervand Abrahamian mentions that throughout the Muhammad Riza Pahlavi era, the opposition to the communist Tudeh party accused it of being controlled by “Armenians, Jews, and Caucasian émigrés.” I tried to find references in the current scholarship to Jews participating in the party, which could have earned them their part in this propaganda campaign, but found very little. Having read the important works of Joel Beinin, Orit Bashkin, and Rami Ginat on Jewish revolutionaries, including communists, in the Middle East, I wondered where the Jewish radicals in Iran were. Several factors may contribute to this silence in the historiography: the writing of Iranian history from a Zionist vantage point, a lack of interest in the history of the Iranian left in the postrevolutionary historiography, and an inability to conceptualize the transregional and global nature of the Iranian Jewish community.

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LIDAR, MERAV, RON KEDEM, YAACOV BERKUN, PNINA LANGEVITZ, and AVI LIVNEH. "Familial Mediterranean Fever in Ashkenazi Jews: The Mild End of the Clinical Spectrum." Journal of Rheumatology 37, no. 2 (December 15, 2009): 422–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.3899/jrheum.090401.

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Objective. To characterize familial Mediterranean fever (FMF) in Ashkenazi patients, a Jewish subgroup in which FMF has rarely been described before.Methods. A retrospective analysis, comparing demographic, clinical, and genetic measures of the cohort of Ashkenazi Jewish patients with FMF (n = 57), followed at the National Center for FMF in Israel, to age and sex matched patients of Iraqi Jewish (n = 62) and North African Jewish (NAJ; n = 61) origin.Results. Age at disease onset and diagnosis was earlier in NAJ than among Ashkenazi and Iraqi patients. Family history of FMF was described by only 30% of Ashkenazi patients as opposed to the majority of Iraqi and NAJ patients (p = 0.001). The frequency of abdominal and febrile attacks was similar among the 3 groups, while chest and joint attacks were far less common in Ashkenazi and Iraqi compared to NAJ patients. A good response to colchicine was noted in a similar proportion of Ashkenazi and Iraqi patients (82–84%) as opposed to only 56% of NAJ patients (p = 0.0001). Proteinuria, renal failure, and amyloidosis were most frequent among the NAJ patients (18, 6.6, and 9.8% compared to 5.3, 0, and 3.5% and 1.6, 0, and 0% in Ashkenazi and Iraqi patients, respectively).Conclusion. Ashkenazi patients with FMF stand at the mildest end of the clinical spectrum of FMF. This is notwithstanding the tendency for amyloidosis, the frequency of which is not trivial and which deserves particular awareness.

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Ülgen, Övgü. "Impossible Exodus: Iraqi Jews in Israel by Orit Bashkin." Shofar: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Jewish Studies 37, no. 3 (2019): 372–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sho.2019.0044.

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Garstad, Benjamin. "NEBUCHADNEZZAR AND ALEXANDER IN THE EXCERPTA LATINA BARBARI." Iraq 78 (March 2, 2016): 25–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/irq.2015.8.

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The late antique Christian chronicle preserved as theExcerpta Latina Barbaricontains a brief, but extraordinary notice on the Babylonian king Nebuchadnezzar; many of its unusual details can be understood in the contexts of traditional stories about Nebuchadnezzar and the interests of the work itself. The best clue to the meaning of the passage on Nebuchadnezzar is theExcerpta's closely parallel passage on Alexander the Great. In theExcerptaNebuchadnezzar and Alexander reflect one another and in a sense compete with one another. Many of the odd details of the notice on Nebuchadnezzar can be explained as directing the reader toward this parallelism. The parallelism itself seems to serve two purposes. First, to provide symmetry to theExcerpta's idiosyncratic account of world history in which Alexander liberates the world conquered by Nebuchadnezzar. And second, to show Nebuchadnezzar subtly outdoing Alexander, so that Alexander's encounter with the God of the Jews, as it is found in theExcerpta, can be provided with an implicit interpretation and characterization.

