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Journal articles on the topic 'Jews Germany History 1933-1945'

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Author: Grafiati

Published: 10 December 2022

Last updated: 29 January 2023

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1

Cohen, G. Daniel. "Ruth Gay. Safe Among The Germans: Liberated Jews After World War Two. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2002. 330 pp.; Zeev Mankowitz. Life Between Memory and Hope: The Survivors of the Holocaust in Occupied Germany. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2002. 348 pp." AJS Review 28, no. 2 (November 2004): 378–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009404320210.

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In the last decade or so, new research on Jewish displaced persons in occupied Germany has pushed the traditional boundaries of “Holocaust studies” (1933–1945) toward the postwar period. Indeed, the displaced persons or “DP” experience—the temporary settlement in Germany of the Sheءerith Hapleitah (“Surviving Remnant”) from the liberation of concentration camps in the spring of 1945 to the late 1940s—provides important insights into post-Holocaust Jewish life. The impact of trauma and loss, the final divorce between Jews and East-Central Europe through migration to Israel and the New World, the rise of Zionist consciousness, the shaping of a Jewish national collective in transit, the regeneration of Jewish demography and culture in the DP camps, and the relationships between Jews and Germans in occupied Germany are some of the many themes explored by recent DP historiography—by now a subfield of postwar Jewish history.

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2

MENG, MICHAEL L. "After the Holocaust: The History of Jewish Life in West Germany." Contemporary European History 14, no. 3 (August 2005): 403–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777305002523.

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In July 1945, Rabbi Leo Baeck remarked that the Third Reich had destroyed the historical basis of German Jewry. ‘The history of Jews in Germany has found its end. It is impossible for it to come back. The chasm is too great’. Heinz Galinski, a survivor of Auschwitz who led West Berlin’s Jewish community until his death in 1992, could not have disagreed more strongly. ‘I have always held the view’, he observed, ‘that the Wannsee Conference cannot be the last word in the life of the Jewish community in Germany’. As these diverging views suggest, opting to live in the ‘land of the perpetrators’ represented both an unthinkable and a realistic choice. In the decade after the Holocaust, about 12,000 German-born Jews opted to remain in the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) and comprised about half of its Jewish community. Rooted in the German language and typically married to non-Jewish spouses, they still had some connections to Germany. xSuch cultural and personal ties did not exist for the other half of West Germany’s Jewish community – its East European Jews. Between 1945 and 1948, 230,000 Jews sought refuge in occupied Germany from the violent outbursts of antisemitism in eastern Europe. Although by 1949 only 15,000 East European Jews had taken permanent residence in the FRG, those who stayed behind profoundly impacted upon Jewish life. More religiously devout than their German-Jewish counterparts, they developed a rich cultural tradition located mostly in southern Germany. But their presence also complicated Jewish life. From the late nineteenth century, relations between German and East European Jews historically were tense and remained so in the early postwar years; the highly acculturated German Jews looked down upon their less assimilated, Yiddish-speaking brothers. In the first decade after the war, integrating these two groups emerged as one of the most pressing tasks for Jewish community leaders.

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3

Pegelow, Thomas. "“German Jews,” “National Jews,” “Jewish Volk” or “Racial Jews”? The Constitution and Contestation of “Jewishness” in Newspapers of Nazi Germany, 1933–1938." Central European History 35, no. 2 (June 2002): 195–221. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691610260420665.

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After reading the “Jewish News Bulletin” (Jüdisches Nachrichtenblatt) in early 1939, the Romance language scholar Victor Klemperer wrote: “Until 1933 and for at least a good century before that, the German Jews were entirely German and nothing else … They were and remain (even if now they no longer wish to remain so) Germans …” Klemperer, a convert to Protestantism, but a “full Jew” by Nazi decree, continued, “It is part of the Lingua tertii imperii [LTI, language of the Third Reich] that the expression ‘Jewish people’ [Volk] appears repeatedly in the ‘Jewish News'…”

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4

Schoeps, Julius H. "Das (nicht-)angenommene Erbe. Zur Debatte um die deutsch-jüdische Erinnerungskultur." Zeitschrift für Religions- und Geistesgeschichte 57, no. 3 (2005): 232–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1570073054396037.

