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1
Manekin, Rachel. "Shimon Redlich. Together and Apart in Brzezany: Poles, Jews, and Ukrainians, 1919–1945. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2002. xi, 202 pp.; Rosa Lehman. Symbiosis and Ambivalence: Poles and Jews in a Small Galician Town. New York: Berghahn Books, 2001. xxii, 217 pp." AJS Review 28, no. 2 (November 2004): 406–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009404430219.
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The books under review deal with two towns in Galicia, territory that was part of the Habsburg Empire from 1772 until 1918. The first town, Brzezany, is located today in the Ukraine; the second, Jaśliska, a small town, is now in Poland. Despite different starting points, both books attempt to solve the riddle of the past and present relations between Jews and their neighbors, relations that are noted for their ambivalence and complexity.
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Bechtel, Delphine. "Remembrance tourism in former multicultural Galicia: The revival of the Polish–Ukrainian borderlands." Tourism and Hospitality Research 16, no. 3 (June 6, 2016): 206–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1467358415620464.
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The historical region of Galicia was appropriated successively by the Habsburg Imperium, Independent Poland, the USSR, Hitler Germany, and Communist Poland and the USSR. It is presently divided in to two by the border between Poland and Ukraine, the EU and the belt of post-Soviet states. Its multicultural past has been eradicated through genocide, ethnic cleansing, and deportations by Hitler and Stalin as well as various interethnic conflicts between Polish and Ukrainian nationalists. From 1989 on, pilgrims, survivors, root tourists, and also religious, political, and community activists have started to rediscover it. Poles, Ukrainians, Jews, as well as Russian and Western travelers cross the borders to remember their childhood places, the locus of their deportation or survival, or the cradle of the family history, or just a province lost. Their expectations are partly met, or sometimes ignored, by municipal and regional authorities, travel agencies, private businesses, and locals, who all contribute to form a network of touristic infrastructures. The memory of WW2 and of the subsequent deportations looms large in the personal agendas of tourists and community activists. However, Poland and Ukraine envision local, historical, and identity tourism in the region variously. While Western Ukraine tries to convey a strongly nationalistic and monoethnic image of the region, Poland, under the influence of EU guidelines and subsidies, has opened to a more multicultural and postmodern concept. Transnational tourism across the border participates in the reassertion of conflicting national identities.
3
Dziuban, Roman. "Yakiv Honigsman and his collection in the funds of the manuscript department of the Vasyl Stefanyk National Scientific Library of Ukraine in Lviv." Proceedings of Vasyl Stefanyk National Scientific Library of Ukraine in Lviv, no. 14(30) (December 2022): 229–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.37222/2524-0315-2022-14(30)-10.
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In recent years, the interest of both the general public and the scientific community to get better acquainted with the culture of national minorities in Ukraine has been growing. Therefore, intelligence becomes relevant, which covers the processes of development of cultures of these minorities and actualizes the directions of further research in this area. One such minority is the Jewish minority. Jews belong to one of the oldest ethnic minorities in Ukraine, known since ancient times. The number of Jews declined sharply in Ukraine in the middle of the last century, due to the policy of extermination by the German Nazis during World War II, and continued to decline during the independence of Ukraine due to the departure of a large number of Jews to their ancient homeland. territory of the State of Israel. However, in the new post-Soviet conditions of an independent Ukrainian state, the Jewish community has better opportunities to develop its national culture. The purpose of the article and our task was to review the personal fund of the economist and researcher of the history of the Jewish community of eastern Poland and western Ukraine, which makes up the historical and biographical background. Archival research methods were used in compiling the descriptions of J. Honigsman’s fund, and a biographical method was used in compiling the biographical information about the scientist. Autobiographies, personal documents, memoirs, articles about the scientist, as well as correspondence were used for the analysis. General historical research methods and the historical source method were useful. The described archive of J. Honigsman can be useful first of all to economists who study the economy of Western Ukraine in the second half of the XIX – early XX centuries. There are some values of his work on the life and death (Holocaust) of Jews during the German occupation of Galicia, as well as documents relating to the life of the Jewish community in Lviv after Ukraine gained independence in 1991. Keywords: Honigsman, Jewish literature, old prints, manuscripts, B’nai Brith International, reviews, ghetto, Ukrainian-Jewish relations, correspondence.
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Honcharenko, Оleksij. "Key Historical Narratives for the Formation of National Identity of Ukranians in Propaganda Discourse of Administrations of German Occupation Zones of Ukraine (1941–1944)." Ethnic History of European Nations, no. 66 (2022): 58–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2518-1270.2022.66.07.
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The purpose of the study: to identify information arrays, that reconstructed and interpreted the historical past of Ukrainians, based on the source analysis of the content of German occupation periodicals, thus forming an appropriate model of historical memory, in fact, turning the Ukrainian people into a historical process. The methodology and methodology of research involves a combination of the principles of historicism, objectivity and consistency, as well as historical criticism of the selected basic reconstructions of the past of Ukrainians widely promoted in the occupation period. The study systematizes various publications in the occupation periodicals, highlighting their thematic blocks, specific content, forms of presentation of the standard information materials, which, contrary to the strategic visions of the Third Reich leadership, were directed at the formation of the historical memory of Ukrainians. The author, on a systemic and comprehensive level, investigated the information potential of the main periodicals that were published in all occupation zones of Ukraine, namely: the District «Galicia», the Reichskommissariat «Ukraine» and the Military Zone of Occupation. The scientific novelty of the study lies in the first in modern domestic historiography complex selection of the model of historical memory of Ukrainians, which was formed during the establishment of the German occupation regime. A detailed analysis of the information potential of the content of occupation periodicals indicates that the historical past of Ukrainians was interpreted in terms of the gravity of state tradition and the constant struggle against external enemies. The basic information and thematic blocks that were used in all the occupation zones of Ukraine were the reproduction of the history of Kievan Rus’, Khmelnytsky region and liberation movements of the Cossack era. At the same time, an exclusively negative image of neighboring Moscow and Poland was formed. The internal enemy of Ukraine was declared to be the Jews, against whom the Ukrainians fought in the same way as they fought the Poles and Russians. The events of 1917–1920, when the Ukrainian state perished and was torn apart by neighboring Poland and Bolshevik Russia, were voiced in the context of betrayal by the democratic countries of Europe. The construction of a new national identity for Ukrainians in the context of their spiritual, psychological, historical, cultural, economic, and territorial unity, as well as the reinterpretation of the historical past, consolidated society at that time. This important process for Ukrainians was carried out in unison with the history of the people’s unceasing struggle for their own statehood and their desire to achieve synodality. By successfully manipulating historical facts, German propagandists actually reformatted the historical memory of Ukrainians, programming for the future, constructing and correcting national identity markers that even the following Soviet occupation of the country was unable to erase. However, the historical narrative widely promoted in periodicals downplayed regional differences and social contradictions of Ukrainian society, represented its internal national unity, and was presented equally in all German occupation zones of Ukraine.
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Bodnar, Halyna. "“RUSSIANS CAME”: MEMORY OF SOVIET AUTHORITIES 1939‒1941 YEARS IN BIOGRAPHICAL NARRATIVES OF THE OLDEST GENERATION OF THE RESIDENTS OF WESTERN UKRAINE." Вісник Львівського університету. Серія історична / Visnyk of the Lviv University. Historical Series, no. 54 (November 3, 2022): 111–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/his.2022.54.11605.
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The oral history of Ukraine in the 1930s and 1940s is an important independent body of sources for the study of this period. An encumbered story about one’s life or specific historical events best conveys experience, the world of ideas and perceptions, and the individual vision of direct eyewitnesses of past events. Pre-planned methods of the interview process, experienced interviewers, a selection of narrators, a sufficient number of recordings with the “saturation effect” are the keys to the success of the oral history project. The article analyzes the oral biographical narratives of the oldest generation of Western Ukraine residents about the Soviet government in 1939‒1941, highlights the main content lines of stories and dominant images of the first Soviet occupation, the transformation of moods. The empirical basis of the research are interviews recorded as part of the project “Social Anthropology of Filling the Void: Poland and Ukraine after World War II” and processed by the author for their publication by the Center for Urban History of East Central Europe in Lviv. The interviews were recorded by an interdisciplinary group of Polish-Ukrainian female researchers in 2017‒2019 with residents of villages and towns of Ternopil, Lviv, and Ivano-Frankivsk oblasts born in the 1920s‒1930s. The stories are biographical and pertain to the whole life interviewees, with a special focus made on the 1930s‒1940s and World War II. The oldest participants were born in 1923 and the youngest were born in the late 1930s. Their stories are biographies of average native Halychyna residents, who shared their life experience for the first time and, consequently, shared what in their opinion was important to remember, as no recorded memory will be left when they pass away. The narration of the “big” story is made of a palette of “small” reactions to events, it is the inner world of a person – their worries and experiences, successes, hopes, and expectations. The images of Soviet authorities and the Soviet people in the memories of children are not holistic and meaningful, but are connected with the outer world – home and parents, close family and friends, the street and acquaintancies, neighbors, school, religious traditions and the church. Children’s memories recorded not so much everyday routine, but crucial and traumatic, strong emotional experience, which was filled with the years of the first Soviet regime in the region; their stories are replete with numerous unique case stories that may not have reached or come into view of adults. After having met the Red Army in September 1939, the hopes placed on the Soviet government by the adult population vanished almost immediately. People, then children, explained the first disappointments with the brutality of the Red Army: accidental or deliberate executions of innocent people, repressions in autumn 1939. For Galician peasants and small-town residents the image of the Soviets in 1939‒1941 is a radically changed world of their childhood with a fairy-tale palace and a local landowner with his family; depending on the social status of the family, the allotted land and the joy of harvesting their own field; inhuman deportations of Polish neighbors in the frosty winter of 1940. The primary “own” grief was the emotional culmination of life stories from the period of the first Soviet occupation: mostly in June 1941 they lost their loved ones due to the last, fourth, wave of deportations or executions in prisons during the retreat of the Soviets. In the memoirs of Galician villagers, unlike to the memoirs of the inhabitants of the cities, there are almost no mentions of the reaction of Poles and Jews to the arrival of the Red Army in September 1939.
6
Melnyk, Roman. "The Concept of “Galicia” in the Discourse of Chwila Newspaper (1919–1939)." Scripta Judaica Cracoviensia 18 (2021): 67–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20843925sj.20.005.13873.
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This article proposes a study of the usage of the concept of “Galicia” in the leading Jewish political newspaper of interwar Eastern Galicia (southeastern Poland), the Zionist daily Chwila.The use of “Galicia” is analyzed along with its main concurrent in the public sphere, the term “Małopolska” (Lesser Poland). Each term had its realm of usage, while each was caused by a distinct kind of motivation. “Lesser Poland” dominated the political and common sphere as the name of the former Austrian part of Poland, while “Galicia” was reserved mostly for writing about cultural issues and stereotypes. “Lesser Poland” was supposedly accepted by Galician Zionists as a tool to express their loyalty to the newly restored Polish Republic, while “Galicia” was preserved as an instrument for communication with other Galician Jews abroad and their common Austrian past, as well as an instrument of othering them from the outside. Both terms continued to be used in such a way throughout the entire interwar period.
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Koźbiał, Jan. "Ruś polska – synopsis." Studia Interkulturowe Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 9 (July 14, 2016): 37–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0009.8267.
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The article is aimed at introducing the brief recapitulation of the history of Polish Rus’. This history begins from Mieszko I of Poland (Red Ruthenia or Red Rus’ – that was as a matter of fact the residence of the Polish tribes). Gradually the Polish dominion (The Crown of the Kingdom of Poland) was stretched out on the Principality of Galicia-Volhynia (during the reign of Casimir the Great), and after the Union of Lublin – on the Volhynia and the rest of territories that nowadays belong to Ukraine. During the second Rzeczpospolita (The second Commonwealth of Poland) Polish Rus’ encompassed the Volhynia and the Principality of Galicia-Volhynia (Galicia – Eastern Małopolska, e.g. Lesser Poland). After 1945 the Polish Rus’ got separated from Poland (except Red Ruthenia or Red Rus’).
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Kuzovova, Natalia. "SOVIET REPRESSION AGAINST REFUGEE JEWS FROM THE TERRITORY OF POLAND AND CZECH-SLOVAKIA BEFORE AND AT THE BEGINNING OF WORLD WAR II." Intermarum history policy culture, no. 9 (December 25, 2021): 105–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.35433/history.112018.
