Journal articles on the topic 'Jews – Europe – History'

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1

Cassen, Flora. "Early Modern Jewish History." Church History and Religious Culture 97, no. 3-4 (2017): 393–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18712428-09703010.

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Whereas most fields devoted to the study of minorities define the subjects of their inquiries in opposition to the ethnic, racial, religious, or gender hierarchies of society, Jewish studies has, traditionally fashioned itself along the norms of the European, western humanistic tradition. In this essay I suggest that the study of Jews and Jewish life in and out of early modern Europe provides an opportunity to revise this paradigm and offer two directions for the future of the field: the synthesis of the Jews’ histories of persecution and integration in Europe; and the exploration of the Jews’ role in global history.
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2

Herman, David. "Psychoanalysis, Jews and History." European Judaism 55, no. 1 (March 1, 2022): 86–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ej.2022.550107.

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The early accounts of Freud’s life and the history of psychoanalysis tended to marginalise Jewishness and antisemitism. It is not that Ernest Jones, Henri F. Ellenberger and Richard Wollheim excluded them altogether. There were passing references to Freud’s Jewish background in Moravia, antisemitism in late nineteenth-century Vienna, his largely Jewish circle, his fascination with Moses and the psychoanalytic exodus after the Anschluss in 1938. However, there was a big shift after the 1980s and ’90s in the historiography of psychoanalysis. First, there was a growing interest in the culture and politics of fin-de-siècle Vienna and in Budapest and Prague. Second, there was a growing interest in the world of Jewish Orthodoxy in central and east Europe and its influence on Freud’s generation, and a new concern with antisemitism and race in nineteenth-century medical science and how psychoanalysis can be seen as a response to these new discourses.
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Hrytsak, Yaroslav. "Europe and the Jews–The Ukrainian Case." Journal of Modern European History 16, no. 1 (February 2018): 23–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/1611-8944-2018-1-23.

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4

Ioanid, Radu. "The Holocaust in Romania: The Iasi Pogrom of June 1941." Contemporary European History 2, no. 2 (July 1993): 119–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300000394.

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In 1930, the Romanian Jewish community, one of the largest in Europe, numbered 756,930 members. Of these, about 150,000 lived in Northern Transylvania, which was occupied by Hungary in the summer of 1940; the remaining 600,000 Jews remained in territories ruled by Romania. In 1944, the Jews from Northern Transylvania shared the fate of the Hungarian Jews; only about 15,000 of them survived the deportations.
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5

St. Julian-Varnon, Kimberly. "Victoria Khiterer. Jewish City or Inferno of Russian Israel? A History of the Jews in Kiev Before February 1917." East/West: Journal of Ukrainian Studies 4, no. 2 (September 19, 2017): 321. http://dx.doi.org/10.21226/t2334t.

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Book review of Victoria Khiterer. Jewish City or Inferno of Russian Israel? A History of the Jews in Kiev Before February 1917. Academic Studies Press, 2016. Jews of Russia and Eastern Europe and Their Legacy, series editor, Maxim D. Shrayer. xx, 474 pp. Illustrations. Tables. Maps. Appendix. Bibliography. Index. $89.00, cloth.
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6

Biddick, Kathleen, and Kenneth R. Stow. "Alienated Minority: The Jews of Medieval Latin Europe." History of Education Quarterly 34, no. 3 (1994): 362. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/369960.

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7

Efron, John M., and Bernard Wasserstein. "Vanishing Diaspora: The Jews in Europe since 1943." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 28, no. 1 (1997): 96. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/206173.

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8

Tartakoff, Paola. "Jews and Crime in Medieval Europe." Journal of Jewish Studies 72, no. 2 (October 1, 2021): 426–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.18647/3511/jjs-2021.

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9

Dominick, Raymond H., and Saul Friedlander. "Memory, History, and the Extermination of the Jews of Europe." German Studies Review 18, no. 1 (February 1995): 170. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1431551.

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10

SAPOSNIK, ARIEH BRUCE. "EUROPE AND ITS ORIENTS IN ZIONIST CULTURE BEFORE THE FIRST WORLD WAR." Historical Journal 49, no. 4 (November 24, 2006): 1105–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x06005759.