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AbstractThis essay shows how Jewish identity in pre-1933 Germany defined itself and how the widely known concept of German-Jewish symbiosis came into question after the organized murder of the European Jews. The search for a German-Jewish legacy in postwar Germany as well as in the countries in which the Jewish émigrés found a new home will be explored. Moreover, the Eastern European cultural roots of Jews who migrated from Russia to Germany in the 1990s will also be discussed.

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5

Wichert, S. "Murderous Science: Elimination by Scientific Selection of Jews, Gypsies, and Others: Germany 1933-1945." German History 8, no. 1 (January 1, 1990): 114–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gh/8.1.114.

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6

Benz, Wolfgang. "Germans, Jews and Antisemitism in Germany After 1945." Australian Journal of Politics & History 41, no. 1 (April 7, 2008): 118–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1995.tb01340.x.

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7

Moeller, R. G. "Jews in Post-Holocaust Germany, 1945-1953." English Historical Review CXXII, no. 497 (June 1, 2007): 857–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cem173.

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8

Kühne, Thomas. "Jews in Post-Holocaust Germany, 1945-1953." Central European History 39, no. 3 (September 2006): 541–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938906400170.

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9

AVRAHAM, DORON. "RECONSTRUCTING A COLLECTIVE: ZIONISM AND RACE BETWEEN NATIONAL SOCIALISM AND JEWISH RENEWAL." Historical Journal 60, no. 2 (February 7, 2017): 471–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x16000406.

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AbstractSince the Nazi seizure of power in Germany in 1933, German Zionists initiated a public debate about the racial meaning of Judaism. Drawing on scientific racial, sociological, and anthropological definitions that emerged within Zionism since the late nineteenth century, these Zionists tried to counter Nazi accusations against Jews. However, as the Nazi propaganda against Judaism became widespread, aggressive, and dehumanizing, Zionists responded by traversing the academic outlines of racial categories, and popularized a constructive racial image of Jews, thus hoping to rehabilitate their status and consolidate Jewish identity.

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10

Kabalek, Kobi. "“Other Germans”: Exceptions and Rules in the Memory of Rescuing Jews in Postwar Germany." Central European History 55, no. 3 (September 2022): 390–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938921001357.

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AbstractThe rising German interest in rescuers of Jews during the Holocaust has been accompanied by an emphasis on their exceptionality among the wartime German population. Seen as aberrations, rescuers are used to present a simplified generalization of the German majority’s wartime conduct by defining what it was not. This article argues that this view, as well as the common claim that rescue and rescuers of Jews were “forgotten” in the postwar Germanys, are based on a certain interpretative model concerning the relationship between exception and rule. I trace the different uses of this model and show that from 1945 to the present, many Jewish and non-Jewish Germans employed variously defined exceptions to trace and determine one's preferred image of the majority—as an object of desire or critique. The article presents the different conceptualizations and idealizations of rescue and their functions in imagining a collective self in commemorative and historiographical portrayals of past and current German societies.

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11

Herf, Jeffrey. "The Rise of National Socialism in Germany." Contemporary European History 10, no. 3 (October 26, 2001): 513–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777301003101.

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Peter Fritzsche, Germans into Nazis (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1998), 269 pp., $24.95, ISBN 0-674-35091-X.Dan P. Silverman, Hitler's Economy: Nazi Work Creation Programs, 1933–1936 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1998), 384 pp., $45.00, ISBN 0-674-74071-8.Roderick Stackelberg, Hitler's Germany: Origins, Interpretations, Legacies (London and New York: Routledge, 1999), 432 pp., hb, £50.00, ISBN 0-415-2011414-4.Conan Fischer, ed., The Rise of National Socialism and the Working Classes in Weimar Germany (Providence and Oxford: Berghahn Books, 1996), 256 pp., hb, $55.00, £37.00, ISBN 1-571-81915-0.Saul Friedlander, Nazi Germany and the Jews, Vol. I: The Era of Persecution, 1933–1939 (New York: HarperCollins, 1997), 448 pp., hb, $30.00 ISBN 0-060-19042-6.These works address, among other issues, the following: how widespread was support for Nazism before and after 1933 and how can this support be explained? What was the core of Nazi antisemitism, how important was it to the history of the regime, and how was it translated into policy? Several also demonstrate that, amidst the vast forest of specialist studies, it is also possible to write valuable synthetic works.