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Purpose: to analyze a set of documents stored in the funds of the State Archives of Kherson region – cases of repressed refugees from Poland and Czechoslovakia in 1938-1941. Based on historiographical and source studies on this topic, to outline the general grounds for arrest and persecution of refugees by Soviet authorities and to find out why Jews – former citizens of Poland and Czechoslovakia – found themselves in the focus of repression. Research methodology. The main research methods were general and special-historical, as well as methods of archival heuristics and scientific criticism of sources. Scientific novelty. Previously unpublished documents are introduced into scientific circulation: cases of repressed refugees from Poland and Czechoslovakia, analysis of the Soviet government's policy towards Jews who tried to escape from the Nazis in the USSR and the Union Republics in southern Ukraine, including Kherson. The forms of repression applied by the NKVD to refugee Jews are analyzed, and the consequences of such a policy for the German government's policy of genocide in the occupied territories are examined. Conclusions. The study found that the formal reason for the persecution of Jewish refugees was the illegal crossing of the border with the USSR, since the Soviet Union, like many countries in the world, refused to accept Jews fleeing the Nazi persecution. The Soviet government motivated this by the fact that refugee Jews spread mood of defeat and panic, spied for Germany, Britain, and Poland, had anti-Soviet views, and conducted anti-Soviet campaigning. As a result of the arrests and deportations of Jewish refugees, the Jewish population, particularly in southern Ukraine, was unaware of the persecution of Jews in lands occupied by Nazi Germany. In fact, the Jewish refugees sent to the concentration camps, along with the Germans of Ukraine and the Volga region, were the only groups of people thus "evacuated" by the Soviet authorities on ethnic grounds. However, due to the enemy's rapid offensive, refugees who did not fall into the hands of the NKVD shared the tragic fate of Ukrainian Jews during the Holocaust.
9
Carynnyk, Marco. "Foes of our rebirth: Ukrainian nationalist discussions about Jews, 1929-1947." Nationalities Papers 39, no. 3 (May 2011): 315–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2011.570327.
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The Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists, or OUN, came into being in 1929 as an “integral nationalist” movement that set itself the goal of driving Polish landowners and officials out of eastern Galicia and Volhynia, joining hands with Ukrainians in other countries, and establishing an independent state. The OUN defined Jews, along with Russians and Poles, as aliens and enemies. There was no need, wrote an OUN ideologist in 1929, to list all the injuries that Jews caused Ukrainians. “In addition to a number of external enemies Ukraine also has an internal enemy … Jewry and its negative consequences for our liberation cause can be liquidated only by an organized collective effort”. The article examines archival documents, publications by OUN members, and recent scholarly literature to trace the evolution of OUN thinking about Jews from 1929 through the war years, when the German occupation of Ukraine gave the OUN an opportunity to stage pogroms and persecute Jews, and the prime minister of the state that the OUN proclaimed wrote that he supported “the destruction of the Jews and the expedience of bringing German methods of exterminating Jewry to Ukraine”.
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Wiesen, S. Jonathan. "Overcoming Nazism: Big Business, Public Relations, and the Politics of Memory, 1945–50." Central European History 29, no. 2 (June 1996): 201–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900013017.
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In 1973 Yad Vashem, the international organization commemorating Holocaust martyrs and heroes, extended its highest honors to one of Germany's most influential business leaders. Berthold Beitz, head of the Krupp Foundation in Essen, was declared one of “the righteous among the nations” and was inducted into a very small group of individuals who had risked their lives to rescue Jews during the Third Reich. As a young manager in German-occupied Galicia, Beitz had been considered a rising star in the firm of Karpaten Öl. A trustee acting on behalf of the board of directors, Beitz was in a key position to witness the brutality of the SS in occupied Poland. In 1943, as he began to suspect his government's murderous intentions, Beits grew determined to risk his career, and possibly his life, to protect Jews from a tragic fate. Through various means of trickery and bargaining with the SS, Beitz took under his wing both young and old, skilled and unskilled, and employed them in scattered oil installations in eastern Galicia, ultimately protecting many of them from deportation and probable death in Belzec.
11
Drummond, Andrew J., and Jacek Lubecki. "Reconstructing Galicia: Mapping the Cultural and Civic Traditions of the Former Austrian Galicia in Poland and Ukraine." Europe-Asia Studies 62, no. 8 (September 29, 2010): 1311–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2010.504385.
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Unowsky, Daniel. "“Our gratitude has no limit”: Polish Nationalism, Dynastic Patriotism, and the 1880 Imperial Inspection Tour of Galicia." Austrian History Yearbook 34 (January 2003): 145–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800020476.
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For almost three weeks the scenes repeated themselves: cannon fire, chiming church bells, massive crowds, peasant bands on horseback, school girls in white dresses laying flowers along the emperor's path, torchlight parades, mountaintop bonfires, city illuminations, serenades, court dinners, aristocratic balls, early morning prayers at cathedrals and synagogues. During Francis Joseph's 1880 inspection tour of Galicia,2 today divided between Poland and Ukraine, millions of Galicians either saw the emperor, talked with someone who did, read about his visit in the paper, or heard abąout it at a village reading hall or gathering, or from the local priest
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Snyder, Timothy. "“To Resolve the Ukrainian Problem Once and for All”: The Ethnic Cleansing of Ukrainians in Poland, 1943–1947." Journal of Cold War Studies 1, no. 2 (May 1999): 86–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/15203979952559531.
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The complicated and violent interactions between Ukrainians and Poles during and after World War II have been the subject of competing Ukrainian and Polish historical interpretations. This article sifts through the historical evidence to determine why Ukrainian and Polish memories of that period are so much at odds. The fate of the contested territories of Eastern Galicia and Volhynia was decided ultimately by the Soviet Union, which imposed new borders on Poland. Once those borders had been established, the transfer of Poles from the newly enlarged Soviet Ukraine and the forced removal of Ukrainians from eastern Poland consolidated an “ethnically cleansed” post-war order.
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Zhytariuk, Mar’yan. "Ukraine-Czechoslovakian and Ukraine-Romanian Relations in the Interpretation of the Magazine “Dilo” (Lviv)." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 37-38 (December 20, 2018): 198–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2018.37-38.198-207.
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The Lviv daily “Dilo”, as well as the Ukrainian press in Galicia, Bukovina, Volyn and Transcarpathia in the interwar period, could not keep a way from the numerous and systematic facts of Ukrainophobia and immediately responded to the form available to it, mainly as digest and translations of foreign publications about Ukrainians and Ukrainian ethnic land.
Thirties of the Twentieth century entered the Ukrainian history under the sign of Polish “pacification” in Eastern Galicia (there were also the petitions of Ukrainian and British representations to the League of Nations), artificially created famine and genocide in Soviet Ukraine, the Bolshevik terror (not only against the national Ukrainian intellectuals, but also against the Ukrainian leadership of the Communist Party of the Bolsheviks), the German propaganda concerning the prospects of independent Ukraine and other significant phenomena, which formed together the basis of the "Ukrainian problem". All this in general was reflected by the European press (Great Britain, Germany, France, Switzerland, Belgium, Austria, Italy) and the US press, Canada, Japan. At the same time, from the standpoint of advocacy and sympathy, there was hardly any publication in the press of Czechoslovakia, Poland, Romania (except for Ukrainian-language editions), in the Soviet periodicals, however the governments of these countries were interested in further weakening and leveling of Ukrainian ethnic, mental, religious, historical and other factors that could cement Ukrainians nationally.
Keywords: magazine “Dilo” (Lviv), interethnic relations, Bukovyna, Galychyna, interwar period
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Berg, L. N., and K. V. Korsakov. "Jakub Szela: The Unknown Pages of History." Rusin, no. 64 (2021): 71–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/18572685/64/4.
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The article focuses on the new and little-known historical facts about Jakub Szela, a leader of the peasant uprising in Western Galicia in 1846, also known as the Galician Massacre, against Polish landowners, nobility, government officials and Catholic priests. The authors emphasize the Rusin origin of Jakub Szela and many other uprising participants, which explains both the reasons for and nature of these peasant uprisings accompanied by brutal murders in Western Galicia. These controversies originate from the social, national, and religious contradictions unresolved by the Polish administration. Jacub Szela suffered from oppression, humiliation and deprivation from the representatives of the privileged classes, which united him with other famous historical figures who led peasant and Cossack popular uprisings and riots and headed robber bands and insurgent groups in Poland, Slovakia, Hungary, Moldova, and Ukraine. The authors argue that Jacub Szela’s activities were progressive, although the opinions and judgements about them now are polarized. The Austrian Empire and Russia played a noticeable role in the suppression of the Polish liberation movement in the middle of the 19th century. The authors emphasize that the Galician uprising of 1846 coincided with the Polish liberation movement and did much to counteract it. Finally, Jacub Szela and his associates achieved their main goal – the abolition of serfdom and corvee labor in Galicia.
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Marcinkowski, Roman. "Interreligious dialogue in the Polish lands in the 18th century." Kwartalnik Naukowy Fides et Ratio 46, no. 2 (June 28, 2021): 397–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.34766/fetr.v46i2.830.
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Abstract: Dov Ber of Bolechov (1723-1805), Jewish wine merchant and polyglot, known for his dispute with the Frankists in Lwów (Lemberg) in 1759, left the Hebrew manuscripts of his two main works: זכרונות ר׳ דוב מבולחוב (The Memoirs of Dov Ber of Bolechov) and iדברי בינה (Understanding Words). In the former work he describes his life story and the story of his family but also the history of Jews in Eastern Galicia, writing also about important events from the history of Poland, and his description as an outside observer seems to be reliable. In the latter work Dov Ber reveals his attitude towards other religions, especially towards Christianity, and the defence of Rabbinic Judaism and its main book Talmud, or more precisely, of the complete reliability of the Oral Torah, is the leitmotif of Diwre binah. Can we speak of religious dialogue in the 18th century?
The purpose of the paper is to present Christian-Jewish relations in the Polish lands, in particular in Eastern Galicia in the 18th century from a Jewish perspective in the description of Dov Ber of Bolechov.
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Hilbrenner, Anke, and Britta Lenz. "Looking at European Sports from an Eastern European Perspective: Football in the Multi-ethnic Polish Territories." European Review 19, no. 4 (August 30, 2011): 595–610. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798711000214.
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Until recently, sports history has largely neglected Eastern Europe. Yet new research has shown that historians need to embrace a perspective from the periphery towards the centre, and reach beyond the paradigms of modernization, Sovietization, and the nation-state if Europe's sporting culture is to be fully understood. Focusing primarily on Poland, this article outlines three features peculiar to the region. First, it stresses the importance of trans-national spaces and networks as well as European sub-regions. Missing out on the initial phase of sport's internationalization due to lack of independence, the development of Polish sport was regionally distinct. Sports flourished in Habsburg-ruled Galicia (in Cracow and Lodz especially) under relatively liberal political authorities, but developed more slowly and under different influences elsewhere. Second, the prominence of rural Galicia, inhabited by traditional groups such as Ukrainian peasants or Chassidic Jews, shows that Polish sport did not evolve in line with modernization and industrialization. The relatively slow diffusion of sport in industrial centres such as Warsaw or Silesia contradicts the paradigm of modernization and the notion of East European backwardness. Third, sport history sheds light on phenomena such as multi-ethnicity, migration, integration or disintegration.
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ČORNOVOL, Ihor. "Fathers, Sons, and Identity in the Galicia. Mykola Hankevyč and Henryk Wereszycki." Ukraine-Poland: Historical Heritage and Public Consciousness 11 (2018): 73–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/up.2018-11-73-77.
