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Journal articles on the topic 'Jews, Dutch'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Rädecker, Tsila. "“They [the Jews] Show Me a Nation Full of Flaws.” The Political Use of Jewish Stereotypes by Jews and Non-Jews in the Netherlands (1796–1798)." European Journal of Jewish Studies 14, no. 1 (March 31, 2020): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1872471x-11411067.

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Abstract This article investigates the political use of pejorative images of the Jews during the debates on granting the Jews Dutch citizenship and in the polemical writings of the newly founded maskilic Ashkenazi community in Amsterdam. It will demonstrate that pejorative images of the Jews were used to demarcate the boundaries of identity, not only by the non-Jewish Dutch inhabitants, but also by the Dutch maskilim. This article sheds light on the interplay between politics, stereotyping and identity construction.

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2

van der Haven, Alexander. "Predestination and Toleration: The Dutch Republic’s Single Judicial Persecution of Jews in Theological Context." Renaissance Quarterly 71, no. 1 (2018): 165–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/696886.

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AbstractThe toleration of Jews in early modern Dutch society is commonly seen as predicated on the maintenance of a clear social and religious separation between Jews and Christians. I argue that this view is incomplete and misleading. Close analysis of the only judicial persecution of Jews in the Dutch Republic’s history, the trial of three Jewish proselytes in the anti-Calvinist city of Hoorn in 1614–15, yields a more complex picture. Comparison of the Hoorn trial with cases of apostasy to Judaism in orthodox Calvinist Amsterdam during the same period suggests that the theological commitments of orthodox Calvinism played an important and hitherto unrecognized role in Dutch toleration.

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3

Croes, Marnix. "Holocaust Survival Differentials in the Netherlands, 1942–1945: The Role of Wealth and Nationality." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 45, no. 1 (May 2014): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh_a_00646.

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Almost all of the 140,000 Jews living in the Netherlands when the German occupation began were sent to transit camps and eventually to death camps, but not on the same timetable. According to the Jews themselves, social-economic class and (pre-war) nationality played an important role in determining when and whether people were sent to meet their death. However, data from the province of Overijssel reveal that Jews from the highest social economic class were, in general, transferred to Westerbork transit camp at a later date than were Jews from lower social-economic classes. Although the usual assumption is that Jews who had more time to find a safe hideout had a better chance to survive the Holocaust, the analysis reveals otherwise. The results for nationality are similar. German Jews from Overijssel were, in general, deported from Westerbork transit camp to the death camps in the East later than were Dutch Jews from the same province. Even though this delay reduced the likelihood that German Jews were sent to a concentration camp that had a survival rate even worse than the one at Auschwitz, German Jews did not survive the Holocaust to a greater extent than did Dutch Jews.

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Klooster, Wim. "A Jewish Response to French Antisemitism in Revolutionary Times." New West Indian Guide 92, no. 1-2 (May 1, 2018): 63–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134360-09201055.

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Abstract In the same years in which Jews were elected to the Dutch national assembly (the Batavian Convention), Jews on Curaçao were characterized in a letter received on the island in an unmistakably anti-Semitic way. The author was the prominent French official Victor Hugues, based in Guadeloupe. Two elders of the local Jewish community responded with a letter that shows a remarkable assertiveness, probably facilitated by the emancipation of Jews in the Dutch metropole. They reminded him of the principles of the French revolution, of which he was a servant. The letter, in the possession today of a private collector, is transcribed and translated here and provided with a context.

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5

Michman, Dan. "Społeczeństwo holenderskie i los Żydów: skomplikowana historia." Zagłada Żydów. Studia i Materiały, no. 12 (November 30, 2016): 425–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.32927/zzsim.426.

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The percentage of victimization of Dutch Jewry during the Shoah is the highest of Western, Central and Southern Europe (except, perhaps of Greece), and close to the Polish one: 75%, more than 104.000 souls. The question of disproportion between the apparent favorable status of the Jews in society – they had acquired emancipation in 1796 - and the disastrous outcome of the Nazi occupation as compared to other countries in general and Western European in particular has haunted Dutch historiography of the Shoah. Who should be blamed for that outcome: the perpetrators, i.e. the Germans, the bystanders, i.e. the Dutch or the victims, i.e. the Dutch Jews? The article first surveys the answers given to this question since the beginnings of Dutch Holocaust historiography in the immediate post-war period until the debates of today and the factors that influenced the shaping of some basic perceptions on “Dutch society and the Jews”. It then proceeds to detailing several facts from the Holocaust period that are essential for an evaluation of gentile attitudes. The article concludes with the observation that – in spite of ongoing debates – the overall picture which has accumulated after decades of research will not essentially being altered. Although the Holocaust was initiated, planned and carried out from Berlin, and although a considerable number of Dutchmen helped and hid Jews and the majority definitely despised the Germans, considerable parts of Dutch society contributed to the disastrous outcome of the Jewish lot in the Netherlands – through a high amount of servility towards the German authorities, through indifference when Jewish fellow-citizens were persecuted, through economically benefiting from the persecution and from the disappearance of Jewish neighbors, and through actual collaboration (stemming from a variety of reasons). Consequently, the picture of the Holocaust in the Netherlands is multi-dimensional, but altogether puzzling and not favorable.