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12

Paucker, A. "Resistance of German and Austrian Jews to the Nazi Regime 1933-1945." Leo Baeck Institute Yearbook 40, no. 1 (January 1, 1995): 3–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/leobaeck/40.1.3.

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13

Webster, R. "American Relief and Jews in Germany, 1945-1960: Diverging Perspectives." Leo Baeck Institute Yearbook 38, no. 1 (January 1, 1993): 293–321. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/leobaeck/38.1.293.

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14

Sinn, Andrea A. "Despite the Holocaust: Rebuilding Jewish Life in Germany after 1945*." Leo Baeck Institute Year Book 64, no. 1 (2019): 143–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/leobaeck/ybz001.

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Abstract In 1945, the return of Jewish life to Germany was by no means a foregone conclusion. Aiming to understand the developments that laid the groundwork for a long-term continuation of Jewish life in post-Holocaust Germany, this paper discusses the difficult process of rebuilding Jewish institutions in ‘the land of the perpetrators’ during the first two decades after the Second World War. Particularly significant are the essential contributions of two high-profile representatives of this minority to the process of renewing Jewish life in Germany following the Holocaust. By creating a sense of unity among the different Jewish groups and securing financial and practical support essential to the revival of Jewish life in the Federal Republic, the first General Secretary of the Zentralrat der Juden in Deutschland (Central Council of Jews in Germany), Dr Hendrik G. van Dam, and the journalist and chief editor of the German-Jewish newspaper known today as Jüdische Allgemeine, Karl Marx, played a key role in establishing Jewish institutions. These helped to convey a sense of permanency—a central factor for ensuring a continuation of Jewish life in the years and decades to come.

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15

Oszytko, Janusz. "Nazistowscy przywódcy przedwojennego Opola i opozycja antyhitlerowska w latach 1933–1945 w świetle akt z Instytutu Pamięci Narodowej oraz z Archiwum Państwowego w Opolu." Opolskie Studia Administracyjno-Prawne 16, no. 4 (1) (September 17, 2019): 157–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.25167/osap.1211.

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The article is a new contribution to the local history of Opole of 1933–1945 in the light of not known and not published archival documents about the pre-war Nazi leaders of the Opole Regency and the anti-Hitler opposition as well. Those documents are stored both in the State Archive in Opole (file: Gestapo Oppeln) and in the Institute of National Remembrance (IPN Archive – various archive files). The first part of the article describes the Nazi elite of the Opole Regency in the period of 1933–1945. This interesting and complicated history of Opole and Opole region concerns the operation of the NSDAP monoparty, as well as its affiliated organizations and repressive organs of a totalitarian state. This part of the article was developed mainly from various files from the Institute of National Remembrance. The second part describes the anti-Hitler opposition in the Opole Regency in the period of 1933–1945. Very interesting and also not known in the scientific circulation are materials about political opponents, collected by Gestapostelle Oppeln, which are right now being published by the author of the article, following the previous article about the files relating to the Jews (dealt with in articles by J. Oszytko) and to the Poles (in a book by Dermin and Popiołek) which were kept by the Gestapo in Opole. To summarize, the article casts light on the history of the city, with respect to, on the one hand, the rise of German totalitarianism changing into one-party domination of the NSDAP party, and – on the other hand – the scope of persecution of parties and persons standing in opposition to Hitler’s rule in our city and region.

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16

Kaplan, Thomas Pegelow. "“In the Interest of the Volk…”: Nazi-German Paternity Suits and Racial Recategorization in the Munich Superior Courts, 1938–1945." Law and History Review 29, no. 2 (May 2011): 523–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248011000071.

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In Nazi Germany, integration into the community of the Volk, or exclusion and persecution, were determined by the regime's categories. As legal historian Michael Stolleis has noted, this new National Socialist terminology “quick[ly] penetrat[ed] … into the old conceptual world” of German jurisprudence and the country's court system. In line with the prescriptions of the political leadership of the Hitler state, bureaucrats of the Justice and Interior Ministries in Berlin drafted novel legislation that, once issued as new laws, judges, state attorneys, and lawyers readily interpreted and put into practice. With the promulgation of the Nuremberg Laws in September 1935, the main racial designations evolved around a tripartite terminology of “full Jews [Volljuden],” “Jewish mixed breeds [Mischlinge],” and “persons of German and kindred blood.” In accordance with paragraph 5 of the first supplementary decree to the Reich Citizenship Law of November 1935, state authorities classified any descendant “from at least three grandparents who [we]re racially full Jews” as Jewish. Paragraph 3 defined Mischlinge of the first degree, introduced as a novel legal category, as Jewish Mischlinge with two grandparents “who [we]re racially full Jews.” The supplementary decrees did not explicitly delineate the term “person of German blood”, but the main commentary of the Nuremberg Laws loosely tied this term to the “German Volk” as a community comprised of six basic races, including the Nordic and East Baltic ones.