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The author approached the problem of national identity – the most popular topic among Ukrainian scholars still – in the terms of relativism. Despite the ancestry, a person might choose other identity in Ukraine. The article focuses on biography of Henryk Wereszycki (1898–1990), a Polish historian. His natural father Mykola Hankevyč was a leader of the Ukrainian Social-Democratic Party, mother was Rosa Altenberg, a daughter of a Jewish book trader. Contrary to his parents, Henryk became neither Ukrainian, nor Jewish but a prominent Polish historian. After graduating from the Faculty of History of Lviv University, H. Vereshytskyi taught history at Lviv gymnasiums. In 1930 was published his first book «Austria and the 1863 Uprising». For the last four pre-war summers he worked as a librarian at the Pilsudski Institute in Warsaw. In September 1939, H. Vereshytskyi participated in the fighting for Warsaw, was captured and spent five years in fascist concentration camps. His mother, brother and sister were died in captivity. In the postwar period G. Vereshytsky continued his career as a historian.From 1945 to 1947 he worked in the Institute of National Memory, 1947–1956 – docent of Wroclaw University, 1956–1969 – Professor, later is a Doctor of Jagiellonian University. The entire edition of his first book «The Political History of Poland. 1864–1918» (1948) was destroyed by censorship. This book (first reprinted in Poland in 1990), as well as his «History of Austria» and «Under the Habsburgs» were included in the gold fund of Polish historiography. Keywords socialism in Galicia, Polish historiography, Rozalia Altenberg, Mykola Hankevych, Henryk Vereshytskyi.
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Alyoshina, Oksana. "MISSIONARY AND CHARITABLE ACTIVITIES OF ST. VOLODYMYR’S BROTHERHOOD OF KYIV PROVINCE (THE SECOND HALF OF THE XIX - EARLY XX CENTURIES)." Intermarum history policy culture, no. 9 (December 25, 2021): 223–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.35433/history.112025.
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This article analyzes the charitable and missionary activities of St. Volodymyr’s Brotherhood. These areas were of primary importance in the Brotherhood’s activities and reflected the intentions of the Russian authorities to consolidate the Orthodox religion on the territory of Right-Bank Ukraine and Galicia during World War I. The methodology of the paper is based on the principles of historicism alongside the general scientific and special-historical methods: critical, analytical, synthesis, and generalization. Scientific novelty. On the basis of the little-known archival documents, the missionary activity of the Brotherhood among the Jews was analyzed, the quantitative indicators of the so-called “christenings” were introduced into scientific circulation. The main aspects of philanthropic activities of the Brotherhood during World War I were revealed.
Conclusions. The new economic conditions associated with the results of the reform in the Russian Empire and the rapid pace of modernization demanded additional investments and the presence of the most loyal population in rather troublesome “neighborhoods”, which included Kyiv as part of Right-Bank Ukraine, from the authorities. The revival of religious institutions, perceived as “foreign” in the first half of the century, was part of the imperial plan to build a new model of loyalty and identity in the “Russian world” in which Orthodoxy had a prominent place. The desire of some Jews to go beyond the traditional constraints associating with Judaism and turning them into “foreigners” proved to be in tune with the tasks assigned to the brotherhoods in the context of their missionary activities.
The charity of the brotherhoods during World War I had a completely pragmatic basis. In this way, the Russian authorities relied on the loyalty of Galician Greek Catholics (with far-reaching prospects for their conversion to the Orthodox faith).
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HELEY, Stepan. "THE WEST UKRAINIAN PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC IN HISTORICAL WORKS OF VASYL KUCHABSKYI." Contemporary era 6 (2018): 78–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/nd.2018-6-78-97.
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The aim of the article is to analyze V. Kuchabsky's historical views on the process of creation of the West Ukrainian People's Republic of 1918-1921. In his works of the first half of the 1930s the scientist highlighted the internal situation of Ukraine, in particular its political and military conditions, and at the same time revealed international relations that had a determinative influence on the future of Ukrainian statehood: Poland and Russia, the Bolsheviks and counterrevolution, the tendency for a new revival of the Russian Empire and the tendency for its collapse, the situation in Central Europe, the Paris Peace Conference and the Eastern European policy of the Western powers. The most significant work of V. Kuchabskyi, "Western Ukraine in the struggle against Poland and Bolshevism in 1918–1923," is a historical study, which objectively reflects the national history without a shadow of tenderness and political inspiration. More than eighty years have passed since its writing, but it still influences on the development of historical science in Ukraine, remains critical for the study of problems associated with the topic. V. Kuchabskyi tried to find out the reason for Ukrainians to lose their own statehood. For the first time in the 14th century, when the Principality of Galicia–Volhynia was conquered by Poland. And then in the 18th century when the Cossack state was annexed by Russia. The desire of Ukrainians to restore the united and independent state failed due to unjustified orientations to Moscow, then to Poland and Turkey. A similar situation, according to the historian, occurred in 1918–1921: while the Ukrainians fought against the Bolsheviks and the White Army, the Poles struck them back, capturing Galicia and Volyn. By signing the Treaty of Riga in 1921, they wanted to restore the division of Ukraine of 1667. The scientist called on the Galician to leave the inter-party controversy and unite for positive creativity and self-organization, to make a lasting peace between themselves, because external factors are often non-reliable and have their own aims, directly opposite to Ukrainian. V. Kuchabskyi warned not to rely on the rapid fall of Bolshevism, relying on the intervention of the capitalist world. On his thought, the damage of this view was disorienting citizens, turning their attention away from what actually was a question of life and death for Ukraine. Estimating the Ukrainian Galician Army, V. Kuchabskyi believed that it could be organized and turned into regular combat power only through significant victories in an actively waged war. But the Ukrainians did not have such commanders, which would turn the mechanically assembled army into a single military organism by their inspiration. According to V. Kuchabskyi, the political experience of the Ukrainian state of 1918–1921 remained undervalued, although it would have been enough to educate a new generation of state-oriented thinkers, creative people. That is why he put the realization of the state idea in direct dependence on the level of the political culture of the masses. This meant that the Galician intellectuals had to get rid of the conservative passivity, which manifested itself in a narrow worldview, the weakness of the will, and spiritual laziness. Only in this case, the national elite will build a democratic state, which will provide conditions for the cultural development of the people, will guarantee equal political and economic rights. Keywords Western Ukraine, Eastern Galicia, Lviv, National Revolution, November Action, ZUNR, UHA, Stanislav, Ukrainian National Council.
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Lagno, Anna R. "Who, what, to whom and on what language speaks? Polish-Ukrainian borderland in the 1940s: from the history of a family." Central-European Studies 2019, no. 2 (11) (2020): 228–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2619-0877.2019.2.10.
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Polish-Ukrainian borderland is commonly associated with Austrian Eastern Galicia. The river San marked the western border, and the river Zbruch marked the eastern one. It was multiethnic and multicultural land. At the beginning of the twentieth century Eastern Galicia acquired an exceptional symbolic meaning, becoming the place of collision of two state projects - Polish and Ukrainian. The complex relationship between Ukrainians and Poles was escalated by the Second World War. The problem of national minorities was to be solved by resettlement, that took place from 1944 to 1946. So during and after World War II, this region lost their traditional multiethnic character. Poles, Jews, and smaller numbers of Germans were replaced by Ukrainians from those territories that became part of the new Polish state. From this period Eastern Galicia became the part of the Ukrainian Soviet Republic. This article centers on the question of what were the essential features that delimit the identity of Poles and Ukrainians in the mid-1940s? For answering on this question, I have chosen unpublished memoires of a man who was born in 1913 in Austrian Galicia, lived in Lviv voivodeship of the Second Polish Republic and died in Soviet Ukraine; I also use oral conversations with his children. Methodologically this paper is based on the work of Frederick Barth and Iver Neumann, who concluded that the most effective way of studying identity is to investigate the significant markers of identity that delimit the culture of this group from the culture of the «Other». Thus, it has been noted by many authors, identity is a very complex subject, that is difficult to study. The historical sources used in this article, shows that identity of the Polish-Ukrainian borderland population is ambivalent, blurred. The most significant marker of ethnic identity - language - does not «work» for the population of the Polish-Ukrainian borderland due to the widespread bilingualism. Difficulties arise with another markers - differences in denomination affiliation and the territory.
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Ciuciura, Theodore. "Provincial Politics in the Habsburg Empire: The Case of Galicia and Bukovina." Nationalities Papers 13, no. 2 (1985): 247–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905998508408024.
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The creation of an Austrian province, titled “The Kingdom of Galicia and Lodomeria” (“with the Grand Duchy of Cracow” added later) was the result of the first partition of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in 1772. The addition of this territory to the already imposing number of Habsburg's realms was ostensibly based on the dubious claim of the Hungarian kings to sovereignty over the medieval Ruthenian (Ukrainian) realm of Galicia and Volhynia. Under the subsequent Polish rule, the southern part of this duchy was organized as thewojewództwo ruskie(Ruthenian [Ukrainian] Province), which was one of the several provinces in the so-calledZiemie Ruskie(Ruthenian Lands) of the Commonwealth, or rather of theKorona(Kingdom of Poland),vis-à-visthe Grand Duchy of Lithuania. Galicia as an Austrian creation included small parts of the adjacent Ruthenian provinces of Podilia (Podole), Volhynia and Belz, (i.e. Galicia proper), and in the west also the province of Cracow, with territorial enclaves, really medieval relics, such as the “Duchy of Oświȩcim [Auschwitz]” and “Duchy of Zator” (i.e. the non-historical “Western Galicia”). Under Austrian rule, Galicia became a common home for Ukrainians (officially called Ruthenians) in the eastern counties and Poles in the western counties. Many Poles lived in Galicia proper. The Polish or Latin-Polish culture deeply influenced the Ukrainian population. However, it stubbornly, though inarticulately, maintained a sense of ethnic community with the Ukrainians who lived under the Russian imperial rule. A prominent Polish historian (and for more than a decade President of the Polish Academy of Sciences in Cracow), Stanislaw Smolka, ascertains the “common features” of the “ethno-historical indivudiuality” known in Polish history as Ruś (Ruthenia) which had been “dormant through the centuries but never moribund [obumarla].” This Ruthenia “at the present attempts to find for herself a new distinguishing name and wants it to be ‘Ukraine'.” He also determines “the historical continuity” in the past of the old Ruthenia of Yaroslav and Monomakh and the “Ruthenian Lands” of the Commonwealth.
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Radchenko, O. "JEWS AND JEWISH CULTURE OF GALICIA AND GREAT UKRAINE IN GERMAN TRAVEL GUIDES (late 19th – first half of the 20th centuries)." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 143 (2019): 30–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2019.143.6.
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The article deals with travel guides in German language about current territory of Ukraine at the end of 19th – first half of 20th centuries. It is noted that they represent quite a small group of literary sources. Major part of their content is reference information about geography, history, specific features of daily life and household traditions of one region or another, but major function is imposing of normative perception of foreign, alien culture. The most well-known are those, which were issued by publishing house “Baedeker”, as well as those, published in the times of Austrian-Hungarian monarchy. The author analyses image of Jews as ethnic community in the regions of Eastern Galicia and so-called Great Ukraine before the First World War, in the interwar period and during the Second World War. It is emphasized that thorough consideration of image of the Jews through prism of travel guides during dramatic and tragic events of the end of XIX – the first half of XX centuries may open to the readers of the XXI century new perspectives in understanding of such socio-political phenomena, as a state policy towards ethnic minorities; collective auto- and hetero-stereotypes; dynamics of antisemitism from common level of everyday life to discrimination and extermination of Jews. Moreover, travel guides contain various materials for analysis of issues, related to cultural transfer, models of journeys, attractiveness of certain destinations and objects of cultural and historical heritage at the territory of regions, which for centuries were known by coexistence of various ethnic groups and frequent changes of borders. Necessity of usage of interdisciplinary approach was an additional stimulus for research on the subject under consideration. The author stressed that the book of Franz Obermeyer “Ukraine. Land der schwarzen Erde”, as well as the travel guide by Baedeker, 1943, and the travel guide for Kyiv, 1942, were instruments of the criminal Nazi-Propaganda, contrary to publications during Austrian-Hungarian monarchy, which to certain measure can be considered as a source of knowledge about inter-cultural communications and tolerance. But in both cases the character of these books depended on a political and ideological conjuncture. While in the books, published before the WWI, the image of a Jew was presented mainly from the ethnographic perspective, but in Nazi publications during WWII it was transformed into the image of an enemy. But the authors avoided usage of formulations like “judo-bolshevism” or “worldwide Jewish conspiracy”. Most likely, the traditional format of a travel guide as an instrument of inter-cultural communication limited its actual transformation into a primitive racial or anti-Semitic propaganda. Certain attention in the article is given to the soviet travel guides, edited by Alexander Rado and published by All-Union Society of Cultural Relations in the 1920-ies, which were and are still little known.
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Zagorodniuk, Igor, and Sergiy Kharchuk. "Bats of Galicia and Bukovina in the 1830–1850s: composition and changes of fauna for 180 years." Theriologia Ukrainica 2022, no. 24 (December 30, 2022): 28–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/tu2405.