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6

Tammes, Peter. "Jewish Immigrants in the Netherlands during the Nazi Occupation." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 37, no. 4 (April 2007): 543–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh.2007.37.4.543.

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In 1941, 16 percent of the Jews in the Netherlands were immigrants. Analysis of documentary evidence shows that foreign-born Jews—especially those who emigrated from Germany and Austria after Adolf Hitler's rise to power—had a better chance of surviving the Holocaust, and a longer survival time, than Dutch-born Jews. These findings indicate that the motives for emigration and the special opportunities afforded to certain groups to escape and hide were important to survival.

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7

Waite, Gary K. "Reimagining Religious Identity: The Moor in Dutch and English Pamphlets, 1550–1620*." Renaissance Quarterly 66, no. 4 (2013): 1250–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/675092.

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AbstractThis essay examines how Dutch and English vernacular writers portrayed the Moor in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, when their respective governments were engaged in diplomatic and trade discussions with Morocco. It aims for a better understanding of the difference in religious attitudes and cultures between these two Protestant realms by arguing that their respective approaches to internal religious toleration significantly influenced how their residents viewed Muslims. Dutch writers adopted a less hostile tone toward the Moor than English writers due to the republic’s principled defense of freedom of conscience, its informal system of religious toleration in the private sector, and its merchantRealpolitik. Unlike in England, Dutch conversos were allowed to be Jews. A number of Moroccan Muslims also resided in Holland, lobbying on behalf of the Muslim King of Morocco. The Moroccan Jewish Pallache family played prominent roles with the government and in two of the pamphlets examined here, including one that interprets a Moroccan civil war through the lens of demonic sorcery. So too did Jan Theunisz, a liberal Mennonite of Amsterdam who collaborated with both Jews and Muslims in his home. As Dutch citizens were adapting to a new religious environment that effectively privatized religious practice, they were better equipped than their English counterparts to acclimatize to Jews inside and the Moor outside their borders.

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8

Bakker, Freek L. "Inter-Religious Dialogue and Migrants." Mission Studies 31, no. 2 (July 14, 2014): 227–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15733831-12341335.

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In the Netherlands the first official inter-religious dialogues were initiated in the first half of the 1970s. But the Nederlandse Hervormde Kerk, one of the most important churches had taken the first steps towards an attitude of dialogue already in 1949 and 1950. The atrocities against the Jews and the deportation of the 90 per cent of the Dutch Jews in the Second World War as well as the solidarity deeply felt by many church members with the new state of Israel prompted this church, and later two other large mainline churches, to alter their attitudes towards Jews and Judaism. After 1970 they extended these dialogues to Muslims, Hindus and Buddhists, who together outnumber the Jews today. The altered Dutch religious landscape had made inter-religious dialogue inevitable. This dialogue was held with migrants, so the position of the adherents of non-Christian religions was weaker than that of Christians. This inequality is reflected in the dialogue, for it became predominantly a dialogue of life, in which the Christians started with helping their partners to find a good position in Dutch society. The dialogue with the Jews, however, already quickly became a dialogue of the mind. In the second half of the 1990s a dialogue of the mind was initiated with Muslims, and in the first decade of the twenty-first century with some Hindus. The vulnerability of migrants was underscored by the impact of the governments in their countries of origin and by the fact that the Christians paid for almost everything. In 2000 the churches began to hesitate; nonetheless they remained in dialogue.

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9

Croes, Marnix. "Zagłada Żydów w Holandii a odsetek ocalałych." Zagłada Żydów. Studia i Materiały, no. 4 (November 2, 2008): 217–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.32927/zzsim.272.

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One central question in Dutch historiography is why such high percentage of Jews from the Netherlands died in the Holocaust. In this article, a recent dissertation on the rate of survival of Jews in the Netherlands is mobilized to shed light on the discussion on the low survival rate there. Wide variations in survival rates throughout the country call into question easy explanations for the overall (low) rate. In particular, the greater success of the Sicherheitspolizei in hunting down hidden Jews in certain parts of the country calls for more attention

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10

Knippenberg, Hans. "Assimilating Jews in Dutch nation‐building: the missing ‘pillar’." Tijdschrift voor economische en sociale geografie 93, no. 2 (May 2002): 191–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9663.00194.

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11

Selwood, Jacob. "Left Behind: Subjecthood, Nationality, and the Status of Jews after the Loss of English Surinam." Journal of British Studies 54, no. 3 (June 5, 2015): 578–601. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2015.59.