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17

Barzel, N. "The Attitude of Jews of German Origin in Israel to Germany and Germans after the Holocaust, 1945-1952." Leo Baeck Institute Yearbook 39, no. 1 (January 1, 1994): 271–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/leobaeck/39.1.271.

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18

Kauders, A. "Catholics, the Jews and Democratization in Post-war Germany, Munich 1945-65." German History 18, no. 4 (April 1, 2000): 461–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1191/026635500701526651.

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19

Hoffmann, Stanley, and Amos Elon. "The Pity of It All: A History of the Jews in Germany, 1743-1933." Foreign Affairs 81, no. 6 (2002): 194. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20033385.

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20

van Rahden, Till. "Jews and the Ambivalences of Civil Society in Germany, 1800–1933: Assessment and Reassessment." Journal of Modern History 77, no. 4 (December 2005): 1024–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/499833.

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21

Beller, Steven. "Review: The Pity of It All: A Portrait of Jews in Germany 1743–1933." English Historical Review 120, no. 485 (February 1, 2005): 171–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cei036.

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22

Niewyk, Donald L., and Saul Friedlander. "Nazi Germany and the Jews. Volume 1, The Years of Persecution, 1933-1939." American Historical Review 103, no. 3 (June 1998): 918. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2650652.

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23

Robertson, R. "The Jews of Germany: A Historical Portrait; The Stigma of Names: Antisemitism in German Daily Life, 1812-1933." German History 11, no. 3 (July 1, 1993): 408–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gh/11.3.408.

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24

Blatt, Martin H. "Holocaust Remembrance and Heidelberg." Public Historian 24, no. 4 (2002): 81–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/tph.2002.24.4.81.

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The author recounts his September, 2001, visit to Heidelberg, Germany, with his mother, Molly Blatt. The author and his mother participated in a program for the city's "former Jewish citizens," those Jews who fled the Nazi regime between 1938 and 1945, who could bring a companion of their choice. The essay reviews the program's highlights and the activities and reactions of mother and son on this journey exploring history, memory, and contemporary Germany. The terrible events of September 11, 2001, in the United States, which coincided with the opening day of the program, added a nightmarish quality to the visit. However, mother and son, in very different ways, had positive experiences.

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25

Walch, Teresa. "With an Iron Broom: Cleansing Berlin’s Bülowplatz of ‘Judeo-Bolshevism’, 1933–1936." German History 40, no. 1 (January 14, 2022): 61–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghab091.

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Abstract Home to the Communist Party of Germany’s headquarters and heart of the remaining Scheunenviertel and its Jewish populations, Berlin’s Bülowplatz was detested as representative of ‘Judeo-Bolshevism’ by local Nazis, and they vowed to ‘cleanse’ the square with an ‘iron broom’. In March 1933, SA-men and police officers occupied and confiscated the KPD headquarters and renamed the square ‘Horst-Wessel-Platz’. Thereafter, city officials selected the Jewish-owned apartment buildings behind the square for the first urban renewal measures under the new regime, with the explicit intent of evicting the Jewish residents from this Nazi memorial square. Via a close reading of minutes from bureaucratic meetings, this article illuminates how bureaucrats began translating Nazi ideology into practice. Although municipal and federal bureaucrats initially lacked the requisite authority and legislation to implement this ideologically driven project, united by broadly held antisemitic prejudices they creatively devised solutions and collaborated to mobilize bureaucratic processes for city planning that was explicitly antisemitic. The ideological transformation of Bülowplatz constituted the earliest case of de-Jewification (Entjudung) in Nazi Germany and set an important precedent for later measures of spatial and ethnic cleansing enacted against Jews in Germany and across Europe.

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26

Bajohr, F. "The "Folk Community" and the Persecution of the Jews: German Society under National Socialist Dictatorship, 1933-1945." Holocaust and Genocide Studies 20, no. 2 (January 1, 2006): 183–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hgs/dcl001.