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The chiropterological component of one of the most significant zoological written monuments of the 19th century of Ukraine in general and the Carpathian region in particular is analysed. This is Stanislaw Petruski’s monograph titled ‘Natural History of Wild Mammals of Galicia’ (1853). The translation of this part has been arranged and commented in accordance with modern schemes of bat taxonomy and nomenclature supplemented with appropriate descriptions from the works of Alexander Zawadski (1840) and Ivan Verkhratsky (1869). Consequently, the most complete picture of the species composition and some features of the biolo-gy of the bat fauna of Prykarpattia (essentially the Carpathian region on the whole) within Ukraine was reconstructed and described, which is important for understanding the composition of past fauna states in neighbouring countries, including Poland and Romania. Descriptions of 12 species from 9 genera are presented and commented taking into account the current state of knowledge. The underestimation concerned only rare species and those morphologically simi-lar to other more common ones (e.g. lesser horseshoe bat, Brandt’s bat, Nathusi-us’s pipistrelle, lesser noctule, etc.). Features of contemporary taxonomy, fauna composition, descriptions of dwellings and display of synanthropy are considered. Special attention is paid to the consideration of fauna changes that have occurred over almost 100 years, as well as the features of the fauna of that time, which shows obvious signs of the ‘warm phase.’ The latter is evidenced by descriptions of species in the fauna in general, which are currently more southern, and descrip-tions of winter finds of those species that in the last period of research (second half of the 20th century) were considered migratory and distant migrants. The main body of data by Petrusky, as follows from his text, dates from 1830–1850, and this corresponds to the period of climatic optimum reconstructed for Poland, where the period 1820–1850 was characterised by warm late winters and early springs. Apparently, the same period extended to Galicia, and later descriptions of ‘warm fauna’ in Ukraine are known for the period of the 1920–1930s and the modern period (1990–2020). The phenomenon of constant cycle of fauna and its regular changes due to climate fluctuations is considered.
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Kulesha, Nadiia. "“Ukrayinskyi Prapor” (1923—1932s): the Berlin period of the newspaper of the President of the Ukrainian National Council." Proceedings of Research and Scientific Institute for Periodicals, no. 9(27) (2019): 13–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.37222/2524-0331-2019-9(27)-2.
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The centenary of the Ukrainian Revolution (1917―1921s) made relevant the interest to the developments and the personalities of that time, specifically, to the personality of the President of the ZUNR, Petrushevych, Yevhen. The newspaper «Ukrayinskyi Prapor» founded in 1919 in Vienna, throughout its existence, was considered as an official print organ of the Dictator (i.e., Y. Petrushevych). The Vienna period of this publication lasted from August 1919 to mid-November 1923. From the end of November 1923 till April 1932, the paper was published in the capital of the Weimar Republic, Berlin. It was the only newspaper of the Ukrainian emigration published for the longest time in interwar Germany. It was an example of a socio-political periodical. There collaborated outstanding editors and publicists. The pages of this paper record the history of the diplomatic struggle of the West Ukrainian foreign representatives for the liberation of the Eastern Galicia from the protectorate of Poland and the restoration of Ukrainian statehood. Its materials documented the course of the occupation of the Eastern Galicia by Poland and the process of «Polonization» of the Ukrainian population of that region. The article explores the Berlin period of existence of the magazine. Specifically, it studies the changes in the ideological line of the magazine, more specifically, its pro-Soviet editorial orientation because of the illusions about the transformation of the national policy of the Soviet rule in Ukraine, especially during the period of Ukrainization. Then the traditional headings of the magazine were joined by the publications with positive coverage of the flourishing Ukrainianization in Soviet Ukraine. The newspaper also actively reacted to the SVU (Union for Liberation of Ukraine) trial in Kharkiv, justifying the position of the Soviet authorities. The paper’s editorial staff were well-known figures of Ukrainian politics, science, and culture: Yu. Bachynsky, O. Hrytsai, A. Zhuk, M. Lozynsky, R. Perfetsky, and others. They provided a high level of editorial content with high-quality, multifaceted texts. We conclude that in terms of the editorial content and formal aspects, the newspaper «Ukrayinskyi Prapor» matched the standards of the European mainstream press of that time.
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VOITIV, Hanna. "Portrait of a specific place and time: from the diary entries of 1939 by Olha Dolhun." Ukraine-Poland: Historical Heritage and Public Consciousness 12 (2019): 165–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/up.2019-12-165-193.
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Is submitted the part of the diary Olha Dolhun (Hryniuk) (1914–1997), who lived in the Sokal city, located in the north of Lviv oblast on the border with Volyn. She was educated at the Teachers Seminary in Sokal. Her diary is a kind of private and public coverage of Sokal in 1939 against the backdrop of a major global shift ‑ the outbreak of World War II. The first entry in the diary was made on March 17, 1939, and the last ‑ on October 17. During this time, took place the proclamation of the Carpathian Ukraine, the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, the invasion the Hitler's Germany and the Soviet Union to Poland and the Soviet annexation of Eastern Galicia. The author has shown a remarkable ability to correctly evaluate events, determine in them the place of their nation and own place. Has been published the part of the diary, with separate fragments from August 24 (information about the signing of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact) to the beginning of October (the author's first impressions about the new Soviet regime). In addition to global issues, the author draws attention to everyday life, social life, pre-war moods, national-patriotic orientation of Ukrainian youth. The diary is densely «populated» with multitude of Sokal people's names. The diary of Olha Dolhun, along with other examples of literature of this genre, make history alive, contribute to a deeper acquaintance of contemporary Ukrainians with the socio-cultural type of Galicia before and during the outbreak of World War II. Keywords Olha Dolhun, Sokal, Poland, Germany, Soviet Union, occupation.
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Chedoluma, Illia. "Images and Representations of the Rudnytskyi Family: The Case of Ukrainians in Galicia Between the Wars." Scripta Judaica Cracoviensia 18 (2021): 49–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20843925sj.20.004.13872.
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Caricature journals in the interwar period had a special genre niche, giving the masses, through funny cartoons, a simplified understanding of internal and external political processes. Zyz and Komar were the largest Ukrainian satirical humor journals in interwar Galicia. They mainly covered the internal political life in the Second Polish Republic and international relationships. These journals are primarily intended for people from the countryside, and the editors and owners of these journals used anti-Semitism for the political mobilization of the rural population. I use elements of Serge Moscovici’s theory of social representations to track these processes. A key aspect here is how the image of the Rudnytskyi family was shaped on the pages of these journals. The family was of mixed Ukrainian-Jewish origins, and its members became prominent figures in various spheres of Ukrainian social and political life in interwar Galician Ukrainian society (in politics, literature, music, and the women’s movement). The behavior of the Rudnytskyi family was explained to the readers through their Jewish origins. Zyz and Komar both created an image of the Rudnytskyis as an integral Jewish group occupying different spheres of Ukrainian life. The study of visual caricature images thus enables us to explore the channels of the formation and spread of anti-Semitic images of Jews and the use of the image of “the Jew” in the Galician Ukrainian society in interwar Poland.
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POTULNYTSKYI, Volodymyr, and Heorhii POTULNYTSKYI. "Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in the Context of Its Historical Relations with Ukraine in Omeljan Pritsak's Academic Research." Ukraine-Poland: Historical Heritage and Public Consciousness 12 (2019): 151–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/up.2019-12-151-164.
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Analyzing the creative heritage by Omeljan Pritsak on the history of Poland, the authors concludes that the historian began to explore the issues of medieval and early New Poland as early as in the pre-war period, the earliest period of his formation as a scholar, and continued into his American and Ukrainian periods. Based on the number of archival documents and printed works, the authors of the article claims that while in his pre-war period the scholar was engaged in debunking the mythical legends existing in Polish historiography about Hetman Ivan Mazepa and wrote several reviews on the works by Polish historians, in his American period, the scholar wrote a range of papers of historiosophic character. Pritsak concludes that these were the Lithuanians who caused the changes in the leadership elite and the interruption in the historical tradition of Ukraine, and that with the transition of Ukrainian lands from Lithuania to Poland, for the first time since the Kyiv period, Ukrainian territory began to produce its own, conscious political rights and privileges. It was during the Polish times, according to Pritsak, that a new political phenomenon, namely the homeland of Rus, began to emerge. Demythologizing the myths about the destructive nature of the Mongols and the Ukrainian character of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, Pritsak characterizes the Ukrainian "registry" Cossacks as a new type of Ukrainian elite. In his lectures written in the American period, the scholar constructs a historiosophical synthesis of syllabic ties in the context of exploring the role played by Poland in Eastern Europe and examines the peculiarities of the economic and socio- political situation of the Ukrainian lands under the Polish domination. In this respect, he estimates the special significance that such phenomena as reformation, counter-reformation, mercantilism, the Magdeburg law, and the creation of Polish literary poetry by Mikołaj Rej and Jan Kochanowski had for the Polish literary language. In his Ukrainian period, Pritsak supplemented Harvard lectures with new material and visions of the Commonwealth in the context of its relations with Ukraine. It substantiates four major groups of problems that caused the fall of the Commonwealth as a state and emphasizes the special role of counter-reformation and the Jesuits, as well as the manorial economy with special functions of magnates and Jews, which, in his opinion, eventually caused the uprising led by Bohdan Khmelnytsky. Thus, Pritsak examined the history of Poland and the Polish people during three periods of his life: pre-war, American and Ukrainian. The subjects he touched upon in the articles differed, since the scholar set various goals in different periods. It is important to emphasize that almost all research papers on the history of Poland were not conducted by the historian outside the Ukrainian context. Pritsak’s historiosophic vision of the key problems of the history of the old Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and of modern Poland is an important contribution to the study of the essential aspects of the common subjects of the Polish and Ukrainian history in Eastern Europe. Keywords research heritage, main trends of research activity, Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, the myths of Polish historiography, historiosophical synthesis, syllabic ties, mutual relations.
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Teller, Adam. "Hasidism and the Challenge of Geography: The Polish Background to the Spread of the Hasidic Movement." AJS Review 30, no. 1 (April 2006): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009406000018.
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One of the most significant phenomena in the course of modern Jewish history is undoubtedly the astonishing success of the hasidic movement in winning and retaining large numbers of followers. What is even more remarkable is that this process took a relatively short time to come to fruition: It is widely agreed that at the death of the Ba‘al Shem Tov (who is often still regarded as the founder of the movement) in 1760, his circle numbered no more than a few dozen initiates, but by the 1820s, the movement had become dominant in the Jewish society of large swathes of eastern Europe, particularly Ukraine and Galicia.1 Many different explanations for this success have been proposed: Hasidism's attraction has been variously perceived as a result of its being a movement of religious revival and reform, a movement of social protest and class struggle, a movement popularizing elite Jewish mystical thought, and a movement of social reconstruction.2 In terms of social structure, all scholars agree that Hasidism's main innovation—and a major factor in its success—was the creation of the figure of the zaddik: a charismatic spiritual leader who acts as an intermediary between the individual hasid and God and provides answers to all problems, whether they are spiritual or earthly.3 However, relatively little attention has been paid to the social organization of the early hasidic movement as a whole, which allowed Jews from all over eastern Europe to find their place and nurture their new identity as hasidim.4 My goal here is to examine the development of Hasidism as a social movement from the perspective of the structures that it created to solidify the bond between the zaddik and the hasid. In particular, I shall focus on the ways in which the new movement overcame the geographic barriers separating Jews in different parts of eastern Europe.
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Makar, Vitaliy, Yuriy Makar, Vitaly Semenko, and Andriy Stetsyuk. "Events in Ukraine 1914–1922 Their Importance and Historical Background (Part 2)." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 40 (December 15, 2019): 207–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2019.40.207-243.