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AbstractFollowing the loss of Surinam to the Netherlands in 1667, the English Crown attempted to evacuate those of its subjects living in the colony under Dutch rule. In doing so, its representatives laid claim to members of the Jewish population, who Surinam's English governors had previously declared to be “considered as English-born.” In the resulting dispute between the English and Dutch over who could be removed, Crown officials embraced articulations of subjecthood forged in the colony that differed from metropolitan norms. In asserting that Surinam's Jews remained subjects of the king, and by implying that they would continue to do so once evacuated, the English delegation departed from the Crown's frequent rejection of the wider efficacy of colonial naturalization. Surinam's Dutch governor, meanwhile, dismissed the assertion that members of the “Hebrew nation” could be subjects of an English king, arguing that subjecthood and nationality were identical and that only those of the English nation could be removed. The dispute between the English and the Dutch over the status of Surinam's Jews reminds us that English subjecthood was shaped by colonial settings and by the contested status of groups who found themselves transferred between imperial powers.

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12

Roitman, Jessica Vance. "Economics, Empire, Eschatology: The Global Context of Jewish Settlement in the Americas, 1650–70." Itinerario 40, no. 2 (August 2016): 293–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115316000371.

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The Dutch and English offered Spanish and Portuguese Jews inducements such as liberties unheard of in Europe until the mid-nineteenth century in order to lure them to their New World colonies. As compelling as the economic and military rationales for Jewish settlement were, there were also “spiritual” reasons to encourage Jewish settlement – and for Jews, themselves, to venture to the colonies. The mid-seventeenth century was a time of eschatological fervor in both Christian and the Jewish communities and millenarianism and messianism formed the backdrops against which Jewish colonization in the New World occurred. The seventeenth century saw an increasingly acute expectation of apocalyptic events by Christians and Jews, and was marked by an outpouring of messianic prophecy all over Europe and the Mediterranean. This article will discuss whether the English and/or the Dutch encouraged Jewish settlement in the New World with the idea that it could help in ushering in the much yearned for second coming. It will also discuss whether Jews may have been tempted to go to the colonies with the idea that they were helping to bring about the dispersion described in Daniel 12:7 – a scattering that was necessary before the prophesized “Second Coming”.

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13

Brasz, Chaya. "Dutch Progressive Jews and Their Unexpected Key Role in Europe." European Judaism 49, no. 1 (March 1, 2016): 5–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ej.2016.490102.

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AbstractLiberal Judaism remained absent in the Netherlands during the nineteenth century but finally became successful in the early 1930s under the influence of the Liberal Jewish Synagogue in London and the establishment of the World Union for Progressive Judaism in 1926. It had a specific Dutch character which was more radical than the German refugees who joined in were used to. The Shoah barely left survivors of the prewar congregations, but Liberal Judaism made a remarkable comeback in the Netherlands and had a key role position for Liberal Judaism on the continent of Europe. In a much smaller Jewish community than the French one, the Dutch Progressive congregations for a considerable period formed the largest Progressive community on the continent, next to France. Even today, while comprising ten congregations, it still has a growing membership.

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14

Schaumloeffel, Marco A. "Papiamentu and the Brazilian Connection Established through the Sephardic Jews." LETRAS, no. 67 (February 20, 2020): 75–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.15359/rl.1-67.4.

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This study examines the linguistic contact between Papiamentu and Brazilian Portuguese established when the Sephardic Jews were expelled from Dutch Brazil and some of them relocated in Curaçao. Three lexical items of PA (yaya, ‘nanny, nursemaid’; bacoba, ‘banana’; and fulabola‘fore nger, index nger’) are analysed and put into their historical contextto show that their presence in Papiamentu can be attributed to the contact between Brazil and Curaçao due to the forced migration of the Sephardic Jews and their servants.

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15

Tammes, Peter, and Peter Scholten. "Assimilation of Ethnic-Religious Minorities in the Netherlands: A Historical-Sociological Analysis of Pre–World War II Jews and Contemporary Muslims." Social Science History 41, no. 3 (2017): 477–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2017.12.

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This article examines what assimilation trajectories were manifest among present-day Mediterranean Muslims and pre–World War II Jews in Dutch society. Alba and Nee conceptualized assimilation in terms of processes of spanning and altering group boundaries, distinguishing between boundary crossing, blurring, and shifting. This study carves out to what extent assimilation processes like boundary crossing, shifting, and blurring had taken place for those two non-Christian minority groups in Dutch society. This research is based on findings of recent (quantitative) empirical research into the assimilation of pre–World War II Jews in the Netherlands and on the collection of comparable research and data for the assimilation of contemporary Mediterranean Muslims. Our study suggests that processes of boundary crossing, such as observance of religious practices and consumption of religious food, and blurring, such as intermarriage, residential segregation, and religious affiliation, are much less advanced for Mediterranean Muslims in the present time. Though several factors might account for differences in boundary-altering processes between pre–World War II Jews and contemporary Mediterranean Muslims such as differences in length of stay in the Netherlands, the secularization process, and globalization, Jewish assimilation might provide us some reflections on assimilation of Mediterranean Muslims. The continuous arrival of Muslim newcomers might affect attitudes and behavior of settled Mediterranean Muslims, while policy to restrict family migration might be insufficient to stimulate Muslims to integrate in Dutch society given the quite negative mutual perceptions, the slow process of residential spreading, the continuation of observance of religious practices, and the low intermarriage rate.