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27

Lawson, Tom. "In Search of Refuge: Jews and US Consuls in Nazi Germany 1933–41." Journal of Jewish Studies 54, no. 1 (April 1, 2003): 180–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.18647/2485/jjs-2003.

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28

Medoff, Rafael. "In Search of Refuge: Jews and US Consuls in Nazi Germany 1933-1941 (review)." American Jewish History 89, no. 3 (2001): 348–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ajh.2001.0049.

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29

Dobkowski, Michael N. "In Search of Refuge: Jews and U.S. Consuls in Nazi Germany, 1933-1941 (review)." Shofar: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Jewish Studies 22, no. 4 (2004): 143–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sho.2004.0089.

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30

Hauger, Martin. "Martin Luther and the Jews: How Protestant Churches in Germany Deal with the Reformer’s Dark Side." Theology Today 74, no. 3 (October 2017): 225–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040573617721913.

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Despite the fact that Luther was referenced in order to justify anti-Semitic hatred of Jews during the time of National Socialism it took the German evangelical churches almost forty years to get round to intensively working through Luther’s anti-Jewish Statements and their effects through history. During the first decades after World War II, intra-church discussion focused on working through its own guilt (1945–1950) and finding a new direction for theology concerning Israel (1960–1980). However, the 500th anniversary of Luther’s birth in 1983 fueled a discussion about the Reformer’s attitude towards the Jews. It centered, first, on the question of how to assess the anti-Semitic co-option of Luther in the Nazi period; second, on how Luther’s friendly statements towards Jews in his early years relate to the invective of his late writings. The latest EKD statement turns away from a genetic view of Luther towards an appraisal of his theological assessment of Judaism in connection with his Reformation theology.

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Feingold, H. L. "In Search of Refuge: Jews and US Consuls in Nazi Germany 1933-1941." Holocaust and Genocide Studies 16, no. 2 (September 1, 2002): 296–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hgs/16.2.296.

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32

Geller, Jay Howard. "Theodor Heuss and German-Jewish Reconciliation after 1945." German Politics and Society 24, no. 2 (June 1, 2006): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503006780681902.

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Since 1949, the Federal of Republic of Germany's titular head of state, the Federal President (Bundespräsident), has set the tone for discussion of the Nazi era and remembrance of the Holocaust. This precedent was established by the first Bundespräsident, Theodor Heuss. Through his speeches, writings, and actions after 1949, Heuss consistently worked for German-Jewish reconciliation, including open dialogue with German Jews and reparations to victims of the Holocaust. He was also the German Jewish community's strongest ally within the West German state administration. However, his work on behalf of the Jewish community was more than a matter of moral leadership. Heuss was both predisposed towards the Jewish community and assisted behind-the-scenes in his efforts. Before 1933, Heuss, an academic, journalist, and liberal politician, had strong ties to the German Jewish bourgeoisie. After 1949, he developed a close working relationship with Karl Marx, publisher of the Jewish community's principal newspaper. Marx assisted Heuss in handling the sensitive topic of Holocaust memory; and through Marx, Jewish notables and groups were able to gain unusually easy access to the West German head of state.

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33

Chandler, A. "A Question of Fundamental Principles: The Church of England and the Jews of Germany 1933-1937." Leo Baeck Institute Yearbook 38, no. 1 (January 1, 1993): 221–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/leobaeck/38.1.221.

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Grossmann, Rebekka. "Image Transfer and Visual Friction: Staging Palestine in the National Socialist Spectacle." Leo Baeck Institute Year Book 64, no. 1 (2019): 19–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/leobaeck/yby022.

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Abstract This article highlights modes of image transfer between photographers in Palestine and photo agencies and editors in 1930s Europe. It argues that Jewish photographers—who had shaped the central European photographic and photojournalistic scene before 1933, and were now excluded from it—continued to influence the international news and press market through their works. Palestine, a place to which several of these journalists fled, had been known in the European spectacle as the timeless ‘Holy Land’; now, through political upheavals, it entered the news. The photographic documents of the clashes between Arabs, Jews, and British troops during the 1930s and taken by German-Jewish photographers in exile became valuable commodities internationally and entered a plethora of national markets, including that of National Socialist Germany. Many of the photographers who had been banned from the German photojournalistic scene in fact remained part of the visual discourse negotiated in German illustrated newspapers. The experience of exile of the photographers and photo agents involved in the international image transfer of photographs from Palestine can be seen as a catalyst for the contingencies in international photo trade, the loss of control of news photographs, and ultimately the crossing of the aesthetic and artistic borders of National Socialist Germany, which were believed to be closed to outside influences. The various views and the ways in which they were used trigger questions about the nature of the photographic gaze and the possibility or impossibility of distorting visual content via textual frameworks in photo essays and newspaper articles.