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The editorial board continues to publish the most significant documents, which characterize the status and progress of the Ukrainian national liberation movement, its vision in other countries in the early 20th century. The documents from the first book «Events in Ukraine 1914–1922 their importance and historical background» were published in Volume 39 of the Scientific journal. We publish the papers from the second book in current volume. We have selected 10 documents that chronologically cover the period from January 17 to May 9, 1918, and reproduce the vision of the Ukrainian problem by the ruling circles of Austro-Hungarian Empire and Germany, as well as the efforts of Ukrainian public-political figures aimed at the election of Ukraineʼs independence, reproduce the atmosphere of negotiations in Brest-Litovsk. The Austrian drafts of the imperial manifesto on the occasion of the peace treaty with Ukraine and the protocols of meetings of the German, Austrian and Ukrainian delegations during the preparation of the peace treaty are presented as the first 4 documents. The text of the Brest-Litovsk Peace Treaty signed on 9February, 1918 is the fifth document. The following five documents characterize the attitude of Soviet Russia and Poland to the provisions of the Treaty, as well as Germany’s attitude to the state affiliation of the Kholmshchyna. These documents will be useful for both students and researchers of international relations and history of Ukraine in the early 20th century. Whereas we have selected documents from different parts of the book, we stored their serial numbers. Page numbers are shown in square brackets after the text. The language, style of the headings and captions, cursive and text selection are all preserved. Also, for convenience of possible use by interested persons, we submit to them a list of abbreviations from the second book in the original.
Keywords: Austro-Hungarian Empire, Brest-Litovsk peace treaty, Galicia, Germany, Ukraine, The Ukrainian Peopleʼs Republic, Ukrainian national movement, Ukrainians, Kholmshchyna.
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KÜHNE, THOMAS. "Great Men and Large Numbers: Undertheorising a History of Mass Killing." Contemporary European History 21, no. 2 (March 29, 2012): 133–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777312000070.
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Scholarship is not only about gaining new insights or establishing accurate knowledge but also about struggling for political impact and for market shares – shares of public or private funds, of academic jobs, of quotations by peers, and of media performances. Timothy Snyder's Bloodlands fights for recentring contemporary European history.1 No longer, his new book implies, should the centre of that history be Germany, which initiated two world wars and engaged with three genocides; even less should the centre be Western Europe, which historians for long have glorified as the trendsetter of modernity; and the Soviet Union, or Russia, does not qualify as ‘centre’ anyway. Introducing ‘to European history its central event’ (p. 380) means to focus on the eastern territories of Europe, the lands between Germany and Russia, which, according to Snyder, suffered more than any other part from systematic, politically motivated, mass murder in the twentieth century. The superior victimhood of the ‘bloodlands’ is a numerical one. Fourteen million people, Jewish and non-Jewish, in the territories of what is today most of Poland, the Ukraine, Belarus, western Russia, and the Baltic States did not become just casualties of war but victims of deliberate mass murder. Indeed, this is ‘a very large number’ (p. 411), one that stands many comparisons: ten million people perished in Soviet and German concentration camps (as opposed to the Nazi death camps, which were located within the ‘bloodlands’), 165,000 German Jews died during the Holocaust (p. ix), and even the number of war casualties most single countries or territories counted in the Second World War was smaller.
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Wróbel, Piotr. "Polish-Ukrainian Relations during World War II." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 26, no. 1 (January 18, 2012): 213–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325411398910.
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After the fall of communism in 1989–1991, Poland and Ukraine could have become partners in international, economic, and cultural fields. Yet despite many positive achievements, the contemporary Polish-Ukrainian cooperation did not fully develop. Among many reasons that slow down the Polish-Ukrainian rapprochement, historical memories seem to be especially detrimental. The remembrances of World War II are the most destructive. Both Poles and Ukrainians understand that the only way to change this situation is to study and discuss the common history. A list of works on Polish-Ukrainian relations during World War II is long. Yet most of these publications offer broad pictures and present Polish-Ukrainian relations in general or in particular regions, such as Volhynia (Wołyń) or Eastern Galicia. This microstudy, devoted to the town of Boryslav (Borysław) in the years 1939 to 1945, tries to show how the conflicts were born, how they became embedded in human memory, and, finally, how they were transformed into historical stereotypes. The text concentrates on the crucial moments of World War II in Boryslav and describes how Poles and Ukrainians reacted differently to the consecutive challenges and how these various reactions shaped their relationship. The article ends with a conclusion that the five years of the war tore apart the Poles and Ukrainians of Boryslav and the post-1945 iron Polish-Soviet border divided the both sides and created a situation in which World War II attitudes froze for a long time.
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Briuchowecka, Łarysa. "Польща в українському кіно." Studia Filmoznawcze 37 (September 14, 2016): 25–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/0860-116x.37.5.
Full textAbstract:
POLAND IN UKRAINIAN CINEMAMultinational Ukraine in the time of Ukrainization conducted a policy which was supportive of the national identity, allowed the possibility of the cultural development of, among others, Jews, Crimean Tatars, and Poles. Cinema was exemplary of such policy, in 1925 through to the 1930s a number of films on Jewish and Crimean Tatar topics were released by Odessa and Yalta Film Studios. However, the Polish topic, which enjoyed most attention, was heavily politicized due to tensions between the USSR and the Second Commonwealth of Poland; the Soviet government could not forgive Poland the refusal to follow the Bolshevik path. The Polish topic was particularly painful for the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic due to the fact that the Western fringe of Ukrainian lands became a part of Poland according to the Treaty of Riga which was signed between Poland and Soviet Russia. This explains why Polish society was constantly denounced in the Ukrainian Soviet films The Shadows of Belvedere, 1927, Behind the Wall, 1928. Particular propagandistic significance in this case was allotted to the film PKP Piłsudski Kupyv Petliuru, Piłsudski Bought Petliura, 1926, which showed Poland subverting the stability of the Ukrainian SSR and reconstructed the episode of joint battles of Ukrainians and Poles against the Bolsheviks in the summer of 1920 as well as the Winter Campaign. The episodes of Ukrainian history were also shown on the screen during this favorable for cinema time, particularly in films Zvenyhora 1927 by Oleksandr Dovzhenko and a historical epopee Taras Triasylo 1927. The 1930s totalitarian cinema presented human being as an ideological construct. Dovzhenko strived to oppose this tendency in Shchors 1939 where head of the division Mykola Shchors is shown as a successor of Ivan Bohun, specifically in the scene set in the castle in which he fights with Polish warriors. Dovzhenko was also assigned by Soviet power to document the events of the autumn of 1939, when Soviet troops invaded Poland and annexed Western Ukraine. The episodes of “popular dedications” such as demonstrations, meetings, and elections constituted his journalistic documentary film Liberation 1940. A Russian filmmaker Abram Room while working in Kyiv Film Studios on the film Wind from the East 1941 did not spare on dark tones to denunciate Polish “exploiters” impersonated by countess Janina Pszezynska in her relation to Ukrainian peasant Khoma Habrys. Ihor Savchenko interpreted events of the 17th century according to the topic of that time in his historical film Bohdan Khmelnitsky 1941 where Poles and their acolytes were depicted as cruel and irreconcilable enemies of Ukrainian people both in terms of story and visual language, so that the national liberation war lead by Khmelnytsky appeared as a revenge against the oppressors. The Polish topic virtually disappeared from Ukrainian cinema from the post-war time up until the collapse of the Soviet Union. The minor exclusions from this tendency are Zigmund Kolossovsky, a film about a brave Polish secret service agent shot during the evacuation in 1945 and the later time adaptations of the theatre pieces The Morality of Mrs Dulska 1956 and Cracovians and Highlanders 1976. Filmmakers were able to return to the common Polish-Ukrainian history during the time of independence despite the economic decline of film production. A historical film Bohdan Zinoviy Khmelnitsky by Mykola Mashchenko was released in 2008. It follows the line of interpretation given to Khmelnitsky’s struggle with Polish powers by Norman Davies, according to whom the cause of this appraisal was the peasant fury combined with the actual social, political and religious injustices to Eastern provinces. The film shows how Khmelnitsky was able to win the battles but failed to govern and protect the independence of Hetmanate which he had founded. The tragedies experienced by Poland and Ukraine during the Second World War were shown in a feature film Iron Hundred 2004 by Oles Yanchuk based on the memoirs of Yuri Borets UPA in a Swirl of Struggle as well as in documentaries Bereza Kartuzka 2007, Volyn. The Sign of Disaster 2003 among others.Translated by Larisa Briuchowecka
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Briuchowecka, Łarysa. "Polska w kinie ukraińskim." Studia Filmoznawcze 37 (September 14, 2016): 89–150. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/0860-116x.37.6.
Full textAbstract:
POLAND IN UKRAINIAN CINEMAMultinational Ukraine in the time of Ukrainization conducted a policy which was supportive of the national identity, allowed the possibility of the cultural development of, among others, Jews, Crimean Tatars, and Poles. Cinema was exemplary of such policy, in 1925 through to the 1930s a number of films on Jewish and Crimean Tatar topics were released by Odessa and Yalta Film Studios. However, the Polish topic, which enjoyed most attention, was heavily politicized due to tensions between the USSR and the Second Commonwealth of Poland; the Soviet government could not forgive Poland the refusal to follow the Bolshevik path. The Polish topic was particularly painful for the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic due to the fact that the Western fringe of Ukrainian lands became a part of Poland according to the Treaty of Riga which was signed between Poland and Soviet Russia. This explains why Polish society was constantly denounced in the Ukrainian Soviet films The Shadows of Belvedere, 1927, Behind the Wall, 1928. Particular propagandistic significance in this case was allotted to the film PKP Piłsudski Kupyv Petliuru, Piłsudski Bought Petliura, 1926, which showed Poland subverting the stability of the Ukrainian SSR and reconstructed the episode of joint battles of Ukrainians and Poles against the Bolsheviks in the summer of 1920 as well as the Winter Campaign. The episodes of Ukrainian history were also shown on the screen during this favorable for cinema time, particularly in films Zvenyhora 1927 by Oleksandr Dovzhenko and a historical epopee Taras Triasylo 1927. The 1930s totalitarian cinema presented human being as an ideological construct. Dovzhenko strived to oppose this tendency in Shchors 1939 where head of the division Mykola Shchors is shown as a successor of Ivan Bohun, specifically in the scene set in the castle in which he fights with Polish warriors. Dovzhenko was also assigned by Soviet power to document the events of the autumn of 1939, when Soviet troops invaded Poland and annexed Western Ukraine. The episodes of “popular dedications” such as demonstrations, meetings, and elections constituted his journalistic documentary film Liberation 1940. A Russian filmmaker Abram Room while working in Kyiv Film Studios on the film Wind from the East 1941 did not spare on dark tones to denunciate Polish “exploiters” impersonated by countess Janina Pszezynska in her relation to Ukrainian peasant Khoma Habrys. Ihor Savchenko interpreted events of the 17th century according to the topic of that time in his historical film Bohdan Khmelnitsky 1941 where Poles and their acolytes were depicted as cruel and irreconcilable enemies of Ukrainian people both in terms of story and visual language, so that the national liberation war lead by Khmelnytsky appeared as a revenge against the oppressors. The Polish topic virtually disappeared from Ukrainian cinema from the post-war time up until the collapse of the Soviet Union. The minor exclusions from this tendency are Zigmund Kolossovsky, a film about a brave Polish secret service agent shot during the evacuation in 1945 and the later time adaptations of the theatre pieces The Morality of Mrs Dulska 1956 and Cracovians and Highlanders 1976. Filmmakers were able to return to the common Polish-Ukrainian history during the time of independence despite the economic decline of film production. A historical film Bohdan Zinoviy Khmelnitsky by Mykola Mashchenko was released in 2008. It follows the line of interpretation given to Khmelnitsky’s struggle with Polish powers by Norman Davies, according to whom the cause of this appraisal was the peasant fury combined with the actual social, political and religious injustices to Eastern provinces. The film shows how Khmelnitsky was able to win the battles but failed to govern and protect the independence of Hetmanate which he had founded. The tragedies experienced by Poland and Ukraine during the Second World War were shown in a feature film Iron Hundred 2004 by Oles Yanchuk based on the memoirs of Yuri Borets UPA in a Swirl of Struggle as well as in documentaries Bereza Kartuzka 2007, Volyn. The Sign of Disaster 2003 among others.Translated by Larisa Briuchowecka
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R.S., Melnyk. "THE TERM “WESTERN UKRAINE” AND ITS “NATIONALIZING” FUNCTION IN THE DISCOURSE OF THE NEWSPAPER “DILO” (1923–1939)." South Archive (Historical Sciences), no. 36 (February 18, 2022): 11–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.32999/ksu2786-5118/2021-36-2.