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Zionism’s call for a Jewish return to ‘the East’ was rooted in part in a broader European fascination with ‘the Orient’. This interest in ‘the East’ coincided in time and in much of its imagery with a conceptual division of Europe itself into its ‘western’ and ‘eastern’ parts. The Jews were deeply implicated in these twin conceptualizations of ‘the Orient’ and of Europe’s own orient at home (referred to at times as halbasien, or half-Asia). The notion that Jews – particularly those of eastern Europe – constituted a semi-Asiatic, foreign element in European society became a pervasive trope by the latter part of the century, and one to which Zionist thought and praxis sought to respond in a variety of ways. When Zionists in Palestine, mostly eastern European Jews transplanted further east yet to the ‘Orient’, set out to create a new Hebrew national culture there, competing images of occident and Orient – resonating with a wide range of racial, social, political, and cultural overtones – would play defining roles in their praxis and in the cultural institutions, the rituals, and the national liturgy they would fashion.
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11

Gilman, Sander L., and Bernard Wasserstein. "Vanishing Diaspora: The Jews in Europe since 1945." American Historical Review 102, no. 4 (October 1997): 1151. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2170677.

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12

Langmuir, Gavin I., and Kenneth R. Stow. "Alienated Minority: The Jews of Medieval Latin Europe." American Historical Review 99, no. 1 (February 1994): 210. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2166204.

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13

Ruderman, David B., Anna Foa, and Andrea Grover. "The Jews of Europe after the Black Death." American Historical Review 106, no. 5 (December 2001): 1863. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2692873.

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14

Bell, Dean Phillip, Anna Foa, and Andrea Grover. "The Jews of Europe after the Black Death." Sixteenth Century Journal 33, no. 2 (2002): 588. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4143993.

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15

Володимир Васильович Очеретяний and Інна Іванівна Ніколіна. "THE PROCESS OF CREATING THE NAZI CAMP SYSTEM IN POLAND DURING THE SECOND WORLD WAR." Intermarum history policy culture, no. 5 (January 1, 2018): 239–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.35433/history.111817.

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This article analyzes the process of creating the German camp system in Poland. The Nazi racial politics towards the Jews promoted their isolation from the so-called "full part of society". For this purpose, two main mechanisms for their separation were created: concentration camps, some of which were transformed into "factories of death", and Jewish ghettos. The establishment of concentration camps in Poland was preceded by a long process of organizational and legal registration first in Germany itself, and later on the territories occupied by it. This process was accompanied by numerous Jewish pogroms and arrests, which was an integral part of the Nazi anti-Semitic policy. Concentration camps were carefully thought out and well-organized institutions with a refined mechanism of prisoners’ maintenance, coercion and punishment. Different by their intended purpose were "death camps" that were not intended to hold prisoners, but to destroy them quickly and in large scale. Most of them were located on the territory of Poland, where the Jews from all over Europe were brought. These included Chelmno, Belzec, Sobibor, Treblinka, Auschwitz-Birkenau and Maydanek. It was observed in the article that German concentration camps were created to isolate, repress and destroy the undesirable elements of the regime. Despite the early formation of this system, its dissemination in the territories occupied by the Nazis, particularly in Poland, took place in 1938-1939s. At that time the German concentration camps turned into an instrument of ruthless anti-Semitic policy that became a classic genocide. Due to the fact that the concentration camps capacities did not allow to sufficiently fulfill their tasks, during 1939-1945s in Poland, new, so-called "death camps" were established. They were equipped with gas chambers and crematorium that carried out large-scale destruction of the Jews.
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16

DellaPergola, Sergio. "Notes toward a Demographic History of the Jews." Genealogy 8, no. 1 (December 27, 2023): 2. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genealogy8010002.

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As an essential prerequisite to the genealogical study of Jews, some elements of Jewish demographic history are provided in a long-term transnational perspective. Data and estimates from a vast array of sources are combined to draw a profile of Jewish populations globally, noting changes in geographical distribution, vital processes (marriages, births and deaths), international migrations, and changes in Jewish identification. Jews often anticipated the transition from higher to lower levels of mortality and fertility, or else joined large-scale migration flows that reflected shifting constraints and opportunities locally and globally. Cultural drivers typical of the Jewish minority interacted with socioeconomic and political drivers coming from the encompassing majority. The main centers of Jewish presence globally repeatedly shifted, entailing the intake within Jewish communities of demographic patterns from significantly different environments. During the 20th century, two main events reshaped the demography of the Jews globally: the Shoah (destruction) of two thirds of all Jews in Europe during World War II, and the independence of the State of Israel in 1948. Mass immigration and significant convergence followed among Jews of different geographical origins. Israel’s Jewish population grew to constitute a large share—and in the longer run—a potential majority of all Jews worldwide. Since the 19th century, and with increasing visibility during the 20th and the 21st, Jews also tended to assimilate in the respective Diaspora environments, leading to a blurring of identificational boundaries and sometimes to a numerical erosion of the Jewish population. This article concludes with some implications for Jewish genealogical studies, stressing the need for contextualization to enhance their value for personal memory and for analytic work.
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17

Bobako, Monika. "The Palestinian Knot: The ‘New Anti-Semitism’, Islamophobia and the Question of Postcolonial Europe." Theory, Culture & Society 35, no. 3 (May 12, 2017): 99–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263276417708859.

