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Journal articles on the topic 'Jews and Gentiles'

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Author: Grafiati

Published: 25 July 2024

Last updated: 31 July 2024

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1

Rodríguez, Rafael. "The Ἰουδαῖος in Romans: First to the Gentile-Become-Jew, Then Also to the Gentile-as-Gentile." Catholic Biblical Quarterly 86, no. 1 (January 2024): 124–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cbq.2024.a918373.

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Abstract: Pauline scholars have read ὁ Ἰουδαῖος in Romans as a native-born Jew who stands over and against τὰ ἔθνη ("the nations," or "gentiles"). The ethnonym Ἰουδαῖος, however, applied also to proselytes, to non-Jews who became Jews. Paul lived in a world in which Ἰουδαῖος applied to people Paul did not accept as Ἰουδαῖοι. In Paul's view, being a Ἰουδαῖος is an immutable, genealogical identity unavailable to anyone not born a Ἰουδαῖος. In some cases, the Ἰουδαῖος in Romans 1–3 is a so-called (or self-styled) "Jew." Paul demonstrates how gentiles' efforts at becoming a Jew ( sans scare quotes) nevertheless leaves them closer to the gentile-as-gentile than to the native-born Jew.

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2

Cohen, Shaye J. D. "Crossing the Boundary and Becoming a Jew." Harvard Theological Review 82, no. 1 (January 1989): 13–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s001781600001600x.

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Who was a Jew in antiquity? How was “Jewishness” defined? How did a non-Jew become a Jew, and how did a Jew become a non-Jew? In their minds and actions the Jews erected a boundary between themselves and the rest of humanity, the gentiles, but the boundary was always crossable and not always clearly marked. A gentile might associate with Jews and observe Jewish practices, or might “convert” to Judaism and become a proselyte. A Jew might avoid contact with Jews and cease to observe Jewish practices, or might deny Judaism outright and become an “apostate.” Or the boundary could be blurred through the marriage of a Jew with a gentile.

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3

Na, Kang-Yup. "The Conversion of Izates and Galatians 2:11-14." Horizons in Biblical Theology 27, no. 1 (2005): 56–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187122005x00103.

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AbstractBut when Cephas came to Antioch, I opposed him to his face because he stood self-condemned. For before certain people came from James, he used to eat with the Gentiles. After they came, however, he drew back and kept himself separate for fear of the circumcision faction. And the other Jews joined him in this hypocrisy, so that even Barnabas was led astray by their hypocrisy. But when I saw that they were not acting consistently with the truth of the gospel, I said to Cephas in front of all of them, "If you, a Jew, live like a Gentile and not like a Jew, how is it that you force the Gentiles to become Jews?" (Galatians 2.11-14)

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4

TAYLOR, JUSTIN. "The Jerusalem Decrees (Acts 15.20, 29 and 21.25) and the Incident at Antioch (Gal 2.11–14)." New Testament Studies 47, no. 3 (July 2001): 372–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688501000224.

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The ‘Jerusalem decrees’ of Acts 15.20, 29 and 21.25 can be interpreted both as ‘Noachide commandments’, implicitly keeping the separation between Jews and Gentiles, and as analogous to the decrees for resident aliens in Lev 17–18 and elsewhere, implicitly allowing Gentiles to associate with Jews under certain conditions. What is at stake is the status to be assigned to Gentiles by the community of Jewish believers in Jesus. These interpretations correspond to the attitudes towards Gentile believers at Antioch manifested, according to Gal 2.11–14, respectively by James and by Cephas.

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5

Cohen, Yitshak. "Rabbi Meir Simcha of Dvinsk and His Attitude toward Gentiles." Review of Rabbinic Judaism 17, no. 2 (August 13, 2014): 218–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700704-12341269.

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This article examines various issues in R. Meir Simha Hacohen’s (rms) halakhic approach toward gentiles. His approach demonstrates innovation, and it attests mostly to moderation and an effort to reach a compromise with gentiles. We see that his halakhic and judicial approach does not advocate a complete detachment between Jews and gentiles; on the contrary, it encourages increased relations between them. On all the issues examined here, where the Halakhah could be interpreted in a strict manner or leniently, rms follows the approach that facilitates relations between Jews and gentiles. His position is consistent and forms a broad fundamental approach according to which, whenever it is possible to set the laws governing the relations between Jew and gentiles on an even footing, one should make an effort to do so. The article exposes several broad principles in rms’s attitude toward gentiles, for example, the rationale that distinguishes between religious matters and worldly affairs. The laws governing the latter apply to gentiles as well and are identical for gentiles and Jews. The article also shows that rms issued a series of rulings aimed at compromising with gentiles and bringing Jews and gentiles closer together. The article explains rms’s approach of meeting gentiles half way by examining the historical and sociological circumstances within which he acted, including the fact that in Eastern Europe his Jewish circle did not perceive itself as self-referential and conservative. This enabled rms to develop his moderate approach.