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Adamczewski, Przemysław. "The Jewish–Tat Relations and the Issue of Mountain Jews Identity (Part II)." Iran and the Caucasus 26, no. 2 (June 17, 2022): 139–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573384x-20220203.

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Moreen, Vera B. "The Jews of Iran in the Nineteenth Century: Aspects of History, Community, and Culture." Iranian Studies 44, no. 4 (July 2011): 587–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00210862.2011.570035.

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Fattah, Hala. "Iraqi Universities and Libraries: One Year After the Occupation." Middle East Studies Association Bulletin 38, no. 1 (June 2004): 24–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026318400046393.

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In March 2004, I sat in the refurbished office of Ms. Juwan Mahmoud, the Chief Librarian of the Iraqi Academy of Sciences (in Arabic, al-majma' al-ilmi) in the Al-Waziriyya section of Baghdad. The Iraqi Academy had been looted of its first-rate collection of manuscripts in Arabic, Farsi, Turkish and other languages immediately after the war. When I had first met Juwan, it was in the ruins of the library. I remember the rooms piled high with trashed documents and manuscripts haphazardly strewn around the place, and rows upon rows of gutted library shelves. I had gone to Baghdad in June 2003 with three colleagues – Jens Hanssen, Edouard Méténier and Keith Watenpaugh – to investigate the burning and pillaging of university and research libraries. One member of the group, Jens Hanssen, made a short documentary of the wrecked library premises, in which Juwan played a starring role. In the spirit of an Iraqi passionara, she forcefully called upon the conscience of the world to restore the Iraqi Academy's collections immediately.

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Amirpur, Katajun. "Iran’s Policy towards Jewish Iranians and the State of Israel. Is the Present Iranian State Islamofascist?" DIE WELT DES ISLAMS 52, no. 3-4 (2012): 370–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700607-201200a6.

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Ever since his inauguration in 2005, Iranian president Maḥmūd Aḥmadīnezhād keeps the world on its toes with his attacks against Israel. One could easily come to the conclusion that anti-Semitism and a hostile attitude towards Jews are deeply rooted in Iranian society. Moreover one could assume that the present Iranian state has to be called Islamofascist. To come to a sounder judgment, this article looks at the situation of the Jewish Iranians—present and past—and asks how the different regimes, before as well as after the revolution, treated the Jewish minority. Iran counting today some 25,000 Jews harbors the biggest Jewish community in the Middle East with the evident exception of the State of Israel.

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Russell, James R. "A Note on Balaam’s Chimaera." Iran and the Caucasus 21, no. 1 (March 15, 2017): 39–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573384x-90000004.

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The Biblical tale of Balaam and his taking donkey was elaborated in the Babylonian Talmud: Balaam commits bestiality with the animal and this is accounted one of his failings as a pagan prophet, which accumulate as he tries and fails to curse the Children of Israel. This aspect of testing, probably transmitted by Jews of Iran and Sasanian Mesopotamia, probably becomes the source of an Iranian folk myth about a demonic ass called "mantrier". The myth enters Armenia from there and becomes a legend about the trial that a Christian holy man successfully overcomes.

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Ibrahim, Fadhil Khalid, and Faiz Mohammed Dawood. "Teaching Methods and Teaching Aids Commonly Used by The History Teachers in The Praparatory Schools in Ninevah Governarate in Iraq." Journal of Educational and Psychological Sciences 02, no. 02 (June 2, 2001): 93–139. http://dx.doi.org/10.12785/jeps/020203.

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Shapira, Dan. "Gleanings on Jews of Greater Iran under the Sasanians: (According to the Oldest Armenian and Georgian Texts)." Iran and the Caucasus 12, no. 2 (2008): 191–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338408x406010.

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AbstractThis paper is an unbiased investigation of two Jewish tomb inscriptions from Mc'xeta, Georgia, claimed to support the legends about the mission of St. Nino, into the broader context of the oldest Armenian and Georgian texts that mention Jews, with the emphasis on Armenian-Georgian ecclesiastical relations. The conclusion of the author is that it is impossible to use the two mentioned inscriptions as an evidence for a Georgian Jewish community in Mc'xeta in the 4th or 5th centuries.