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In the course of 20th-century European history Jews and Arabs, as well as Jews and Muslims, were put in the position of a ‘civilizational’ conflict that is not only political but also quasi-metaphysical. This article examines an impact of the conflict on the attitudes towards anti-Semitism and Islamophobia and considers Islamophobic implications of the ‘new anti-Semitism’ discourse. A thesis of the text is that both the struggle against anti-Semitism and Islamophobia and the one against the mechanism creating, in certain circumstances, a kind of negative feedback loop between them requires not only opposing the anti-Jewish and anti-Muslim prejudices, but also a deep, critical reconsideration of the concepts of Europeanness that lie at their foundation. The author suggests that a good starting point for this reconsideration might be the postcolonial reading of the Jewish intellectual tradition, especially the one focusing on the figure of the Mizrahi Jew.
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18

Jacobs, Jack, Jonathan Frankel, and Steven J. Zipperstein. "Assimilation and Community: The Jews in Nineteenth-Century Europe." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 24, no. 2 (1993): 315. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/205368.

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19

Guesnet, François. "Culture Front. Representing Jews in Eastern Europe." East European Jewish Affairs 40, no. 1 (April 2010): 82–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501671003593725.

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20

Hoffmann, Christhard. "Encountering the 'ghetto'." Nordisk judaistik/Scandinavian Jewish Studies 32, no. 2 (December 20, 2021): 3–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.30752/nj.109314.

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In the history of Western perceptions of Jews and the ‘Jewish problem’, the First World War marks a period of change which was, among other things, influenced by the course of the war on the Eastern Front. The German occupation of large parts of Russian Poland in 1915 brought the difficult conditions of Eastern European Jewry closer to public attention in the West, not only in Central Europe, but also in neutral states. For the Scandinavian writers who travelled to occupied Poland in 1916 and 1917, the direct encounter with East European Jewry was a new and often disturbing experience. Their travelogues represent an illuminating and, so far, unused source for Scandinavian perceptions of Jews in Eastern Europe, focusing on the ‘ghetto’ as the physical embodiment of Eastern Jewish life. Analysing these accounts, the present article discusses the different depictions of Warsaw’s Jews thematically and identifies three interwoven perspectives of the ‘ghetto’: as a site of extreme poverty; as a foreign (‘oriental’) element in Europe; and as an archetype of Jewish life in general.
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21

Kassow, Samuel, and Ezra Mendelsohn. "The Jews of East Central Europe." Russian Review 45, no. 1 (January 1986): 91. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/129435.

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22

Kochan, Lionel. "The Jews in Christian Europe 1400-1700." Journal of Jewish Studies 40, no. 2 (October 1, 1989): 258–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.18647/1490/jjs-1989.

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23

Schwarzfuchs, Simon, and Kenneth R. Stow. "Alienated Minority: The Jews of Medieval Latin Europe." Jewish Quarterly Review 86, no. 3/4 (January 1996): 498. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1454936.

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24

Gerlach, Christian. "Annexations in Europe and the Persecution of Jews, 1939–1944." East Central Europe 39, no. 1 (2012): 137–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633012x635636.

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This contribution tries to explain why Jews were persecuted earlier or more fiercely in territories annexed by a state during World War II than in the mainland of that state. The case-studies covered are Nazi Germany, Romania, Hungary, Bulgaria, and the USSR. It is argued that internationally, similar policies of incorporation, especially the replacement of existing elites and the process of bringing in new settlers, worked against the Jews. Aside from focusing on governmental policies, the contribution also sketches the manner in which individual actions by state functionaries (who did not merely implement state policies) and by non-state actors had adverse effects on the Jewish population, impacting their survival chances. Finally, the article places the persecution of Jews in annexed areas in the context of the concerted violence conducted, at the same time, against other ethnically defined, religious, and social groups.
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25

Oppenheim, Jay (Koby). "Jewish Space and the Beschneidungsdebatte in Germany." Anthropological Journal of European Cultures 23, no. 2 (September 1, 2014): 85–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ajec.2014.230207.