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6

Oliver, Isaac W. "Forming Jewish Identity by Formulating Legislation for Gentiles." Journal of Ancient Judaism 4, no. 1 (May 14, 2013): 105–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/21967954-00401005.

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The following paper explores the formulation of universal commandments for non-Jews within the book of Jubilees and compares it with rabbinic traditions that also deal with Gentiles and law observance. The discussion concerning commandments incumbent upon all of humanity in Jubilees betrays a remarkable preoccupation with promoting the observance of particular laws (e. g., Sabbath and circumcision) for Jews alone—universal law becomes a means for highlighting Israel’s special covenantal status. The bitter opposition expressed in Jubilees against Gentiles is best understood as a polemical response to events redefining Jewish-Gentile relations during the second century B. C. E.

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7

Crane, Jonathan. "Jews Burying Gentiles." Review of Rabbinic Judaism 10, no. 2 (2007): 145–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007007783121731.

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8

Schaser, Nicholas J. "Unlawful for a Jew? Acts 10:28 and the Lukan View of Jewish-Gentile Relations." Biblical Theology Bulletin: Journal of Bible and Culture 48, no. 4 (October 29, 2018): 188–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0146107918801512.

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Most scholars read Peter's claim that it is unlawful for Jews to associate with Gentiles (Acts 10:28a) as an accurate statement on Jewish-Gentile relations according to Luke. However, Luke problematizes this view by showing Peter to be unaware of Jewish-Gentile interactions that preceded him, both in Israel's Scriptures and Luke–Acts. Rather than reflecting the exclusionary state of pre-Christian Judaism, Acts 10:28a constitutes a fallacy that Luke invalidates via intertextual references to ethnic inclusivity throughout biblical history. Peter's misunderstanding provides Luke with the theological rationale for Paul to take the missionary mantle from Peter as the apostle to the Gentiles.

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9

Jung, Gi Moon. "The Role of Paul in the Mission to Gentiles of Early Christianity." Institute of History and Culture Hankuk University of Foreign Studies 87 (August 31, 2023): 141–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.18347/hufshis.2023.87.141.

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I tried to investigate to what extent Paul contributed to the gentile mission of early Christianity in this paper. The gentile mission didn't originate with Paul. Judaism, the mother religion of Christianity encouraged Jews to propagate Judaism to the gentiles in some degrees. It is unclear how the ‘law free mission’ that did not enforce the law on gentiles began. A few Jewish leaders explored the possibility, but Jewish leaders generally opposed it. The Acts of the Apostles vaguely described this. Philip's mission to the Ethiopian eunuch and Peter's mission to Cornelius may have led to the beginning of the mission free from law very early. However, considering that it was a question of whether to force circumcision on gentiles during the Apostolic Conference, it is not clear whether a mission without law was settled before the Apostolic Conference. Nevertheless the common saying that Paul is the founder of Christianity is true in some sense. He made the principle, “There is neither Jew nor Greek, slave nor free, male nor female, for you are all one in Christ Jesus”, as the first rule of his churches. He tried to abolish the discrimination of nations, classes, genders. Therefore his churches were new creations in the ancient world.

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10

Moessner, David P. "Paul in Acts: Preacher of Eschatological Repentance to Israel." New Testament Studies 34, no. 1 (January 1988): 96–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688500022232.

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The ‘enigmatic ending’ of Acts continues to baffle the exegetes. Not the least of its difficulties is the status of ‘the Jews’ after Paul's peculiarly solemn pronouncement of Isa 6. 9–10 against a ‘closed’ and ‘hardened’ people (Acts 28. 26–27). Coming as it does as a climax to the equally ponderous pronouncements of judgment in Acts 13. 46 and 18. 6, for many scholars the cumulative, three-fold impact of this indictment resounds a note of finality, of foreclosure upon Israel which consequently consummates an era and looks ahead almost exclusively to a Gentile church. The two leading clusters of opinion expressing this understanding are those associated with E. Haenchen – viz., that repentance for Israel by the end of Acts is de facto now over, with Gentiles replacing Jews as the people of God – or with J. Jervell – that a core of repenting Jews constitutes a restored Israel which, along with increasing numbers of Gentiles, by the end of chapter 28 has completed its mission to unrepenting Jews who no longer have a right to the name ‘Israel’ or ‘people of God’.