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The purpose of this article is to investigate the use of the term “Western Ukraine” / “Western Ukrainian lands” as a “basic/key concept” in the discourse of Lviv’s newspaper “Dilo” and the environment of the Ukrainian National Democratic Union (UNDO) in 1923–1939.The study applies the methodology of “conceptual history” (Begriffsgeschichte) according to R. Koselleck and J. Ifversen. The article focuses on a specific aspect of the use of this term, namely its “nationalizing” function in the context of relations with the Polish state. For a broader comparative context, the article also briefly describes Ukrainian nationalistic, Polish, and Soviet discourses, as well as transcripts of sessions of the Sejm of the Polish Republic.The article shows that after the Entente Council of Ambassadors’ decision of 1923 to recognize the sovereignty of the Second Polish Republic over Eastern Galicia, the term “Western Ukraine” acquired a new geographical meaning in Ukrainian national and Soviet discourses, denoting the territory of all Ukrainian lands in Poland. Simultaneously, with the postulate of “autonomy of the western Ukrainian lands”, this term regained its political tone.The article shows that the term “Western Ukrainian lands” was used to emphasize the national character of the Ukrainian territories of Poland, to oppose it to the policy of the Polish state, and to connect this area with Greater / Soviet Ukraine.Because of such political connotation, this term provoked a sharp controversy between the Ukrainian and Polish discourses, in particular within the parliament. At the same time, with the change of political orientation in the 1930s, the use of the term “Western Ukrainian lands” in the political declarations of the UNDO and “Dilo” gradually decreased.The study concludes that the term “Western Ukrainian lands” became a “basic / key” concept in the interwar Ukrainian discourse and contained certain political connotations. This term’s “nationalizing” function and its sharp discursive role have led to the gradual refusal of its use at the highest political level.Key words: Western Ukraine, UNDO, Dilo newspaper, Second Polish Republic, interwar period, conceptual history. Метою цієї статті є дослідити вживання терміна «Західна Україна» / «західноукраїнські землі» як «базового/ключового поняття» у дискурсі львівської газети «Діло» та середовища Українського національно-демократич-ного об’єднання (УНДО) у 1923–1939 рр.У статті застосовано методологію «історії понять» (conceptual history / Begriffsgeschichte) за Р. Козелеком та Я. Іфверсеном. Стаття зосереджується на конкретному аспекті вживання цього терміна, а саме його «націоналізуючої» функції в контексті відносин із польською державою. Для ширшого порівняльного контексту у статті коротко залучено також український націоналістичний, польський та радянський дискурси, а також застосовано стенограми засідань Сейму Польської республіки.Стаття демонструє, що після рішення Ради послів Антанти про визнання суверенітету Польської республіки над Східною Галичиною в 1923 р. термін «Західна Україна» в українському національному, а також радянському, дискурсах набув нового географічного наповнення, позначаючи простір всіх українських земель Польщі. Водночас із висуненням постулату про «автономію західноукраїнських земель» цей термін знову набув політичного звучання.У статті показано, що поняття «західноукраїнські землі» використовували з метою підкреслити національний характер українських територій Польщі, протиставити його політиці польської держави та пов’язати цей простір із Великою/Радянською Україною. Через таке змістове наповнення цей термін викликав гостру полеміку між українським та польським дискурсами, зокрема в стінах парламенту. Водночас зі зміною політичних орієнтацій у 1930-х рр. використання поняття «західноукраїнські землі» у політичних деклараціях УНДО та «Діла» поступово зменшувалось.Дослідження доходить висновку, що термін «західноукраїнські землі» став «базовим/ключовим» поняттям в міжвоєнному українському дискурсі і ніс певні політичні конотації. Саме ця його «націоналізуюча» функція та спричинена нею гостра дискурсивна роль цього терміна стала причиною поступової відмови від його використання на вищому політичному рівні.Ключові слова: Західна Україна, УНДО, газета «Діло», Польська республіка, міжвоєнний період, історія понять.
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Bryzhuk, A. "EVERYDAY LIFE OF VOLYN JEWS IN THE INTERWAR PERIOD (ACCORDING TO THE HOLOCAUST MEMORIAL MUSEUM IN THE USA)." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 147 (2020): 14–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2020.147.2.
Full textAbstract:
The interview is an important historical source of studying the problematic issues of the history of Ukraine in the XX century. The interview has a lot of factual materials, interpretations, impressions, observations, and development of the interviewees about the described events. Between the two world wars, Western Volhynia remained a part of Poland. About 10% of its population was Jews. This article examines historical evidence of the life of the Jewish population in the cities of Volhynian Voivodeship in the interwar period from the collection of the US Holocaust Memorial Museum (USHMM). USHMM documents, studies, and interprets the history of the Holocaust. The mission of the museum, due to the museum's strategy, is to help citizens of the world to fight hatred, to prevent genocide, to promote human dignity and to strengthen democracy. Interviews from the USHMM collection are semi-structured and focused, thus aimed at studying a person’s "experience" of individual historical divisions and situations that arose. The examined memoirs show the construction and spread of Jewish public cities of Volhynian Voivodeship, which was inhabited by about two-thirds of their inhabitants. Education issues are most often addressed to in interviews for those reasons that the interwar period lead to the formation and maturation of respondents. The articles describe the construction, professional employment, religious and social life, as well as the perception of urban space. The analysis of memories gives us idea of a young resident of the Jewish community. On average, this was a person from a religious family which had own small business. Such person attended public and religious school, had acquaintances or friends from different ethnic groups, knew several languages and was not interested in politics at all. The material presented in this article represents the experience of Holocaust victims. Attention of the researchers in this group is evidence of one-sidedness — one of the main methodological problems of oral historical research. The exploitation of traumatic experience in this article is changed due to the chronological limits of the interwar period. Despite the above problem of oral historical research, methods permit us to add some kind of personal to the general narrative.
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Горбач, Наталія. "ПЕРСОНАЛІЇ І ПРОСТІР ПАМ’ЯТІ ПРО ГОЛОКОСТ У СУЧАСНІЙ УКРАЇНСЬКІЙ ЛІТЕРАТУРІ." Pomiędzy. Polonistyczno-Ukrainoznawcze Studia Naukowe 4, no. 1 (2022): 59–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppusn.2022.01.05.
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The Holocaust theme was concealed and falsified for a long time because of non-literary reasons. Therefore, only when our country got its independence, a lot of aspects became clarified – especially the increasing of geographical markers of the Shoah, the aspect of memory and traumas of its victims and witnesses, the aspects of a woman history of the Holocaust etc. One of actual problems of nowadays is the problem of personalization of the Holocaust history with including the names of victims, saved and saviors for extending the space of memory about the tragedy of European Jews in the times of WWII. Literature, as well as historical science and commemorative practices, actively participates in this. The object of our attention in the following article is modern Ukrainian prose – novels “Sonya” (2013) by K. Babkina, “Me, You, And Our Drawn And Undrawn God” (2016) by T. Pakhomova, “A Story Worthy of a Whole Apple Orchard” (2017) by M. Dupeshko, “The Beech Land” (2019) by M. Matios. The aim of investigation is the characters of victims and saviors who have real prototypes: an icon of the Holocaust in Poland and Liublin, 9-years-old Henio (Henryk Zhytomirski), Righteous Among the Nations Maria and Stepan Vrublevski (Maria and Stepan Sichevliuk-Vrublevski), the Chernivtsi poet Selma Meerbaum- Eisinger, the mayor of Chernivtsi Traian Popovici, the diplomats Grzegorz Szymonowicz and Fritz Schellhorn. Implementation the life stories of real personalities into fictional form leads to expanding the memory about the Holocaust in Ukraine, and it’s also a way of creating a modern culture of memory, that is particularly important in a context of the international tendencies of finding the common understanding through awareness of a personal responsibility of others’ lives, and non-admission of repeating the tragic pages of the XX ct. history, one of those was the Holocaust. Since the long-term silence of the traumatic experience of the Holocaust victims didn’t create an intergenerational connection in the process of transmitting the memory of the Holocaust, modern literature, with its artistic construction of the past, becomes not only a tool for spreading knowledge about the Shoah, but also a way of creating the cultural memory about this tragedy. The prospect of further research of the following aspect is seen in a deep analysis of new examples of both Ukrainian and translated literature, including novels written by authors that are biographically related to Ukraine.
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Holc, Janine P. "Working through Jan Gross'sNeighbors." Slavic Review 61, no. 3 (2002): 453–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3090294.
Full textAbstract:
In this forum onNeighborsby Jan T. Gross (Princeton, 2001), four scholars respond to the book and to the issues of evidence, causality, and interpretation that it raises. Janine P. Holc summarizes the contents and the book's approach and explores the roles of individual choice, on the one hand, and ethnic identity categories, on the other, in Gross's presentation of the causes of the massacre of the Jewish residents of Jedwabne by their non-Jewish neighbors. She argues for an approach to readingNeighborsthat links the emotive mode in which some of the narrative is expressed to a productive engagement with traumatic or violent historical episodes. This type of history resists finality and closure and creates an avenue for active engagement by members of ethnic (or other) communities with violent and traumatic pasts. Wojciech Roszkowski discusses three aspects of the debate onNeighborsin Poland: the credibility of the book, the facts of 10 July 1941 and their moral meaning, and the representativeness of the Jedwabne case and the question of “innocence” or “guilt” of nations. While arguing that the credibility ofNeighborsis low and that Gross's thesis that “one half of the Jedwabne inhabitants killed the other half” has not been proven, he writes that it is impossible to deny Polish participation in the massacre. Yet, as with other documented cases of Polish wartime evildoing, it is unfair to blow this incident out of proportion and produce unwarranted generalizations. Past and present realities are always more complicated than simple stereotypes that “Poles” or “Jews” are to blame or that they have always been innocent. William W. Hagen argues that Gross vacillates between a robust positivism promising that “a reconstruction” of “what actually took place” is possible, such that guilt and motive may confidently be assigned, and an interpretive pessimism suggesting that “we will never 'understand' why it happened.” In his assignment of causality, Gross offers a largely unconnected, in part inferential or speculative, array of determinants and motives. Although some ofthecauses Gross adduces are certainly persuasive, his analysis does not address the Jedwabne perpetrators' and witnesses' perception of the cultural meaning of the inhuman violence their Jewish neighbors were suffering. Hagen offers some suggestive historical evidence on the Poles' subjective response to the Jewish genocide and to their own wartime fate, arguing that the Jedwabne Poles' participation in the mass murder of the Jews must be conceived as a response, mediated by the penetration of ideological anti-Semitism into the countryside, to profound anxiety over the individual and social death menacing Polish identity under Soviet and Nazi occupation. Norman M. Naimark argues that the appearance of Gross'sNeighborshas created an entirely new dimension to the historiography of World War II in Poland. The book demonstrated, as has no other work, the extent to which the Poles were directly involved in the genocide of the Jews. The clarity and force of Gross's presentation provides Polish historiography with an unprecedented opportunity “to come to terms with the past.” The essay also suggests that the Jedwabne massacre needs to be looked at in the context of overall German policy “in the east” and in comparison to similar horrors taking place roughly at the same time in Lithuania, Ukraine, Belarus, and Latvia. The Nazis intentionally (and surreptitiously) sought to incite pogroms in the region, filming and photographing the horrific events for audiences back home. Their own propaganda about the “Jewish-Bolshevik” menace both prompted and was ostensibly confirmed by the pogroms. In his response, Jan T. Gross replies to Roszkowski's criticism concerning historical credibility.
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Roszkowski, Wojciech. "After Neighbors: Seeking Universal Standards." Slavic Review 61, no. 3 (2002): 460–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3090295.