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The concept of Jewish space, initially conceived by Diana Pinto as a unique European development, marked a critical shift in relations between Jews and non-Jews, the latter embracing a Jewish past as constitutive of their countries' own. The hoped-for European multiculturalism failed to blossom and Jewish space, in Pinto's assessment, has not born the fruit of its potential. To investigate the shortfall of Jewish space, this article examines the 2012 debate on ritual male circumcision in Germany (Beschneidungsdebatte) that drew contemporary Jewish practice into the public eye. Pinto's formulation is premised on a multicultural society that actively works to blunt intolerance, a condition whose fulfilment in contemporary Europe remains incomplete and uneven. Moreover, this attempt to extend the integration of history into memory was stymied by its lack of a living subject. While Jews constitute a long-standing minority population with a unique history in Germany, their success in establishing a shared Jewish space is tied to the broader project of tolerance and integration facing immigrant and minority groups in Western Europe.
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26

Friedman, Jonathan C. "Europe Against the Jews: 1880–1945Götz Aly." Holocaust and Genocide Studies 35, no. 2 (July 30, 2021): 286–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hgs/dcab023.

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27

Tarteer, Khalid, and Moh’d Al-khateeb. "A Reading in History of the Jews and its Impact on Religious Thought." Jordan Journal of Islamic Studies 20, no. 2 (May 28, 2024): 189–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.59759/jjis.v20i2.450.

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The aim of this research is to elucidate the history of the genesis of Judaism and the impact of this history on its followers. The problem of research was represented in the following questions: What is Judaism, how did it originate, and who are its followers? What are the most significant historical events that have affected the formation of Jewish identity? What is the impact of history in forming Jewish religious thought? Through the researcher's adoption of the historical method and the analytical deductive method in his research, it appears that: Judaism is the oldest religion that its followers – according to their claim – belong to Abraham, which is still alive to this day, with millions of followers worldwide, primarily located in occupied Palestine, America, and parts of Europe. Jews have several names: Hebrews, Israelites, and the people of Moses, and they claim descent from Jacob and his twelve sons. They also claim lineage from Abraham, from whom they are distinct. The history of the Jews, through which they have passed many stages, was the main factor in forming Jewish religious thought. Judaism is based more on nationality and history than on doctrines, which have seen many changes over the ages. The writing of the Torah did not take place in the time of Moses, but after several centuries, in the time of Ezra and the priests after returning from Babylonian captivity. Zionist movements were built on the idea of the national union of Jews in Palestine after they faced significant persecution in Europe, as they claim. A Protestant Christian trend supporting the Jews emerged, asserting their right to return and occupy Palestine. This Jewish-Protestant alliance continues to exist.
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Neumärker, Uwe. "Germany’s memorial to the murdered Jews of Europe: Debates and reactions." Filozofija i drustvo 23, no. 4 (2012): 139–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid1204139n.

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The article outlines the history of the Memorial to the Murdered Jews of Europe in Berlin as a very good example of how long any such procedure is, from idea to realization, as well as how strong the debate how and whom to commemorate. Federal Foundation Memorial to the Murdered Jews of Europe also supervised Memorial to the Murdered Sinti and Roma, Memorial to the Homosexuals Persecuted under the National Socialist Regime and the Memorial to mass murder of patients from mental hospitals. Besides that, the author analyzes the initiatives and sollutions for other monuments in Germany?s capital New Guard Room, as well as the Concentration Camp Sachsenhausen near Berlin.
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29

Saperstein, Marc. "Christians and Jews-Some Positive Images." Harvard Theological Review 79, no. 1-3 (July 1986): 236–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816000020502.

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The dean of contemporary Jewish historians, S. W. Baron, has shown that many modern conceptions of Jewish experience in medieval Christian Europe suffer from a fundamental distortion. Writing history was not a natural vocation for medieval Jews; most Jewish historiography was inspired by calamities that generated the impulse to record and, if possible, to explain. Therefore, most medieval Jewish chronicles are little more than accounts of the massacres and attacks suffered by various communities at different times. The tendency to assume that these historiographical sources present a full picture of reality resulted in what Baron called the “lachrymose conception of Jewish history,” viewing medieval Jewish experience as essentially a succession of tragedies in a vale of tears.
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30

Rutherford, Phillip T. "“Absolute Organizational Deficiency”: The 1. Nahplan of December 1939 (Logistics, Limitations, and Lessons)." Central European History 36, no. 2 (June 2003): 235–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156916103770866130.