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11

Hacham, Noah. "Bigthan and Teresh and the Reason Gentiles Hate Jews." Vetus Testamentum 62, no. 3 (2012): 318–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853312x645263.

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Abstract The account of Bigthan’s and Teresh’s conspiracy against the king (Esth 2:21-23) was transposed in the Septuagint to Addition A, which opens the book, while an additional story regarding a conspiracy to kill the king was introduced, in its stead, at the end of chapter 2 of this translation. These moves are part of Greek Esther’s reworking of the story in order to depict Mordechai as faithful to the king, and Haman as the king’s adversary who seeks his downfall, and to suggest that this contrast explains Haman’s animosity toward Mordechai, and the Jews, who are loyal to the throne. This tendency, to accentuate the Jews’ allegiance to the gentile monarch while understating the contrasts between Jews and gentiles, is widely manifested throughout Greek Esther. Its objective is to assert that gentile hatred of the Jews derives from their loyalty and reflects, in effect, hatred of the king. The historical backdrop to Esther, reworked in this manner, is most probably Egypt at the beginning of the first century BCE, when the extent of Jewish involvement within the Ptolemaic court and military was considerable.

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12

Donaldson, Terence L. "“Gentile Christianity” as a Category in the Study of Christian Origins." Harvard Theological Review 106, no. 4 (October 2013): 433–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816013000230.

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At least since the time of Ferdinand Christian Baur in the mid-nineteenth century, the concepts of “Jewish Christianity” and “Gentile Christianity,” together with related binary pairs (Jewish Christian / Gentile Christian, Jews / Gentiles), have functioned as basic categories in the critical investigation of Christian origins. Adopting the voice of his hero Paul, Baur speaks of “my Gospel of Gentile Christianity, as opposed to Jewish Christianity,” the English terms renderingHeidenchristentumsandJudenchristentums, respectively. Speaking of Paul's success in establishing “a Gentile Christianity,” Baur says that “the greater the strides were which the Gospel made among the Gentiles, the greater was the importance which the Gentile Christians assumed over the Jewish Christians.” Such increase in importance notwithstanding, the “Jewish-Christian party opposed to [Paul],” he says, remained “powerful,” and the “conflict between the Pauline and Jewish Christianity” continued to mark the early history of the movement. The place of this conflict in Baur's reconstruction of Christian origins is well known, and his characteristic terminology is readily recognized.

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13

Cofnas, Nathan. "The Anti-Jewish Narrative." Philosophia 49, no. 4 (February 3, 2021): 1329–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11406-021-00322-w.

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AbstractAccording to the mainstream narrative about race, all groups have the same innate dispositions and potential, and all disparities—at least those favoring whites—are due to past or present racism. Some people who reject this narrative gravitate toward an alternative, anti-Jewish narrative, which sees recent history in terms of a Jewish/gentile conflict. The most sophisticated promoter of the anti-Jewish narrative is the evolutionary psychologist Kevin MacDonald. MacDonald argues that Jews have a suite of genetic adaptations—including high intelligence and ethnocentrism—and cultural practices that lead them to undermine gentile society to advance their own evolutionary interests. He says that Jewish-designed intellectual movements have weakened gentile identity and culture while preserving Jewish identity and separatism. Cofnas recently argued that MacDonald’s theory is based on “systematically misrepresented sources and cherry-picked facts.” However, Cofnas gave short shrift to at least three key claims: (a) Jews are highly ethnocentric, (b) liberal Jews hypocritically advocate liberal multiculturalism for gentiles/gentile countries but racial purity and separatism for Jews/Israel, and (c) Jews are responsible for liberalism and mass immigration to the United States. The present paper examines these claims and concludes that MacDonald’s views are not supported.

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14

Hedner Zetterholm, Karin. "A Reception of Pauline Ideas Shaped by a Jewish Milieu: The Case of the Pseudo-Clementine Homilies." Religions 15, no. 8 (July 26, 2024): 903. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel15080903.