Full textAbstract:
In this forum on Neighbors by Jan T. Gross (Princeton, 2001), four scholars respond to the book and to the issues of evidence, causality, and interpretation that it raises. Janine P. Holc summarizes the contents and the book's approach and explores the roles of individual choice, on the one hand, and ethnic identity categories, on the other, in Gross's presentation of the causes of the massacre of the Jewish residents of Jedwabne by their non-Jewish neighbors. She argues for an approach to reading Neighbors that links the emotive mode in which some of the narrative is expressed to a productive engagement with traumatic or violent historical episodes. This type of history resists finality and closure and creates an avenue for active engagement by members of ethnic (or other) communities with violent and traumatic pasts. Wojciech Roszkowski discusses three aspects of the debate on Neighbors in Poland: the credibility of the book, the facts of 10 July 1941 and their moral meaning, and the representativeness of the Jedwabne case and the question of “innocence” or “guilt” of nations. While arguing that the credibility of Neighbors is low and that Gross's thesis that “one half of the Jedwabne inhabitants killed the other half” has not been proven, he writes that it is impossible to deny Polish participation in the massacre. Yet, as with other documented cases of Polish wartime evildoing, it is unfair to blow this incident out of proportion and produce unwarranted generalizations. Past and present realities are always more complicated than simple stereotypes that “Poles” or “Jews” are to blame or that they have always been innocent. William W. Hagen argues that Gross vacillates between a robust positivism promising that “a reconstruction” of “what actually took place” is possible, such that guilt and motive may confidently be assigned, and an interpretive pessimism suggesting that “we will never 'understand' why it happened.” In his assignment of causality, Gross offers a largely unconnected, in part inferential or speculative, array of determinants and motives. Although some of the causes Gross adduces are certainly persuasive, his analysis does not address the Jedwabne perpetrators' and witnesses' perception of the cultural meaning of the inhuman violence their Jewish neighbors were suffering. Hagen offers some suggestive historical evidence on the Poles' subjective response to the Jewish genocide and to their own wartime fate, arguing that the Jedwabne Poles' participation in the mass murder of the Jews must be conceived as a response, mediated by the penetration of ideological anti-Semitism into the countryside, to profound anxiety over the individual and social death menacing Polish identity under Soviet and Nazi occupation. Norman M. Naimark argues that the appearance of Gross's Neighbors has created an entirely new dimension to the historiography of World War II in Poland. The book demonstrated, as has no other work, the extent to which the Poles were directly involved in the genocide of the Jews. The clarity and force of Gross's presentation provides Polish historiography with an unprecedented opportunity “to come to terms with the past.” The essay also suggests that the Jedwabne massacre needs to be looked at in the context of overall German policy “in the east” and in comparison to similar horrors taking place roughly at the same time in Lithuania, Ukraine, Belarus, and Latvia. The Nazis intentionally (and surreptitiously) sought to incite pogroms in the region, filming and photographing the horrific events for audiences back home. Their own propaganda about the “Jewish-Bolshevik” menace both prompted and was ostensibly confirmed by the pogroms. In his response, Jan T. Gross replies to Roszkowski's criticism concerning historical credibility.
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Hagen, William W. "A “Potent, Devilish Mixture” of Motives: Explanatory Strategy and Assignment of Meaning in Jan Gross'sNeighbors." Slavic Review 61, no. 3 (2002): 466–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3090296.
Full textAbstract:
In this forum onNeighborsby Jan T. Gross (Princeton, 2001), four scholars respond to the book and to the issues of evidence, causality, and interpretation that it raises. Janine P. Holc summarizes the contents and the book's approach and explores the roles of individual choice, on the one hand, and ethnic identity categories, on the other, in Gross's presentation of the causes of the massacre of the Jewish residents of Jedwabne by their non-Jewish neighbors. She argues for an approach to readingNeighborsthat links the emotive mode in which some of the narrative is expressed to a productive engagement with traumatic or violent historical episodes. This type of history resists finality and closure and creates an avenue for active engagement by members of ethnic (or other) communities with violent and traumatic pasts. Wojciech Roszkowski discusses three aspects of the debate onNeighborsin Poland: the credibility of the book, the facts of 10 July 1941 and their moral meaning, and the representativeness of the Jedwabne case and the question of “innocence” or “guilt” of nations. While arguing that the credibility ofNeighborsis low and that Gross's thesis that “one half of the Jedwabne inhabitants killed the other half” has not been proven, he writes that it is impossible to deny Polish participation in the massacre. Yet, as with other documented cases of Polish wartime evildoing, it is unfair to blow this incident out of proportion and produce unwarranted generalizations. Past and present realities are always more complicated than simple stereotypes that “Poles” or “Jews” are to blame or that they have always been innocent. William W. Hagen argues that Gross vacillates between a robust positivism promising that “a reconstruction” of “what actually took place” is possible, such that guilt and motive may confidently be assigned, and an interpretive pessimism suggesting that “we will never 'understand' why it happened.” In his assignment of causality, Gross offers a largely unconnected, in part inferential or speculative, array of determinants and motives. Although some ofthecauses Gross adduces are certainly persuasive, his analysis does not address the Jedwabne perpetrators' and witnesses' perception of the cultural meaning of the inhuman violence their Jewish neighbors were suffering. Hagen offers some suggestive historical evidence on the Poles' subjective response to the Jewish genocide and to their own wartime fate, arguing that the Jedwabne Poles' participation in the mass murder of the Jews must be conceived as a response, mediated by the penetration of ideological anti-Semitism into the countryside, to profound anxiety over the individual and social death menacing Polish identity under Soviet and Nazi occupation. Norman M. Naimark argues that the appearance of Gross'sNeighborshas created an entirely new dimension to the historiography of World War II in Poland. The book demonstrated, as has no other work, the extent to which the Poles were directly involved in the genocide of the Jews. The clarity and force of Gross's presentation provides Polish historiography with an unprecedented opportunity “to come to terms with the past.” The essay also suggests that the Jedwabne massacre needs to be looked at in the context of overall German policy “in the east” and in comparison to similar horrors taking place roughly at the same time in Lithuania, Ukraine, Belarus, and Latvia. The Nazis intentionally (and surreptitiously) sought to incite pogroms in the region, filming and photographing the horrific events for audiences back home. Their own propaganda about the “Jewish-Bolshevik” menace both prompted and was ostensibly confirmed by the pogroms. In his response, Jan T. Gross replies to Roszkowski's criticism concerning historical credibility.
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Naimark, Norman M. "The Nazis and “The East”: Jedwabne's Circle of Hell." Slavic Review 61, no. 3 (2002): 476–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3090297.
Full textAbstract:
In this forum onNeighborsby Jan T. Gross (Princeton, 2001), four scholars respond to the book and to the issues of evidence, causality, and interpretation that it raises. Janine P. Holc summarizes the contents and the book's approach and explores the roles of individual choice, on the one hand, and ethnic identity categories, on the other, in Gross's presentation of the causes of the massacre of the Jewish residents of Jedwabne by their non-Jewish neighbors. She argues for an approach to readingNeighborsthat links the emotive mode in which some of the narrative is expressed to a productive engagement with traumatic or violent historical episodes. This type of history resists finality and closure and creates an avenue for active engagement by members of ethnic (or other) communities with violent and traumatic pasts. Wojciech Roszkowski discusses three aspects of the debate onNeighborsin Poland: the credibility of the book, the facts of 10 July 1941 and their moral meaning, and the representativeness of the Jedwabne case and the question of “innocence” or “guilt” of nations. While arguing that the credibility ofNeighborsis low and that Gross's thesis that “one half of the Jedwabne inhabitants killed the other half” has not been proven, he writes that it is impossible to deny Polish participation in the massacre. Yet, as with other documented cases of Polish wartime evildoing, it is unfair to blow this incident out of proportion and produce unwarranted generalizations. Past and present realities are always more complicated than simple stereotypes that “Poles” or “Jews” are to blame or that they have always been innocent. William W. Hagen argues that Gross vacillates between a robust positivism promising that “a reconstruction” of “what actually took place” is possible, such that guilt and motive may confidently be assigned, and an interpretive pessimism suggesting that “we will never 'understand' why it happened.” In his assignment of causality, Gross offers a largely unconnected, in part inferential or speculative, array of determinants and motives. Although some ofthecauses Gross adduces are certainly persuasive, his analysis does not address the Jedwabne perpetrators' and witnesses' perception of the cultural meaning of the inhuman violence their Jewish neighbors were suffering. Hagen offers some suggestive historical evidence on the Poles' subjective response to the Jewish genocide and to their own wartime fate, arguing that the Jedwabne Poles' participation in the mass murder of the Jews must be conceived as a response, mediated by the penetration of ideological anti-Semitism into the countryside, to profound anxiety over the individual and social death menacing Polish identity under Soviet and Nazi occupation. Norman M. Naimark argues that the appearance of Gross'sNeighborshas created an entirely new dimension to the historiography of World War II in Poland. The book demonstrated, as has no other work, the extent to which the Poles were directly involved in the genocide of the Jews. The clarity and force of Gross's presentation provides Polish historiography with an unprecedented opportunity “to come to terms with the past.” The essay also suggests that the Jedwabne massacre needs to be looked at in the context of overall German policy “in the east” and in comparison to similar horrors taking place roughly at the same time in Lithuania, Ukraine, Belarus, and Latvia. The Nazis intentionally (and surreptitiously) sought to incite pogroms in the region, filming and photographing the horrific events for audiences back home. Their own propaganda about the “Jewish-Bolshevik” menace both prompted and was ostensibly confirmed by the pogroms. In his response, Jan T. Gross replies to Roszkowski's criticism concerning historical credibility.
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Gross, Jan T. "A Response." Slavic Review 61, no. 3 (2002): 483–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3090298.
Full textAbstract:
In this forum on Neighbors by Jan T. Gross (Princeton, 2001), four scholars respond to the book and to the issues of evidence, causality, and interpretation that it raises. Janine P. Holc summarizes the contents and the book's approach and explores the roles of individual choice, on the one hand, and ethnic identity categories, on the other, in Gross's presentation of the causes of the massacre of the Jewish residents of Jedwabne by their non-Jewish neighbors. She argues for an approach to reading Neighbors that links the emotive mode in which some of the narrative is expressed to a productive engagement with traumatic or violent historical episodes. This type of history resists finality and closure and creates an avenue for active engagement by members of ethnic (or other) communities with violent and traumatic pasts. Wojciech Roszkowski discusses three aspects of the debate on Neighbors in Poland: the credibility of the book, the facts of 10 July 1941 and their moral meaning, and the representativeness of the Jedwabne case and the question of “innocence” or “guilt” of nations. While arguing that the credibility of Neighbors is low and that Gross's thesis that “one half of the Jedwabne inhabitants killed the other half” has not been proven, he writes that it is impossible to deny Polish participation in the massacre. Yet, as with other documented cases of Polish wartime evildoing, it is unfair to blow this incident out of proportion and produce unwarranted generalizations. Past and present realities are always more complicated than simple stereotypes that “Poles” or “Jews” are to blame or that they have always been innocent. William W. Hagen argues that Gross vacillates between a robust positivism promising that “a reconstruction” of “what actually took place” is possible, such that guilt and motive may confidently be assigned, and an interpretive pessimism suggesting that “we will never 'understand' why it happened.” In his assignment of causality, Gross offers a largely unconnected, in part inferential or speculative, array of determinants and motives. Although some of the causes Gross adduces are certainly persuasive, his analysis does not address the Jedwabne perpetrators' and witnesses' perception of the cultural meaning of the inhuman violence their Jewish neighbors were suffering. Hagen offers some suggestive historical evidence on the Poles' subjective response to the Jewish genocide and to their own wartime fate, arguing that the Jedwabne Poles' participation in the mass murder of the Jews must be conceived as a response, mediated by the penetration of ideological anti-Semitism into the countryside, to profound anxiety over the individual and social death menacing Polish identity under Soviet and Nazi occupation. Norman M. Naimark argues that the appearance of Gross's Neighbors has created an entirely new dimension to the historiography of World War II in Poland. The book demonstrated, as has no other work, the extent to which the Poles were directly involved in the genocide of the Jews. The clarity and force of Gross's presentation provides Polish historiography with an unprecedented opportunity “to come to terms with the past.” The essay also suggests that the Jedwabne massacre needs to be looked at in the context of overall German policy “in the east” and in comparison to similar horrors taking place roughly at the same time in Lithuania, Ukraine, Belarus, and Latvia. The Nazis intentionally (and surreptitiously) sought to incite pogroms in the region, filming and photographing the horrific events for audiences back home. Their own propaganda about the “Jewish-Bolshevik” menace both prompted and was ostensibly confirmed by the pogroms. In his response, Jan T. Gross replies to Roszkowski's criticism concerning historical credibility.
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Mikuła, Maciej, and Izabela Wasik. "„Dziedzictwo prawne. Spotkania naukowe”. Sprawozdanie z posiedzeń naukowych w roku akademickim 2020/2021." Krakowskie Studia z Historii Państwa i Prawa 14, no. 4 (December 31, 2021): 611–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20844131ks.21.053.14479.