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Nissimov, Miriam. "The Jews of Iran: The History, Religion, and Culture of a Community in the Islamic World." Bustan: The Middle East Book Review 7, no. 1 (July 1, 2016): 74–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/bustan.7.1.74.

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MUTZAFI, HEZY. "Two texts in Barzani Jewish Neo-Aramaic." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 67, no. 1 (February 2004): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x04000011.

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In this article I offer two versions of the Kurdistani folk-tale ‘Khajo and Syabando’ in Barzani Jewish Neo-Aramaic, one of the rarest and most highly endangered modern Aramaic languages, spoken in Israel by no more than twenty elderly Jews from the regions of Barzan and ʕAqra in Iraqi Kurdistan. Three dialects of this language were discovered during the years 1996–2000: Barzan, Shahe and B[ecy ]jil. The latter dialect is already extinct. The narratives that served for the texts were furnished by two speakers of the Barzan dialect. The texts are accompanied by observations related to etymology, comparative dialectology, vocabulary and various aspects of grammar.

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Rohde, Achim. "Impossible Exodus. Iraqi Jews in Israel, written by Orit Bashkin, 2017." Die Welt des Islams 60, no. 1 (March 12, 2020): 109–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700607-00601p08.

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Bashkin, Orit. "ABBAS SHIBLAK, Iraqi Jews, A History of the Mass Exodus (London: Saqi, 2005). Pp. 215. £9.99 paper." International Journal of Middle East Studies 39, no. 3 (August 2007): 466–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743807070596.

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Sahner, Christian C. "Zoroastrian law and the spread of Islam in Iranian society (ninth–tenth century)." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 84, no. 1 (February 2021): 67–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x21000021.

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AbstractThis article explores three important Zoroastrian legal texts from the ʿAbbasid period, consisting of questions and answers to high-ranking priests. The texts contain a wellspring of information about the social history of Zoroastrianism under Islamic rule, especially the formative encounter between Zoroastrians and Muslims. These include matters such as conversion, apostasy, sexual relations with outsiders, inheritance, commerce, and the economic status of priests. The article argues that the elite clergy responsible for writing these texts used law to refashion the Zoroastrian community from the rulers of Iran, as they had been in Late Antiquity, into one of a variety of dhimmī groups living under Islamic rule. It also argues that, far from being brittle or inflexible, the priests responded to the challenges of the day with creativity and pragmatism. On both counts, there are strong parallels between the experiences of Zoroastrians and those of Christians and Jews, who also turned to law as an instrument for rethinking their place in the new Islamic cosmos. Finally, the article makes a methodological point, namely to show the importance of integrating Pahlavi sources into wider histories of Iran and the Middle East during the early Islamic period.

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Andrews, Sam. "Iraqi Jews and Heritage under Threat: Negotiating and Managing an Identity from Afar." Diaspora 20, no. 3 (February 1, 2020): 327–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.20.3.004.

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Belea, Simion. "Human Rights without Borders for Refugees and Asylum Seekers. Social and Jurisdictional Aspects." Journal for Ethics in Social Studies 5, no. 1 (September 2, 2022): 21–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.18662/jess/5.1/39.

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The refugee crisis generated by internal conflicts and civil wars from various areas consolidated unilateral interventions towards security, rather than developing a collective answer and providing immediate actions based on human rights to support vulnerable groups. A retrospection of the past decade events in the Arabic World, illustrates that during the years 2014 - 2021, the world witnessed the highest wave of refugees migrating from Syria, Yemen, Afghanistan and Iraq to Europe. By analysing this, we can argue that concerns regarding security policies led to a significant increase in the number of difficulties that refugees and asylum seekers encounter in obtaining international protection support. The 24th of February 2022 marks the beginning of the Russian invasion in Ukraine. It similarly marks the day when the twenty seven countries – members of the EU allowed the directive for temporary protection and support to the Ukrainian refugees, for the first time in the European Union history. This current study examines the collective efforts of the Intra – European relocations offering immediate support to those fleeing the war while respecting the fundamental international human rights.

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