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This essay focuses on the reception of Pauline ideas in the Pseudo-Clementine Homilies, commonly dated to the early fourth century. At first, the claim that the Pseudo-Clementine Homilies contain Pauline ideas may seem surprising, since the Homilies are commonly considered “Jewish Christian” and thus anti-Pauline. However, new readings of Paul generated by the “Paul within Judaism” perspective, along with new insights on the Homilies, reveal that the latter work seems to contain Pauline ideas not preserved in other receptions of Paul. The Homilies share with Paul the following traits and ideas: (1) like Paul, the Homilies distinguish between Jews and non-Jews (the term “Christian” never appears) and, like Paul, the Homilies’ teachings about law address gentiles and prescribe a kind of Judaism for them; (2) gentiles must adapt to a Jewish lifestyle and keep the commandments that the Torah prescribes for non-Israelites; (3) Jews and Jesus-oriented gentiles together make up the people of God (called theosebeis in the Homilies), but the distinction between them remains. They have equal status in the eyes of God but differences in their observance of the law remain. An important point where the Homilies deviate from Paul is their insistence that Jews do not necessarily need Jesus. For the Homilies, Jesus is primarily the teacher of gentiles, and they envision two parallel paths to salvation: Moses for Jews and Jesus for gentiles. This essay suggests that the Homilies’ understanding of ideas that we recognize as Pauline developed in a milieu marked by the presence of non-Jesus-oriented (rabbinic) Jews.

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15

Jeong, Mark. "Obedient Gentiles and Jealous Jews: A Fresh Interpretation of Paul’s Aim in Romans 11.11-14." Journal for the Study of the New Testament 41, no. 2 (October 1, 2018): 161–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0142064x18804434.

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Scholars have long been perplexed by Paul’s statement in Rom. 11.11-14 that he magniﬁes his ministry to make Jews jealous and thus save some of them. After all, why would law-observant Jews be jealous of the salvation of supposedly law-free Gentiles? The problem is accentuated when we recognize that ‘jealousy’ (παραζήλωσις) and its cognate ‘zeal’ (ζῆλος) were connected with law-observance in Second Temple Judaism. To solve this problem, I consider how two contemporaries of Paul – Philo and Josephus – describe Gentiles’ attraction to Judaism through the Jews’ careful obedience to the Law. I argue in turn that Paul christologically reverses this schema such that the Gentiles’ obedience to the law by faith, the very goal of Paul’s apostleship (1.5; 15.18), is the means by which Paul hopes to provoke the Jews to jealousy and salvation.

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16

Olson, Jon C. "Pauline Gentiles Praying among Jews." Pro Ecclesia: A Journal of Catholic and Evangelical Theology 20, no. 4 (November 2011): 411–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/106385121102000409.

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17

Johnston, Robert. "Preaching to Jews and Gentiles." Journal of Adventist Mission Studies 4, no. 2 (2008): 89–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.32597/jams/vol4/iss2/8/.

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18

Lavender, Jordan. "Nomos and the Dispute in Galatians 2: A Case of Conflicting By-Laws." Religions 14, no. 12 (November 22, 2023): 1449. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel14121449.

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This research explores the interpretation of nomos in Galatians 2:11–21 within the light of Greco-Roman associations and Palestinian chavurot. As such, it proposes a reading of the text and conflict as a localized issue of conflicting association by-laws between Jews and Gentiles. The members of Jacob’s association in Jerusalem demonstrated Pharisaic behavior in requiring circumcision for membership in the association and requiring the additional observance of purity and tithing regulations as interpreted by the association as crucial elements of its by-laws. Paul chastises Peter for breaking the by-laws of the Jewish assembly when eating with the Gentiles but then “separating himself” from them and requiring the Gentiles to observe the by-laws that he had just broken. Paul then explains how the Jewish association’s by-laws are not required for his Gentile followers and redirects them to the faithfulness of Christ as their means of being set right and the means of acquiring justice.

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19

Ney, Savannah. "Faith in Romans." Heretic 2021, no. 1 (February 10, 2023): 21–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.15664/th.v2021i1.2555.

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Most scholars agree that the congregation Paul addresses in his letter to the Romans was composed of a Gentile majority and a Jewish minority, pointing to the letters’ internal evidence and the Jews’ eviction from Rome in c. 49 CE. Scholars suggest that the Roman congregation was therefore predominantly Gentile. In Rom 16:17–19, Paul warns the Romans to be wary of false teachers. Campbell argues that Paul wrote Romans in response to these false teachers who Campbell connects to the false gospel teachers described in Galatians. Paul’s message in Romans is influenced by this other gospel, which appears connected to the question of the Jerusalem Council concerning Gentile circumcision. Paul’s use of faith in Romans, which encompasses the idea of faithfulness, is likewise shaped by the need to respond to and refute a gospel that insisted Gentiles needed to follow the Torah to be saved (e.g. Gal 2; Rom 3:21–23) and the wider conflict of whether Gentiles needed to ‘become’ Jewish in religious practice (Acts 15).