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16

Davis, Natalie Zemon. "Regaining Jerusalem: Eschatology and Slavery in Jewish Colonization in Seventeeth-Century Suriname." Cambridge Journal of Postcolonial Literary Inquiry 3, no. 1 (December 11, 2015): 11–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/pli.2015.29.

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Through the person of the ex-converso David Nassy, “Regaining Jerusalem” asks how seventeenth-century Portuguese Jews could seek their own religious liberty at the same time they were enslaving Africans in the plantation economies of the Caribbean and the Guyana coast. Living in Amsterdam by the 1630s, Nassy was part of the Jewish community in Dutch Brazil, and then in the 1660s led the Jewish settlement in Dutch Suriname. Nassy was moved in part by eschatological hopes shared with other ex-conversos freed from Catholic tyranny, in part by his interest in plants and geography, and in part by entrepreneurial desire for profit. Nassy and his fellow Jews distinguished their own biblical exodus out of slavery from the destiny of their African captives, incorporating their slaves into the patriarchal Abrahamic household. This paper describes patterns of Jewish culture on the sugar plantations and the varied reactions of African men and women to it.

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17

VAN TIELHOF, MILJA. "The predecessors of ABN AMRO and the expropriation of Jewish assets in the Netherlands." Financial History Review 12, no. 1 (April 2005): 87–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0968565005000053.

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This article describes the role played by Dutch banks in the confiscation of Jewish property during World War II. ABN AMRO's predecessors, then seven commercial banks, surrendered the lion's share of Jewish financial assets to the Nazis. How can this be explained? One possible answer is that the banks allowed their own, commercial, interests to prevail over those of their Jewish clients. Other factors were: strategies of deception by the German authorities, low level of resistance among Dutch Jews, German pressure on banks to release Jewish assets and, finally, the lengthy duration of the war.

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18

Michman, Dan. "The Dutch Intersection: The Jews and the Netherlands in Modern History." Journal of Jewish Studies 61, no. 1 (April 1, 2010): 169–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.18647/2944/jjs-2010.

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19

Moore, Bob. "W cieniu Anny Frank. Szanse Żydów na przeżycie w okupowanej Holandii." Zagłada Żydów. Studia i Materiały, no. 10 (December 1, 2014): 384–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.32927/zzsim.529.

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During the German occupation of the Netherlands between 1940 and 1945, around 75% of the country’s Jewish population were deported and killed, primarily in the extermination camps of Auschwitz and Sobibor. Much attention has been paid to the factors which explain this, but this article questions how any Jews managed to survive in an increasingly hostile environment where there were no ‘favorable factors’ to aid them. The analysis centers on the attitudes of the Jews towards acting illegally, their relationships with the rest of Dutch society, and the possible opportunities for escape and hiding. It also looks at the myriad problems associated with the day-to-day experiences of surviving underground

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20

Klooster, Wim. "Communities of port Jews and their contacts in the Dutch Atlantic World." Jewish History 20, no. 2 (May 16, 2006): 129–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10835-005-9001-0.

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21

Wallet, Bart. "‘De organisatie van het bewind der Joodschen Eerdienst dezer Provintie’ : De Zuid-Nederlandse joodse gemeenschappen ten tijde van het Verenigd Koninkrijk der Nederlanden, 1815-1830." Trajecta. Religion, Culture and Society in the Low Countries 28, no. 2 (December 1, 2019): 145–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/tra2019.2.001.wall.

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Abstract In 1815 the United Kingdom of the Netherlands started, uniting the territories of the former Dutch Republic with the so-called Southern Netherlands. The unification and its political ramifications had huge impact on the Jewish communities in the southern provinces, mainly concentrated in the cities Brussels, Gent, Antwerp, Namur and Liège. During the 15 years within the United Kingdom, up until 1830, these communities witnessed a sharp increase in local Jewish communities and members, mostly because of internal migration of Amsterdam Jews. Moreover, Jewish life in the southern provinces was centralized and brought together with the northern Jewish communities into an overarching central denominational structure. Finally, the new structures were used to install a new sense of Dutch national identity upon the Jewish citizens, especially stressing the values of patriotism, monarchism and the ability to speak the national Dutch tongue. The 1830 Belgian Revolt resulted in a significant set-back for Jewish life in the new Kingdom of Belgium, although it continued on the path set-out in the preceding ‘Dutch era’.

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22

van Lieburg, Fred. "Interpreting the Dutch Great Awakening (1749–1755)." Church History 77, no. 2 (May 12, 2008): 318–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640708000565.

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In 1754, the Scottish minister John Gillies (1712–1796) published a collection of historical accounts concerning “remarkable periods of the success of the Gospel.” Its composer was a spider in a web of correspondents in Europe and North America who believed they were living in an extraordinary time of revival in Christianity. Collective conversions and signs of repentance and faith were reported from all parts of the world and placed in a large eschatological perspective. After the Protestant Reformation—the climax of church history since the New Testament—a great decline had set in comparable to the Middle Ages. The “Great Awakening” seemed to recapture the spirit of the first Pentecost and offered prospects for a further extension of God's Kingdom. By means of missionary work among the heathen peoples, the Gospel would reach the ends of earth. Finally, after the collective conversion of the Jews and a millennium of peace, the time would come for the Lord of the Church to appear on the clouds of heaven to gather the harvest of all times.