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35

Markner, Reinhard. "Forschungen Zur Judenfrage: A Notorious Journal and Some of its Contributors." European Journal of Jewish Studies 1, no. 2 (2007): 395–415. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187247107783876220.

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AbstractAmong the many publishing ventures of the “Reichsinstitut für die Geschichte des neuen Deutschlands,” the journal Forschungen zur Judenfrage (1936–1944) has gained most notoriety. In its nine volumes, various aspects of the “Jewish question,” ranging from the Jews in antiquity to Albert Einstein's theory of relativity, were dealt with from a strictly National Socialist point of view. The ambitious project proved to be a failure even before the Third Reich collapsed. While some of the journal's contributors managed to pursue their academic careers in post-war West Germany, its founder, Walter Frank, committed suicide in 1945.

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36

Wichert, S. "Book Reviews : Murderous Science: Elimination by Scientific Selection of Jews, Gypsies, and Others: Germany 1933-1945. By Benno Muller-Hill. Translated by George R. Fraser. Oxford University Press. 1988. xvi+208 pp. 15.00." German History 8, no. 1 (February 1, 1990): 114–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026635549000800129.

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Венгер, А., and M. Головань. "HISTORY OF ONE CRIME: ANDRIY SPSAY AND THE CRACKS OF THE XX CENTURY." Problems of Political History of Ukraine, no. 15 (February 5, 2020): 161–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.33287/11936.

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The article deals with the biography of the peasant Andrii Sapsai, whose life came at a time of the great turmoil in the first half of the twentieth century.On the eve of the 1917 revolution his family successfully farmed in the village Pryyut of Katerynoslav province. In the post-revolutionary years they continued to farm: they kept cattle, cultivated land. The turning point for the family was the dislocation and eviction from the village.The whole family was deported to live in the Urals at the Lisna Vovchanka station. There Andrii was sentenced under a political article. On the eve of the German-Soviet war he returned to Ukraine and settled not far from the village Pryyut.With the arrival of German troops he volunteered with the police, moved to the village Pryyut where he settled down in his house. He was responsible for sending local youth to Germany, searching the villages of those in hiding, and sending them to the collection point in the village Friesendorf, and from there escorted to the train station. Aboveall, Andrii Sapsai participated in the execution of the Jews of the village Kamyana in the Berestianabalka.In May 1942, police officers from the area were summoned to the Friesendorf meeting, for a total of 50 men arrived. The police chief Keller ordered everyone to get into two trucks and to go to the village Zlatoustovka.The policemen were brought to the Berestiana balka, which was located near the village, where a hole up to 20 m long, 2 m wide and 2 m deep had already been dug.They were informed that the Jews were going to be brought now and they would have to be shot. Those who would refuse to participate in the shooting would face severe punishment. Following the police the chief of the Friesendorf Gendarmerie, who had organized the whole process, arrived. In 1934 he left the territory of Ukraine together with some German troops, reaching Romania and leaving them there. In the summer of 1944 local authorities gathered those who had retreated with the Germans at the camp and they worked to rebuild the airfield and then they were transferred to the Soviet command. Then Andrii was called to the ranks of the Red Army by the field enlistment office. To the 4th platoon of the 1st military company, 375 special assault battalion 41 rifle regiment of the 2nd Ukrainian Front.He participated in the battles for the liberation of Hungary, in January 1944 became a German prisoner, and in May 1945 in the territory of Austria he was liberated by Soviet troops and again drafted into the army, where he served until 1946.

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Fraser, David, and Frank Caestecker. "Jews or Germans? Nationality Legislation and the Restoration of Liberal Democracy in Western Europe after the Holocaust." Law and History Review 31, no. 2 (May 2013): 391–422. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248013000035.