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In his collection of essays, The Path to Genocide (1992), Christopher Browning contends that when Hitler ordered his subordinates to pursue the wholesale destruction of European Jews in the mid-summer of 1941, what they were being asked to accomplish was at the time totally unprecedented. At this stage every step was uncharted, every policy an experiment, every action a trial run … Murder was in the air; many avenues were being explored, but little was settled other than at least Himmler and Heydrich now knew what they were looking for — a way to kill all the Jews of Europe.
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Magonet, Jonathan. "Post-War Progressive Judaism in Europe." European Judaism 49, no. 1 (March 1, 2016): 57–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ej.2016.490107.

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AbstractAlready in 1946 Rabbi Dr Leo Baeck advocated that alongside the rebuilding of congregations in post-war Europe, what he termed ‘little Judaism’, there was a need for a ‘greater Judaism’ – Jewish engagement with the wider issues of society: ‘We are Jews also for the sake of humanity’. In 1949 he also expressed the need for a dialogue with Islam. A variety of events and activities represent early attempts to meet these dual concerns. In 1997 at the first post-war, full-scale conference of the European Board of the World Union for Progressive Judaism in Germany, in Munich, Diana Pinto noted that despite long-standing fears that the European diaspora was doomed to disappear, changes in a European self-understanding had helped create an ‘ever more vibrant Jewish space’. Almost twenty years on from then, particularly with the rise of anti-Semitism and terrorist attacks, the mood amongst European Jews has become less optimistic.
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32

Botticini, Maristella, Zvi Eckstein, and Anat Vaturi. "Child Care and Human Development: Insights from Jewish History in Central and Eastern Europe, 1500–1930*." Economic Journal 129, no. 623 (May 29, 2019): 2637–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ej/uez025.

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AbstractEconomists increasingly highlight the role that human capital formation, institutions and cultural transmission may play in shaping health, knowledge and wealth. We study one of the most remarkable instances in which religious norms and childcare practices had a major impact: the history of the Jews in central and eastern Europe from 1500 to 1930. We show that while birth rates were about the same, infant and child mortality among Jews was much lower and accounted for the main difference in Jewish versus non-Jewish natural population growth. Jewish families routinely adopted childcare practices that recent medical research has shown as enhancing children's well-being.
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Velastegui, Nicholas. "Citizenship, Civil Rights, and Jewish Emancipation in Revolutionary France." Toro Historical Review 14, no. 2 (December 6, 2023): 105–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.46787/tthr.v14i2.3834.

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The emancipation of France's Jewish communities at the National Assembly marked an unprecedented development in civil rights for religious minorities. This project focuses on the intersection of French and Jewish history in an effort to expand our understanding of the French Revolution's long-lasting effects on Europe. It also provides context for the political and social framework of Revolutionary France as it pertains to civil rights and religious outlier groups, seeking to contrast the differing paths to citizenship taken by French Protestants and French Jews, identify the ideological influence of the Enlightenment on proponents of Jewish emancipation, and compare the lives of French Jews after emancipation to that of other concurrent Jewish enclaves in Europe.
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Green, Abigail. "Nationalism and the ‘Jewish International’: Religious Internationalism in Europe and the Middle East c.1840–c.1880." Comparative Studies in Society and History 50, no. 2 (April 2008): 535–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417508000236.

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Jewish cosmopolitanism has long assumed a central place in the ideology of anti-Semitism. Well before the publication of “The Protocols of the Elders of Zion,” the idea of international Jewish solidarity served as an argument against Jewish emancipation. In Britain, Sir Robert Inglis famously opposed granting the Jews political rights because “[t]he Jews of London have more sympathy with the Jews resident in Berlin or Vienna than with the Christians among whom they reside.” Likewise, in 1840, the ultramontane Univers saw international lobbying on behalf of Jews accused of ritual murder in Damascus as proof that “the Hebrew nationality is not dead … What religious connection is there between the Talmudists of Alsace, Cologne or the East, and the Messrs. Rothschild and Crémieux?” That L'Univers saw this cosmopolitan fellow-feeling as an expression of Jewish national identity is irrelevant. The point is rather that for anti-Semites Jewish ‘nationalism’ was an inherently international force.
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35

Orbach, Alexander. "The Emergence of Ethnic Politics in 1905: The League for the Attainment of Full Rights for the Jews of Russia." Russian History 37, no. 4 (2010): 412–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633110x528690.