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23

Waite, Gary K. "Seventeenth-Century Dutch Reformed, Mennonites, and Spiritualists on One Another, Jews, and Muslims." Toronto Journal of Theology 26, Supplement 1 (November 2010): 27–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/tjt.26.suppl_1.27.

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24

Roitman, Jessica. "Creating Confusion in the Colonies: Jews, Citizenship, and the Dutch and British Atlantics." Itinerario 36, no. 2 (August 2012): 55–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115312000575.

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Jews in most of early modern Europe struggled to assert their rights within legal frameworks that presumed them to be intrinsically different—aliens—from the (Christian) population around them no matter where they had been born, how they dressed and behaved, or what language they spoke. This struggle played itself out on various fronts, not the least of which was in the Jewish assertion of the right to become more than aliens—to become citizens or subjects—of the territories in which they lived. Citizenship, in its various forms, was a structural representation of belonging. Moreover, citizenship conferred tangible rights. As such, being a recognised citizen (or subject) had not only great symbolic, but also great economic, importance.

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25

Wachtel, Nathan. "Diasporas marranes et empires maritimes (XVIe- XVIIIe siècle)." Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 61, no. 2 (April 2006): 419–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s039526490000113x.

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De Race, class and politics in colonial Mexico, 1610-1670, à Radical Enlightenment (récemment traduit en français) en passant par European Jewry in the age of mercantilism, 1550-1750, Dutch primacy in world trade, 1585-1740, ou Empires and entrepots. The Dutch, the Spanish monarchy and the Jews, 1585-1713 : l’oeuvre de Jonathan Israel se signale par l’originalité de son itinéraire et l’immensité des territoires qu’il a explorés, de l’Amérique à l’Europe, de l’histoire socio-économique à l’histoire intellectuelle et religieuse de l’Occident moderne. La présente note sur Diasporas within a diaspora se limitera à en présenter quelques-unes des principales lignes directrices, tant il paraît impossible de rendre pleine justice à une somme encyclopédique, dont l’impressionnante érudition s’accompagne constamment d’un fourmillement d’idées neuves.

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Kunert, Jeannine, and Alexander van der Haven. "Jews and Christians United : The 1701 Prosecution of Oliger Paulli and his Dutch Printers." Studia Rosenthaliana: Journal of the History, Culture and Heritage of the Jews in the Netherlands 46, no. 1 (November 1, 2020): 71–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/sr2020.1-2.004.kune.

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Abstract Numerous religious texts were printed that would have been censored, elsewhere including Jewish religious texts. Yet freedom had its limits. In August 1701, Amsterdam’s judiciary council ordered the books authored by the Danish visionary Oliger Paulli, who advocated for a new religion uniting Jews and Christians, to be destroyed. In addition, the council sentenced Paulli to twelve years, imprisonment and later to permanent banishment, while two of his printers received hefty fines for printing his books. While earlier accounts have explained Paulli’s arrest by pointing to his heretical ideas, Paulli had publicly been advocating his views without causing scandal for years. The present chapter explores an alternate reason for his arrest, focusing on his printing connections that year, which caused Amsterdam’s authorities to associate Paulli with some of Amsterdam’s most outspoken religious dissenters and critics of religious authority.

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Happe, Katja. "The ambiguity of virtue: Gertrude van Tijn and the fate of the Dutch Jews." Holocaust Studies 21, no. 3 (July 3, 2015): 196–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17504902.2015.1082793.

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28

Braber, Ben. "The Ambiguity of Virtue: Gertrude van Tijn and the fate of the Dutch Jews." Journal of Modern Jewish Studies 14, no. 3 (April 27, 2015): 520. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14725886.2015.1041233.

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29

van Klinken, Gert. "Eschatologie in na-oorlogs protestants Nederland, verkend aan de hand van de relatie met Israël." NTT Journal for Theology and the Study of Religion 65, no. 4 (November 18, 2011): 278–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/ntt2011.65.278.klin.

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For the confessional mainstream of Dutch Protestantism, eschatological reflection had always centred on the return of Christ and the last judgment. This contribution examines how this focus changed during a process of rethinking the relationship between Christianity and Judaism. A new view, centred on justice and the coming of the Kingdom of God, emerged. Interestingly, opposition to this redefinition of eschatology was not restricted to classical Calvinists. An eschatological expectation in which the return of Jesus as the Messiah of Israel remained central was eloquently defended by Messianic Jews.

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Brittingham. "“Millions of Jews Died in That War… It Was a Bad Time”: The Holocaust in Adventures in Odyssey’s Escape to the Hiding Place." Genealogy 3, no. 4 (November 15, 2019): 63. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genealogy3040063.