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“Legal Heritage: Scholarly Meetings.” Report on Scholarly Meetings in the Academic Year 2020/2021 In the academic year 2020/2021 the Jagiellonian University Faculty of Law and Administration initiated a series of scholarly meetings devoted to legal heritage. Nine meetings were held, during which eight papers were presented. They were prepared by the following researchers: Dr. Jakob Maziarz (Department of the History of Polish Law of the Faculty of Law and Administration of the Jagiellonian University) on “The freedom of scientific research, the freedom to use cultural goods and access to archival materials”; Dr. Bohdan Widła (Department of Intellectual Property Law of the Faculty of Law and Administration of the Jagiellonian University) on “Protection of scientific or critical editions and first editions”; Dr. Jan Halberda (Department of the General History of the State and Law of the Faculty of Law and Administration of the Jagiellonian University) on “Estoppel in Anglo-American private law. The Rise of High Trees (1947) as the ‘Precedent’.”; Dr. Mateusz Mataniak (Laboratory of Source Publishing of the Faculty of Law and Administration of the Jagiellonian University) on “Archival materials for history of the Government of Galicia (1854–1914) from the resource of Central State Historical Archives of Ukraine in Lviv. Contribution to research on Polish legal heritage.” Jan Bazyli Klakla (PhD student at the Department of Sociology of Law of the Faculty of Law and Administration and the Institute of Sociology of the Faculty of Philosophy of the Jagiellonian University) on “Is customary law like an onion? A multi-layered approach to customary law and its status in the modern world”; Dr. Hab. Katarzyna Krzysztofek-Strzała (Department of History of Administration and Religious Law, Laboratory of Religious Law and Law on Religious Denominations of the Faculty of Law and Administration of the Jagiellonian University) on “Between the letter of the law and the law in action. Office for Religious Affairs practice towards churches and religious associations”; Dr. Anna Ceglarska (Department of the History of Political and Legal Doctrines of the Faculty of Law and Administration of the Jagiellonian University) on “The concept of the ‘rule of law’ in presocratic Greece”; Prof. Piotr Górecki (University of California, Riverside Department of History) on “The course of events in Polish and German law court trials in medieval Poland. A comparative sketch”.
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Prysyazhnyuk, V. "The history of the treatment of animals in Lviv." Scientific Messenger of LNU of Veterinary Medicine and Biotechnologies 20, no. 92 (December 10, 2018): 55–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.32718/nvlvet9211.
Full textAbstract:
During the XV – first half of the XVII century, Lviv was the artisan, educational and cultural center of Ukraine due to the fact that it stood at the intersection of major European roads and was a well-known market center for sales, exchange and commodity production in Central and Southern Europe. The first schools for the training of medical specialists were family, that is, family schools. Later, the schools became known as workshops. In the 14th century the workshops were independent higher educational institutions and were not part of the universities, even in Europe, as it was regulated by the statutes of universities. Ukrainian workshops later started out academies and universities and had the attributes of higher educational institutions: statute, flag, seal, ciches, icons, which testified the place and importance of the school (shop) in the life of the country. The prince (king) gave the certificate of the opening of the school. The statute of the work shop was extended to members of the association: a student, an apprentice and a master. Workshops statutes were legal documents and often were not changed much for centuries. Medieval archival documents of the XIV – first half of the XVII century (workshops statutes, books on current affairs, books of the city authorities) quite fully reflect the Lviv workshop structure not only quantitatively but also professionally. The two oldest statutes of the blacksmith shop in 1529 and 1558 are stored in the Lviv State Historical Archives. In the future, the blacksmiths-conquerors were engaged in the treatment of not only horses but other animals. Particularly in the fight against poisonous animal diseases, they enriched the experience of medical practice, which was passed on to subsequent generations. However, all of these were educational institutions, in which a small number of qualified medical specialists trained, and the majority of the population and animals were served by healers, bloodshed, blacksmiths, and veterinary doctors. Diagnosis of diseases at that time was based mainly on using only their senses: it was investigated the movement of animals, body temperature, eye color, condition of the tongue, nasal mirror, mouth and nasal cavity, removing sweat, urine, breath, nostrils and so on. In countries that were under the care of Austria, Hungary, Poland and other countries of Western Europe, has acted veterinary service structure of relevant states. Already in the XII – XIII centuries laws have been enacted and the measures were developed, aimed at preventing the emergence and spread of diseases (quarantine disposal of dead animals, compliance with sanitary regulations, etc.). Great attention was paid to protecting people from infectious diseases. Opening of veterinary school and horses forging was the result of the rise of trade and economic, cultural and educational ties in the medieval city, which was contributed to the birth and development of the work shop structure that gave the beginning of a medical case, and later – the birth of veterinary education in Galicia.
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Kravets, Danylo. "JEWISH AND POLISH DISCOURSES AMONG THE UKRAINIAN DIASPORA IN 1940s – 1980s (BASED ON MYKHAYLO DEMKOVYCH-DOBRIANSKYI ARCHIVE)." Naukovì zapiski Nacìonalʹnogo unìversitetu "Ostrozʹka akademìâ". Serìâ Ìstoričnì nauki 1 (December 17, 2020): 157–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.25264/2409-6806-2020-31-157-164.
Full textAbstract:
The paper describes M. Demkovych-Dobrianskyi’s views on Ukrainian-Polish and Ukrainian-Jewish relations in historical perspective and his efforts to reach reconciliation between three nations after World War II. Mykhaylo Demkovych-Dobrianskyi, well-known Ukrainian publicist and historian, edited a few Ukrainian periodicals both in Lviv and during his immigration afterwards. Early in 1930s he published articles in different Western Ukrainian newspapers, in which he underlined the necessity for a constructive dialog with Poles. As a “Problemy” magazine editor in late 1940s, M. Dobrianskyi gave a start to the Ukrainian-Polish discussion in European media. During 1950–1970 he was the editor-in-charge of Ukrainian section of Radio Liberty (Munich). In 1950s he began showing his scientific interest toward the Jewish problematic. M. Dobriansky prepared a manuscript of a monograph research entitled “Jews in Ukraine. 14‒18 century”. The manuscript has never been published. Also the author presented a few articles dedicated to the Jewish-Ukrainian relations and the State of Israel. The interest in the Jewish question and Jewish history was a rare phenomenon among Ukrainian diaspora after World War II and many of M. Dobriansky’s thoughts were confronted by other foreign Ukrainians. During his stay in London M. Dobrianskyi was in contact with famous activists from Poland (A. Hermaszewski, J. Giedroyc, J. Iranek-Ośmiecki etc.) and Polish organizations established in postwar Europe (Eastern Institute “Reduta”, Polish-Ukrainian Society for Promotion of Friendship and Understanding, “Kultura” (Paris-based) magazine etc.). He is also the author of two monograph researches dedicated to Polish-Ukrainian relations “Ukraina i Polska”, “Potocki i Bobrzyński”. In his works M. Dobrianskyi always raised important issues, some of which are still presented in public agenda, especially an idea of Ukrainian-Polish alliance against Russian imperialism.
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Комар, Володимир. "СПІВПРАЦЯ ПОЛЬЩІ І УКРАЇНСЬКОЇ НАРОДНОЇ РЕСПУБЛІКИ У 20-Х РОКАХ ХХ СТОЛІТТЯ." Уманська старовина, no. 9 (December 23, 2022): 39–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.31499/2519-2035.9.2022.269859.
Full textAbstract:
Ключові слова: «Варшавська угода», «Союз Пілсудський–Петлюра», УНР, Симон Петлюра,Юзеф Пілсудський, «Київський похід».
У статті проаналізовано передумови, процес і результати Варшавської угоди 1920 р. між Польщею іУНР, яка в польській історіографії названа «Союзом Пілсудський–Петлюра». Розкрито також зміствійськової конвенції, була підписана 24 квітня 1920 року і стала додатком до самого договору і являла собоютаємну угоду про надання військової та економічної допомоги УНР у спільній війні з Радянською Росією.Продовженням згаданих угод став фінансовий польсько-український договір від 9 серпня 1920 р. Польськавлада виконувала союзницькі обов’язки перед Україною й на міжнародній арені.Правове, політичне, фінансове і дипломатичне забезпечення Варшавського договору, названого пізніше«Союзом Пілсудський–Петлюра», відбувалося майже одночасно зі спільним антибільшовицьким походом наКиїв, який розпочався 25 квітня 1920 р.Отже, відносини між Польщею і УНР у 20-х роках ХХ ст. еволюціонували від взаємного протистояннядо співпраці. Серед найважливіших актів цього періоду слід назвати Варшавську угоду, військову конвенцію іспільний польсько-український похід на Київ. Так, були закладені традиції польсько-української співпраці, якізнайшли своє продовження в майбутньому.
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Gulyma, Oleksandr, and Julius Opelbaum. "ON ONE PROVISION OF THE TEXTBOOK «THE PAGES OF JEWISH HISTORY OF UKRAINE»." International scientific journal "Internauka", no. 19(119) (2018). http://dx.doi.org/10.25313/2520-2057-2021-19-7804.
Full textAbstract:
The authors analyze the statement that during the short period of the existence of the Western Ukrainian National Republic (WUNR) the majority of Jews in Galicia had not decided whose interests they should support, those of the Ukrainians or the Poles, and did not have time to realize themselves as citizens of the new Ukrainian state. It is shown that this statement is controversial and contradicts the multiperspectival approach to the study and teaching of history.
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Soroka, George. "Recalling Katyń: Poland, Russia, and the Interstate Politics of History." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures, March 25, 2021, 088832542098343. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325420983433.
Full textAbstract:
This article explores the role played by the 1940 Katyń massacre in structuring foreign relations between post-communist Poland and Russia. In so doing, it offers a theoretical model through which to understand the combative politics over history that have burgeoned in Eastern and Central Europe after the dissolution of the Soviet Union. Tracing how political discourse over the massacre has evolved from the late 1980s to the present, it examines the impact of exogenous influences and changing geopolitical realities on how this event is recalled within these two states, which exhibit markedly different relationships to their shared past. Questions of regime type, relative standing within the region, and how—as well as by whom—interstate discourse over contentious historical events is initiated are all central to the model of dispute origination developed herein, as is the presence of various institutional factors, chief among them membership in the supranational European Union (EU). A shadow study of Polish–Ukrainian relations concerning history, focusing on the mass killing of ethnic Poles that took place in Volhynia and eastern Galicia in the period 1943–1945, is also undertaken in order to illuminate the significant differences in how the past has been politically activated in relations between the respective post-Soviet dyads of Poland–Russia and Poland–Ukraine.
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Charnysh, Volha, and Leonid Peisakhin. "The Role of Communities in the Transmission of Political Values: Evidence from Forced Population Transfers." British Journal of Political Science, January 21, 2021, 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123420000447.
Full textAbstract:
This article evaluates the role of community bonds in the long-term transmission of political values. At the end of World War II, Poland's borders shifted westward, and the population from the historical region of Galicia (now partly in Ukraine) was displaced to the territory that Poland acquired from Germany. In a quasi-random process, some migrants settled in their new villages as a majority group, preserving communal ties, while others ended up in the minority. The study leverages this natural experiment of history by surveying the descendants of these Galician migrants. The research design provides an important empirical test of the theorized effect of communities on long-term value transmission, which separates the influence of family and community as two competing and complementary mechanisms. The study finds that respondents in Galicia-majority settlements are now more likely to embrace values associated with Austrian imperial rule and are more similar to respondents whose families avoided displacement.
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Wylegała, Anna. "The Void Communities: Towards a New Approach to the Early Post-war in Poland and Ukraine." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures, May 5, 2020, 088832542091497. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325420914972.
Full textAbstract:
The present article offers a new framework for understanding the early East-European post-war that introduces and conceptualizes the idea of “Void Communities.” The core of the argument is that the disappearance of various groups of Others—ethnic, religious, and class—was one of the most important consequences of the Second World War for Central and Eastern Europe, and particularly for Poland and Ukraine. The Void left by those who had disappeared could be described on several levels, such as physical absence, social and economical dysfunctionality, transformation of the social structure and stratification, property transfer, decline of moral values and norms, and changes in local culture and traditions. Based on an extensive oral history research (of more than 150 interviews) and in-depth reading of ego-documents, the article prioritizes the first-hand perspective of witnesses and centres on those who remained in the post-war Void Communities after their neighbours had been murdered, deported, resettled, or encouraged to leave semi-voluntarily. While the paper primarily focuses on the historical region of Galicia, now divided between Poland and Ukraine, the source material used to analyze the framework for Void Communities includes documents associated with the entire pre-war Polish Second Republic.