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AbstractThe legalization of political activity in Tsarist Russia in 1905 created the opportunity for Jewish liberals to enter the public arena as proponents of civic and political rights for the Jews of the realm. However, unlike Jewish liberals in western and central Europe, Russian-Jewish liberals also called for the extension of national cultural rights for the Jews of Russia in addition to that of individual emancipation. They formed the League for the Attainment of Full Rights for the Jews of Russia in March 1905 and proceeded to prepare for the upcoming elections for the proposed assembly to be elected by the people later that year. However, the violent pogroms that broke out in the fall of 1905 generated a more nationalist minded-agenda as these liberals found themselves in competition with both Jewish nationalists and Jewish socialists for the attention of the people.
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Lisa Silverman. "Revealing Jews: Culture and Visibility in Modern Central Europe." Shofar 36, no. 1 (2018): 134. http://dx.doi.org/10.5703/shofar.36.1.0134.

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37

MENG, MICHAEL L. "After the Holocaust: The History of Jewish Life in West Germany." Contemporary European History 14, no. 3 (August 2005): 403–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777305002523.

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In July 1945, Rabbi Leo Baeck remarked that the Third Reich had destroyed the historical basis of German Jewry. ‘The history of Jews in Germany has found its end. It is impossible for it to come back. The chasm is too great’. Heinz Galinski, a survivor of Auschwitz who led West Berlin’s Jewish community until his death in 1992, could not have disagreed more strongly. ‘I have always held the view’, he observed, ‘that the Wannsee Conference cannot be the last word in the life of the Jewish community in Germany’. As these diverging views suggest, opting to live in the ‘land of the perpetrators’ represented both an unthinkable and a realistic choice. In the decade after the Holocaust, about 12,000 German-born Jews opted to remain in the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) and comprised about half of its Jewish community. Rooted in the German language and typically married to non-Jewish spouses, they still had some connections to Germany. xSuch cultural and personal ties did not exist for the other half of West Germany’s Jewish community – its East European Jews. Between 1945 and 1948, 230,000 Jews sought refuge in occupied Germany from the violent outbursts of antisemitism in eastern Europe. Although by 1949 only 15,000 East European Jews had taken permanent residence in the FRG, those who stayed behind profoundly impacted upon Jewish life. More religiously devout than their German-Jewish counterparts, they developed a rich cultural tradition located mostly in southern Germany. But their presence also complicated Jewish life. From the late nineteenth century, relations between German and East European Jews historically were tense and remained so in the early postwar years; the highly acculturated German Jews looked down upon their less assimilated, Yiddish-speaking brothers. In the first decade after the war, integrating these two groups emerged as one of the most pressing tasks for Jewish community leaders.
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Malkiel, D. "Jews and Apostates in Medieval Europe -- Boundaries Real and Imagined." Past & Present 194, no. 1 (February 1, 2007): 3–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pastj/gtl024.

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39

Stampfer, Shaul. "Remarriage among Jews and christians in nineteenth-century eastern Europe." Jewish History 3, no. 2 (September 1988): 85–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf01698570.

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40

Dokuchayev, Ilya I. "Martin Heidegger in the history of the European anti- Semitism. Reflection on the book of Donatella Di Cesare “Heidegger, Jews and Shoa”." Philosophy of the History of Philosophy 2 (2021): 249–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu34.2021.116.

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The article deals with the role of Martin Heidegger’s anti-Semitism in his concept of fundamental ontology. This analysis is done on the basis of the publication of new volumes of his diaries — “Black Notebooks”. The book by Donatella Di Cesare “Heidegger, Jews and Shoah”, first translated into Russian by AE Cherny and published by the publishing house “Vladimir Dal”, is devoted to the comprehension of this problem. Given the new data from these diaries and from Di Cesare’s book, it can be assumed that Heidegger’s anti-Semitism is essential to his philosophy and has a long history in European and German intellectual heritage. As a rule, Jews were accused there that they did not accept Christ and became key figures in the modernization of European culture, which undermined its traditions and deprived of creativity. Heidegger creates a new version of anti-Semitism — a fundamental ongological one, which accuses Jews of being the main culprits of the oblivion of existence and preachers of existence. Differentiation of being and being is the main antithesis of Heidegger’s ontology, and it is in the context of its analysis that we are talking about the crime of the Jews. This crime actually turns out to be fabrication, since it contains directly opposite charges, so that a Jew is not a criminal because he has committed this or that act, but this act is made criminal because a Jew has committed it. He is accused both of the absence of soil and property, and of the claim to them, both in the formalism and rationalism of faith, and in their absence, both in the desire to keep his blood unmixed, and in the desire to bring the European peoples into a Jew. It is these properties that make Heidegger believe that Jews are not people, but stones, that they do not exist, but represent the worst form of existence, whose existence is not genuine, but borrowed and is a fraud. Heidegger sees the Holocaust as the culmination of modernization caused by a machine civilization of destruction and war, in which the Jews are guilty and for which they self-destruct and destroy Europe and the world. At the same time, the article argues that such an ideology, unacceptable and false, is Heidegger’s marginal concept, which is not the key to his ontology, but also cannot be simply removed from his philosophy without the emergence of a gap that will make this philosophy impossible.
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41