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In 2012, the Christian evangelical organization Focus on the Family published Escape to the Hiding Place, the ninth book in Adventures in Odyssey’s Imagination Station book series. This short children’s book is a creative reimagining of Corrie ten Boom’s Holocaust memoir The Hiding Place (1971). Corrie was a Christian who lived in Haarlem during the Nazi occupation of the Netherlands. Corrie and her family helped hide Jews and non-Jews from arrest and deportation at the hands of the Nazis and their collaborators. Corrie’s story has played a significant role in the evangelical Christian encounter with the Holocaust. Like every Imagination Station story, Escape to the Hiding Place features two cousins, Patrick and Beth, from the fictional town of Odyssey. They travel back in time to help Jews escape the Nazis, all so they can learn a lesson about their ability to aid others in need. A harrowing adventure ensues. This paper does not criticize the valuable rescue work undertaken by Christians during the Holocaust, nor does it criticize the contemporary evangelical desire to draw meaning from Christian rescue work. Rather, the fictional narrative under consideration skews toward an overly simplistic representation of the Christian response to the murder of Jews during World War Two, contains a flat reading of Dutch society during the war, and fails to address antisemitism or racism. This paper situates Escape to the Hiding Place within a wider evangelical popular culture that has struggled with the history of the Holocaust apart from redemptive Christian biographies.

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31

Edwards, John. "Why the Spanish Inquisition?" Studies in Church History 29 (1992): 221–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400011311.

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It seems quite extraordinary that an important European country should apparently have wished to go down in history as the originator of calculated cruelty and violence against members of its civil population. Yet the writers of the famous sketches inMonty Python’s Flying Circuswere far from being the first to introduce ‘the Spanish Inquisition’ as a cliché to represent arbitrary and yet calculated tyranny. By the late sixteenth century, Christian Europe, both Catholic and Protestant, had already formed the image of Spain which has become known as the ‘Black Legend’. Just as many Spaniards distrusted Italy, because Jews lived freely there, and France because Protestants were in a similar condition in that country, so Italian opposition to the forces of Ferdinand the Catholic and his successors, together with the ultimately successful Dutch rebels, created, with the help of growing knowledge of Spain’s atrocities against the inhabitants of the New World, a counter-myth, in which the Spaniards themselves appeared as heardess oppressors, but also, ironically, as crypto-Jews (marranos). Erasmus wrote that France was ‘the most spotless and most flourishing part of Christendom’, since it was ‘not infected with heretics, with Bohemian schismatics, with Jews, with half-Jewishmarranos’, the last term clearly referring to Spain. Not surprisingly, there is also a Jewish story of what happened in Spain before, during, and after 1492, which may best be summed up, in general outline, in the words, written in 1877, of Frederic David Mocatta’s study of Iberian Jews and the Inquisition.

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Rooden, Peter van. "Conceptions of Judaism as a Religion in the Seventeenth-Century Dutch Republic." Studies in Church History 29 (1992): 299–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400011360.

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Once upon a time, probably in the first half of the seventeenth century, David Curiel, a prominent member of the Amsterdam Sephardi community, was attacked by a German robber. Although seriously wounded, Curiel managed to overcome his attacker with the help of his Christian neighbours. The robber was tried and sentenced. After his execution, the States of Holland sent Curiel a letter expressing their regret at the incident and inviting him to witness the medical lesson on the corpse of the robber in the anatomical theatre of Leiden University. This legend has been handed down in at least five different manuscripts, preserved in Jewish libraries. It was probably read at the feast of Purim, which, of course, commemorates an earlier attack on the Jews and the spectacular destruction of their enemy.

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Davids, C. A. "J.I. Israel, Empires and entrepots. The Dutch, the Spanish monarchy and the jews, 1585-1713." BMGN - Low Countries Historical Review 108, no. 3 (January 1, 1993): 476. http://dx.doi.org/10.18352/bmgn-lchr.3727.

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Wallet, Bart. "Political Participation of Dutch Jews in the First Half of the Nineteenth Century, 1814-1848." Zutot 3, no. 1 (2003): 173–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187502103788690933.

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Hondius, Dienke. "Bernard Wasserstein.The Ambiguity of Virtue: Gertrude van Tijn and the Fate of the Dutch Jews." American Historical Review 121, no. 2 (April 2016): 673–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/121.2.673.

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Moore, Bob. "Understanding Everyday Rescue: Insights from the Diary of Arnold Douwes." Holocaust and Genocide Studies 34, no. 2 (2020): 183–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hgs/dcaa029.

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Abstract Arnold Douwes led a rescue network in the village of Nieuwlande, in the Dutch province of Drenthe. For fifteen months he bore sole responsibility for Jews and others in hiding, whose numbers grew thanks to the rescuers’ philosophy of never refusing genuine fugitives. What makes Douwes unique is that he recorded extensive coded notes about his day-to-day thoughts and activities, burying these in jam-jars in various safe places. Crucially for our understanding of rescue, his chronicle provides in-depth insight into not only the group’s heroic activities, but also the mundane work required to maintain those in hiding.