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Statelessness continues to trouble today's international legal and political spheres. Despite the International Convention Relating to the Status of Stateless Persons, the stateless remain an unwelcome presence and awkward anomaly within an international human rights regime still fundamentally dominated by the nation state structure. In 1945, Marc Vishniak wrote that the stateless were “… restricted in their rights more than any other people and constitute the weakest chain in the link of human rights.” Hannah Arendt, who was herself a Jewish refugee from Germany, placed the enigma of the stateless in an even more central philosophical position. Whereas Visniak emphasized the problematic and marginalized legal status of the stateless within the dominant international paradigm, Arendt proposed a re-imagining of the international legal order, a vision that would prioritize a solution to the situation of the stateless, especially stateless Jews, by “somehow or other restoring to them the inalienable rights of man.” For Arendt, Jewish former citizens of Germany, stripped of their nationality by the Nazi regime, occupied a newly paradoxical situation as empowered and voluntaryHeimatlos,precisely because they now rejected the standard legal normativity of the state/citizen template. Arendt found historical support for her argument about statelessness as both abnormal within dominant international legal thinking, and at the same time strangely empowering, with regard to the situation of the mainly Jewish refugees displaced during World War I. They had fallen outside the protections offered by new succession countries at the end of that conflict, very often by their own decision to refuse incorporation as citizens of the emergent nation states. These Jewishapatridesdiscovered “privileges and juridical advantages in statelessness.” For Arendt, Jewish former citizens of Germany at the end of World War II further embodied a move toward conceptualizing a new international paradigm wherein rights could be sought beyond the traditional bounds of a state-based legal order, precisely because those bounds had been irrevocably shattered by the state itself.

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Gewirtz, Sharon. "Anglo.Jewish Responses to Nazi Germany 1933—39: The Anti-nazi Boycott and the Board of Deputies of British Jews." Journal of Contemporary History 26, no. 2 (April 1991): 255–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002200949102600204.

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McLellan, Josie. "Jews in Post‐Holocaust Germany, 1945–1953 . By Jay Howard Geller. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005. Pp. xiii+330. $70.00 (cloth); $24.99 (paper)." Journal of Modern History 79, no. 1 (March 2007): 219–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/517579.

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Carr, W. "The Unmasterable Past: History, Holocaust and German National Identity; Die Juden in Deutschland 1933-1945: Leben unter nationalsozialistischer Herrschaft; When Light Pierced the Darkness: Christian Rescue of Jews in Nazi-Occupied Poland." German History 8, no. 2 (April 1, 1990): 243–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gh/8.2.243.

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Levy, R. S. "JAY HOWARD GELLER. Jews in Post-Holocaust Germany, 1945-1953. New York: Cambridge University Press. 2005. Pp. xiii, 330. Cloth $70.00, paper $24.99." American Historical Review 111, no. 1 (February 1, 2006): 271–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.111.1.271.

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Dean, M. "'Aryanisation' in Hamburg: The Economic Exclusion of Jews and the Confiscation of Their Property in Nazi Germany, 1933-1945, Frank Bajohr, translated by George Wilkes (New York: Berghahn, 2002), 300 pp., cloth $79.95, pbk. $29.95." Holocaust and Genocide Studies 19, no. 2 (September 1, 2005): 309–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hgs/dci031.

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Griech-Polelle, B. A. "The Jews in the Secret Nazi Reports on Popular Opinion in Germany, 1933-1945, edited by Otto Dov Kulka and Eberhard Jackel (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2010), civ + 959 pp., CD-ROM, hardcover, $150.00." Holocaust and Genocide Studies 27, no. 1 (April 1, 2013): 145–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hgs/dct006.

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Pulzer, Peter. "Nazi Germany and the Jews, vol. 1, The Years of Persecution, 1933–1939. By Saul Friedländer. New York: HarperCollins. 1977. Pp. xii + 436. $30.00. ISBN 0-06-019042-6." Central European History 31, no. 3 (September 1998): 289–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900016812.

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Timm, A. "Jews in Post-Holocaust Germany, 1945-1953, Jay Howard Geller (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2005), xiii + 330 pp., cloth $72.00, pbk $25.99." Holocaust and Genocide Studies 21, no. 1 (January 1, 2007): 115–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hgs/dcm006.

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Schleunes, K. A. "The Years of Extermination: Nazi Germany and the Jews, 1939-1945, Saul Friedlander (New York: HarperCollins, 2007), xxvi + 870 pp., cloth $39.95, pbk. $19.95." Holocaust and Genocide Studies 22, no. 2 (September 1, 2008): 340–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hgs/dcn035.