Alexandrache, Carmen. "At the „Margin” of the Romanian Pre-Modern Society. The Jews." Hiperboreea 4, no. 1 (June 1, 2017): 41–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/hiperboreea.4.1.0041.

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Abstract This paper shows the attitudes of Romanian society regarding to the ethic category considered at the social margin. In this case were, for example, the Jews, “excluded”. Towards those “marginalized”, Romanian society in the 17th-18th centuries did not show the “Christian pity”. Its attitudes were argued by the religious convictions ideas and by the transferring clichés from Western Europe to Eastern Europe.
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42

Wallach, Yair. "The Unexplored History of Ashkenazi Integration in Late Ottoman Palestine." Jewish Social Studies 29, no. 1 (January 2024): 161–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/jss.00006.

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Abstract: To what extent did Ashkenazi Jews integrate and acculturate into the local society, culture, and politics of late Ottoman Palestine? This question has been almost entirely ignored by the voluminous scholarship on the migration of Jews from central and eastern Europe to Palestine. This article challenges the widely held assumption that such integration was nonexistent and impossible. Building on recent work on Ashkenazi adoption of Arab clothes, Arabic language, and urban encounters and cohabitation, I argue that Ashkenazi integration in Ottoman Palestine was a very real process, which took on significant dimensions. I focus on civic participation and local politics, military service in the Ottoman army, and deep economic interdependence. Integration was uneven and did not follow a single pathway; rather, there were diverse avenues of integration through Jewish Sephardi society, the Arab elite, Ottoman institutions, and more.
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43

Visi, Tamás. "Jewish Physicians in Late Medieval Ashkenaz." Social History of Medicine 32, no. 4 (January 3, 2019): 670–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/shm/hky110.

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Summary Medical writings written by Jews in late medieval Western and Central Europe demonstrate that although Jews were excluded from universities, the medical world outside of the universities was open to them. Jewish medical writers relied on Latin and vernacular sources and often they wrote in German. Emphasising the importance of knowledge of authoritative books, they attempted to secure their social standing by demonstrating that they confirmed to the generally accepted social norm that required physicians and surgeons to rely on learned medicine. Nevertheless, only a few Jewish medical practitioners wrote books.
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44

Delany, Sheila. "Chaucer's Prioress, the Jews, and the Muslims." Medieval Encounters 5, no. 2 (1999): 198–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006799x00042.

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AbstractThis paper explores some implications of the "Asia" setting of Chaucer's Prioress's Tale. Its method is literal and historicist. Its argument is that the tale is meant to present real, not figurative, Jews; that Chaucer had opportunity to meet and know about Jews outside of England (which had expelled its Jews in 1290); that "Asia" in Chaucer's day was under Islamic control and Europe was threatened by Islamic invasion; that Jews were often viewed as allied with, or even interchangeable with, Muslims. The paper considers some recent scholarship on the tale and ends with interpretive options that follow from a literal historicist reading.
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45

Ольга Анатоліївна Колесник. "FROM VOLYN TO BABYN YAR: UKRAINIAN COMPONENT IN THE MUSEUM OF THE SECOND WORLD WAR IN GDANSK AS A POLISH SITE OF MEMORY." Intermarum history policy culture, no. 5 (January 1, 2018): 317–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.35433/history.111823.