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Sclar, David. "Adaptation and Acceptance: Moses Ḥayim Luzzatto's Sojourn in Amsterdam among Portuguese Jews." AJS Review 40, no. 2 (November 2016): 335–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009416000441.

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Although scholars have written extensively about Moses Ḥayim Luzzatto and his literary oeuvre, there has been virtually no work on his stay in Amsterdam (1735–43). The controversy over his supposed Sabbatianism, which engulfed much of the European rabbinate and led to his self-imposed exile from Padua, did not rage overtly in the Dutch Republic, and historians have generally regarded these years as nothing more than a quiet period for Luzzatto and of little consequence to him personally.Using previously unpublished archival material, this article demonstrates that Luzzatto was highly regarded in Amsterdam's generally insular Portuguese community. He received charity and a regular stipend to study in the Ets Haim Yeshiva, forged relationships with both rabbinic and lay leaders, and arguably influenced the community's religious outlook. However, a comparison of the manuscript and print versions ofMesillat yesharim, his famous Musar treatise composed and published in the city, reveals the limitations under which Luzzatto lived. Research into Luzzatto's time in Amsterdam shows the man's enduring self-assurance and relentless critique of his critics, as well as the Portuguese rabbinate's broadening horizons.

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Antunes, Cátia, and Filipa Ribeiro Da Silva. "Cross-cultural Entrepreneurship in the Atlantic: Africans, Dutch and Sephardic Jews in Western Africa, 1580-1674." Itinerario 35, no. 01 (March 18, 2011): 49–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115311000052.

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Slofstra, B. "O sjorem magaaije! Fiktyf Joadsk etnolekt yn ‘e Fryske literatuer." Us Wurk 69, no. 1-2 (August 1, 2020): 38–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.21827/5d4811aa0744f.

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In the past, Westerlauwers Friesland was already inhabited by a multilingual population, including speakers of local Frisian and non-Frisian vernaculars, the Dutch standard language and etnolects of foreign origin like those of German harvesters and Jewish merchants.In the past, Westerlauwers Friesland was already inhabited by a multilingual population, including speakers of local Frisian and non-Frisian vernaculars, the Dutch standard language and etnolects of foreign origin like those of German harvesters and Jewish merchants. Frisian literature reflects this multilingual situation to some extent. The details of it have yet to be studied in a systematic way, however. This case-study exemplifies how Jews were characterized in Frisian literature, especially drama. It turns out that the stereotypical Jewish character is presented as speaking a variety of artificial and real languages. This study sheds some light on the question of how literature relates to reality, prejudice and language. It is argued that Frisian literature and multilingualism interconnect, the former existing in a multilingual reality, the latter being creatively manipulated by literary fiction.

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Beyens, Nele. "Incomprehension, Fear, Uncertainty and Impotence: The Dutch Government-in-exile Confronted with the Persecution of the Jews." Holocaust Studies 18, no. 2-3 (September 2012): 261–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17504902.2012.11087313.

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Nicosia, Francis R. "The Ambiguity of Virtue: Gertrude van Tijn and the Fate of the Dutch Jews, by Bernard Wasserstein." English Historical Review 130, no. 544 (May 11, 2015): 786–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cev079.

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BRAUN, ROBERT. "Religious Minorities and Resistance to Genocide: The Collective Rescue of Jews in the Netherlands during the Holocaust." American Political Science Review 110, no. 1 (February 2016): 127–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055415000544.

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This article hypothesizes that minority groups are more likely to protect persecuted groups during episodes of mass killing. The author builds a geocoded dataset of Jewish evasion and church communities in the Netherlands during the Holocaust to test this hypothesis. Spatial regression models of 93 percent of all Dutch Jews demonstrate a robust and positive correlation between the proximity to minority churches and evasion. While proximity to Catholic churches increased evasion in dominantly Protestant regions, proximity to Protestant churches had the same effect in Catholic parts of the country. Municipality level fixed effects and the concentric dispersion of Catholicism from missionary hotbed Delft are exploited to disentangle the effect of religious minority groups from local level tolerance and other omitted variables. This suggests that it is the local configuration of civil society that produces collective networks of assistance to threatened neighbors.

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Huussen jr., A. H. "C. Brasz, Y. Kaplan, Dutch jews as perceived by themselves and by others. Proceedings of the eighth international symposium on the history of the jews in the Netherlands." BMGN - Low Countries Historical Review 117, no. 3 (January 1, 2002): 386. http://dx.doi.org/10.18352/bmgn-lchr.5726.

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44

Matar, Nabil. "England and Religious Plurality: Henry Stubbe, John Locke and Islam." Studies in Church History 51 (2015): 181–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s042420840005018x.

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The Elizabethan Settlement identified religious conformity with political allegiance. Not unlike the cuius regio eius religio of the 1555 Peace of Augsburg in the Holy Roman Empire, from 1559 onwards subjects in England had to subscribe to the two Acts of Supremacy and Uniformity, the first declaring the monarch as head of the state and the second determining worship under the monarch as head of the Church. In such an Anglican monarchy, there could be no legal space for the non-Anglican subject, let alone for the non-Christian. The few Marranos (Jews forcibly converted to Christianity) lived as Portuguese immigrants, at the same time that Protestant Dutch and Walloon traders congregated in stranger churches, and whilst they were allowed to worship in their own languages, they remained outsiders to the English/Anglican polity.