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Kabalek, Kobi. "Commemorating Failure: Unsuccessful Rescue of Jews in German Film and Literature, 1945–1960*." German History 38, no. 1 (April 23, 2019): 96–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghz021.

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Abstract Scholars have so far interpreted postwar depictions of Germans saving Jews from Nazi persecution mainly as apologetic references that allowed Germans to avoid addressing problematic aspects of their history. Yet although such portrayals appear in many postwar German accounts, depictions of successful rescues of Jews are relatively rare in literary and filmic works produced between 1945 and the early 1960s. This article argues that in presenting failed rescue of Jews, several German authors aimed to contribute to the re-education and moral transformation of the German population. The article’s first part shows that narratives of failed rescue were considered particularly useful for arousing Germans’ empathy with the Nazis’ Jewish victims. The article’s second part examines those works that went further and tailored stories of unsuccessful rescue to criticize Germans for not doing more to resist the regime. Although these works presented Germans as victims, as was common in many contemporaneous depictions, it would be misleading to view them merely as apologetic accounts. Rather, the widespread reluctance to commemorate the persecution of Jews urged several authors to retain the common image of Germans as victims in order to avoid alienating their audience. At the same time, using narratives of failed rescue, these writers and filmmakers explored new ways to allow Germans to speak about the Holocaust and reflect on their conduct. Attempts to both arouse a moral debate and avoid directly speaking about Germans’ collective responsibility might seem irreconcilable from today’s perspective, but not for Germans of the 1940s and 1950s.

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Umeljic, Vladimir. "A paradigm shift in German historiography: In the state of Croatia (1941-1945) there was no genocide against the Serbs?" Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 141 (2012): 523–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn1241523u.

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At the Humboldt University of Berlin, German historian Alexander Korb defended, with the highest grade (summa cum laude), his doctoral thesis in historical studies ?In the Shadow of the World War II. Mass violence by the Ustasa against Serbs, Jews and Roma?. His radically new thesis are as follows: 1) in the State of Croatia (1941-1945) ?there was no genocide against the Serbs?; 2) clerical component (Croatian Catholic clergy and the Vatican) ?played no significant role? in the mass violence against the Serbs in the State of Croatia (1941-1945), so the forced catholicization of the Serbs was ?purely secular in character?. Korb, therefore, enters into absolute conflict with the vast majority of previous research papers and their conclusions. Korb?s theses are challenged from three aspects in this analysis: a) scientific and historical, b) linguistic and philosophical (definitionism theory) and c) political. Regarding scientific and historical aspects, Korb approached this problem one-sidedly, in a selective way, and from the very beginning drastically reduced i.e. excluded an enormous part of primary historical sources and scientific literature. He excluded all Serbian sources, including testimonies of Serbian survivors and victims, on the grounds that they were either ?Serbian nationalists? or ?Serbian communists?, then all testimonies of eye-witnesses from the opressors side - German Nazis and Italian Fascists - with justification that they are manipulated by ?Serbian nationalists? or ?Serbian communists?, as well as all primary historical sources and scientific literature which testify of the role of Croatian Roman Catholic clergy and the Vatican, on the basis that they are ?anti-clerical?. From linguistic and philosophical aspect, Korb?s argumentations clearly belong to the principle of ?usurpation of power over definitions and psychagogy? recognized by classical theory of concepts as a convenient redefinition, virtualization of reality and psychagogic establishment of the new ?real reality? in the minds of the target group through its internalization. Korb?s work is, therefore, rather relativistic linguistic and philosophical treatise clad in historical science than scientific study of history. As for the aspect of political science, it can be concluded that paradigm shift in social sciences and humanities in Germany, due to his indisputable efforts, obtained a new quality, a completely different level of arbitrary and virtual reflection of reality. Namely, these sciences are rapidly getting mutual and dominant ideological and political connotation.

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FORBES, NEIL. "Gerald D. Feldman, Allianz and the German Insurance Business, 1933–1945 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Presss, 2001. 590 pp. £42.50). Harold James, The Deutsche Bank and the Nazi Economic War against the Jews (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001. 280 pp. £27.50)." Financial History Review 11, no. 1 (April 2004): 123–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0968565004220078.

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