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The Museum of the Second World War in Gdansk was opened on the 23rd of March 2017 and one of the main aims of the institution was to represent the history of the war with the focus on the Eastern and Central Europe. However, from the very beginning, when the idea of creating of such museum developed in 2008, it has become the memory battleground for Polish intellectuals as well as for Polish politicians. The overall situation led to the change of the director of the museum and several pieces in the permanent exhibition after its official opening. From this point of view Ukrainian topics in the permanent exhibition do not only represent the Polish vision of the Second World War, but they also show the issues relevant for the Polish-Ukrainian dialogue nowadays. Among the main Ukrainian topics, which are represented in the main exhibition, there are several theme groups: 1) September 17, 1939; 2) occupation and collaboration; 3) violence against the Jewish population; 4) ethnic cleansing in Volyn and Eastern Galicia; 5) forced workers in the Third Reich; 6) deportations and resettlement. The analysis of the aforementioned historical themes shows that the exhibition presents the main events which are being investigated in the current Ukrainian historiography and not all of them have a direct connection with Polish history (for instance, forced labor or mass shootings of the Jews on the pre-war Soviet territory). At the same time, the event like Volyn massacre is represented as ethnic cleansing, while pogroms against the Jews in 1941 in Lviv are put in a wider context of violence at the beginning of the war alongside with other similar pogroms in Jedwabne.
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Sebök, László. "The Hungarians in East Central Europe: A Demographic Profile." Nationalities Papers 24, no. 3 (September 1996): 551–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999608408467.

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The following tables have been compiled on the basis of published census data. In many instances this has necessitated explanatory footnotes for the following reasons:1. The oldest census results used in the tables are taken from the 1910 Austrian and Hungarian census based on “language” and “religion” categories. The later census results are usually based on declared “nationality.” A significant consequence of this difference is that in the Austrian and Hungarian census Jews can be found either among the German- or the Hungarian-speaking population, while in subsequent census results they are always designated a separate “nationality.” For this reason, additional information is provided in some of the footnotes regarding the Jews.
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Christensen, M. Z. "The Unconverted Self: Jews, Indians, and the Identity of Christian Europe." Ethnohistory 58, no. 1 (January 1, 2011): 172–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00141801-2010-080.

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48

Jankowski, Tomasz M. "The Quality of Vital Registration of the Jews in East-Central Europe in the Nineteenth Century." Studia Judaica, no. 2 (46) (2021): 235–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/24500100stj.20.013.13656.

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Vital records are one of the main sources providing insight into the demographic past. For most of the nineteenth century, however, the degree of under-registration of vital events among Jews was much higher than among non-Jews. These omissions undermine the credibility of demographic data on fertility and mortality published in contemporary statistical yearbooks. The analysis shows that the male-to-female ratio at birth aggregated on a regional level reveals the highest under-registration among Jews in the Russian Empire, including Congress Poland, until World War I. On the other hand, Prussian registration covers the Jewish population most completely and already in the 1820s shows no signs of under-registration. Despite the general low quality of registration systems, records from selected individual towns still pass quality tests. Top-down imposition of the registration duties, corporatism, defective legal regulations, bureaucratic inefficiency and personal characteristics of civil registrars were the main reasons for under-registration.
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Eng, David L. "The History of the Subject and the Subject of History." History of the Present 12, no. 1 (April 1, 2022): 34–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/21599785-9547221.

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Abstract This article explores unexamined links between psychic and political theories of trauma to investigate the constitution of victims deserving and undeserving of reparation as they emerge in the context of the Holocaust, Hiroshima, and the Nuremberg and Tokyo War Tribunals. While genocide and nuclear catastrophe oriented the world imagination toward the specter of planetary annihilation, the “final solution” and the atomic bombings also cleave from one another in significant ways. In the space of postwar Europe, the history of the Holocaust is settled: Nazis were perpetrators and Jews were victims. In contrast, in the space of postwar Asia, there was and continues to be little historical consensus as to who were the victims and who were the perpetrators. As such, this article investigates how the uneven distribution of trauma across different geopolitical spaces and times carves out a privileged zone of exhausted and victimized humanity, with significant implications for addressing the injuries of violated human beings in Europe and elsewhere. Throughout, this article examines how psychoanalytic approaches to the history of the traumatized subject supplement the subject of Cold War history in search of an impossible historical consensus.
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Cassen, Flora. "The Last Spanish Expulsion in Europe: Milan 1565–1597." AJS Review 38, no. 1 (April 2014): 59–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009414000038.

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In 1597 King Philip II of Spain expelled the Jews from Milan at the end of a thirty-year power struggle between secular and religious Italian authorities and Spanish imperial powers. These conflicts reveal that the expulsion followed less from Philip II's personal feelings about the Jews than from his approach to governing and the necessity to preserve and increase his power in Italy. They also expose the fluctuating boundaries of imperial powers in distant territories resistant to accepting them, highlighting both the extent and the limits of Spanish rule in Italy. Examined in detail and in its larger historical context, the case of Milan elucidates the mechanisms of an expulsion, foregrounding the intricate political, financial, and religious issues that led up to the last Spanish expulsion in Europe.
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