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de Wilde, Marc. "Seeking Refuge: Grotius on Exile, Expulsion and Asylum." Journal of the History of International Law / Revue d’histoire du droit international 20, no. 4 (February 19, 2019): 471–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718050-12340094.

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AbstractHugo Grotius is often identified as the founder of the modern concept of asylum. This article argues that Grotius’s most innovative contribution was not his theory of asylum, but his concept of expulsion, and more particularly, his notion that a permanent refuge should be offered to foreigners who had been collectively expelled on religious grounds. The article shows that Grotius’s notion was informed by his own experiences as a lawyer advocating the admission of Sephardi Jews, who had been expelled from Spain and Portugal, to the Dutch provinces. More particularly, it was based on a reinterpretation of Francisco de Vitoria’s concept of the ‘law of hospitality’ and the duty to admit foreigners irrespective of their religious beliefs. Reinterpreting Vitoria’s concept, Grotius was the first to formulate a theory regarding the state’s responsibility to offer a permanent refuge to victims of (religious) persecution.

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de Wilde, Marc. "Seeking Refuge: Grotius on Exile, Expulsion and Asylum." Journal of the History of International Law / Revue d’histoire du droit international 20, no. 4 (February 19, 2019): 471–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718050-12340094.

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AbstractHugo Grotius is often identified as the founder of the modern concept of asylum. This article argues that Grotius’s most innovative contribution was not his theory of asylum, but his concept of expulsion, and more particularly, his notion that a permanent refuge should be offered to foreigners who had been collectively expelled on religious grounds. The article shows that Grotius’s notion was informed by his own experiences as a lawyer advocating the admission of Sephardi Jews, who had been expelled from Spain and Portugal, to the Dutch provinces. More particularly, it was based on a reinterpretation of Francisco de Vitoria’s concept of the ‘law of hospitality’ and the duty to admit foreigners irrespective of their religious beliefs. Reinterpreting Vitoria’s concept, Grotius was the first to formulate a theory regarding the state’s responsibility to offer a permanent refuge to victims of (religious) persecution.

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47

Emmer, P. C. "Jonathan J. Israel, Empires and Entrepots. The Dutch, the Spanish Monarchy and the Jews, 1585–1713London/Ronceverte (Hambledon 1990." Itinerario 15, no. 1 (March 1991): 127–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300005842.

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Dobkowski, Michael N. "The Ambiguity of Virtue: Gertrude van Tijn and the Fate of the Dutch Jews by Bernard WassersteinThe Ambiguity of Virtue: Gertrude van Tijn and the Fate of the Dutch Jews, by Bernard Wasserstein. Cambridge, Harvard University Press, 2014. 334 pp. $29.95 US (cloth)." Canadian Journal of History 51, no. 1 (January 2016): 157–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjh.ach.51.1.rev16.

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Ormrod, W. Mark. "England's Immigrants, 1330–1550: Aliens in Later Medieval and Early Tudor England." Journal of British Studies 59, no. 2 (April 2020): 245–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2019.282.

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AbstractThis article, a revised and annotated version of a plenary lecture given at the North American Conference on British Studies meeting in October 2018, considers the place and significance of aliens in England's history between the expulsion of the Jews in 1290 and the arrival of the French and Dutch Protestants from the 1540s onward. It draws extensively on a new database of immigrants to England between 1330 and 1550, which itself relies principally on the remarkable records generated by a tax on aliens resident in England, collected at various points between 1440 and 1487. Aliens emerge as a significant element in English society—sometimes chastised, sometimes subject to violence and other abuse, but also recognized clearly for their contribution to the economy. If immigrants were sometimes seen as a potentially disruptive presence, they were also understood to be a natural and permanent part of the social order.

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Bernat, Chrystel. "“Enemies Surround Us and Besiege Us”." Church History and Religious Culture 100, no. 4 (October 19, 2020): 487–525. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18712428-bja10011.

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Abstract This article uses unpublished exile sermons exhumed from the Leiden manuscripts, theological dissertations, and synodal sources to explore the interfaith relationships of exiled societies in the Dutch Republic, in particular the links between Huguenot refugees and their multi-confessional host society. It examines how ministers viewed the exiles’ relationships with the other, as well as the theological motives for stigmatising such ties. By studying confessional interactions of competition and mutual attraction within the Refuge, this essay highlights the porous nature of religious boundaries, despite the Huguenot community’s isolate claimed by the ministers. It also reveals latent conflicts between diasporic societies: the United Provinces were not a peaceful asylum for the Reformed faith of refugees, but rather the scene of a counter-Catholic struggle that stretched even into the Spanish Netherlands. Finally, this survey shows that exile revived proselytist projects aimed at French-speaking Jews and supported extraterritorial religious struggles in the eighteenth century.

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