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20

Bühner, Ruben A. "With Whom Is Peter Eating in Antioch? Reading τὰ ἔθνη in Galatians 2:12 as Including Nonbelieving Gentiles." Journal of Biblical Literature 143, no. 2 (June 2024): 339–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.15699/jbl.1432.2024.9.

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Abstract In his Letter to the Galatians, Paul says that Peter ate with τὰ ἔθνη in Antioch (2:12). In this context, the majority of commentators read the phrase τὰ ἔθνη as a reference to gentiles who believe in Christ, departing from its predominant usage in Paul’s writings. However, this widespread and consequential assumption that Peter ate only with Christ-believing gentiles is not compelling. In fact, such an understanding is mainly based on prior scholarship that assumed that Jews, even in the diaspora, lived in isolated contexts and could not have eaten with non-Jews. In contrast, I argue that there are neither linguistic nor contextual reasons in Gal 2 for limiting the people with whom Peter eats to Christ-believing gentiles. Instead, historical studies suggest that the expression τὰ ἔθνη refers to Peter eating with different kinds of gentiles, which also includes non-Christ-believing gentiles at everyday occasions such as private dinner gatherings. This changes our understanding of the context of Peter’s commensality as well as Peter’s position itself.

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21

Bodrožić, Ivan, and Maja Rončević. "True Faith and Philosophy as a Way to Overcome Religious Prejudices according to 1st and 2nd Century Christian Sources." History in flux 5, no. 5 (December 24, 2023): 7–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.32728/flux.2023.5.1.

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The authors explore religious prejudices in early Christianity, Judaism, and paganism using 1st and 2nd-century sources. During that era, ethnic and religious biases affected various societal levels. The first section examines biases among Gentiles and Christians toward Jews, followed by biases between Gentiles and Jews toward Christians, and the prejudices of Christians and Jews toward Gentiles. The second section delves into prejudices between Christians and Jews, focusing on how society reacted to Christians’ distinctiveness from Jews, hindering their integration due to pagan religiosity. In response, Christians presented their faith as a bridge, emphasizing its universality for all people, not solely for the Jewish community. They offered a pathway for communion and reconciliation, asserting the superiority and broader interpretative nature of Christian faith over Judaism. Jesus Christ’s life, St. Paul’s teachings, and events from the Acts of the Apostles affirmed the faith’s universal significance. The third section centers on ‘barbarian philosophy’ as an attempt to unify Christians and pagans amid growing societal tensions in the 2nd century. Christian apologists, once pagan philosophers, aimed to alleviate prejudices by aligning their received faith with their society, employing ‘barbarian philosophy.’ This approach viewed Christianity through rationality, rooted in the universal divine Logos, appealing to all people as the creator and advocate.

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22

Wahlen, Clinton. "The Temple in Mark and Contested Authority." Biblical Interpretation 15, no. 3 (2007): 248–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156851507x184883.

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AbstractThe purpose of this study is to demonstrate that Mark's portrayal of Jesus' temple action reinforces a larger narrative aim: to show that the time of messianic fulfillment for both Jews and Gentiles has come. The study consists of three sections. First, it is observed that the unifying theme of Mark 11:12-25 is not the destruction of the temple but prayer. Second, Jesus' activity in the temple occupies a central place not only in this series of pericopae but in the larger structure of Mark 11-15. Mark shows that Jesus fulfils the original design of the temple by making it a place of prayer for everyone. This includes Gentiles as Mark alone makes clear (11:17b; cf. Matt. 21:22; Luke 19:46). Third, enabling Gentiles to worship in the temple meshes with a larger Markan concern. Jesus does not limit his ministry to Galilee but extends it to Gentile lands to the north and east, as a study of the exorcism and feeding stories in relation to the pivotal discussion of 7:1-23 reveals. Implicitly, then, Israel has begun to be redefined. Jesus' action in the temple enlarges on this theme in order to suggest more explicitly that Gentiles have a rightful place within Israel.

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23

Olshanetsky, Haggai, and Yael Escojido. "Different from Others? Jews as Slave Owners and Traders in the Persian and Hellenistic Periods." Sapiens ubique civis 1, no. 1 (December 1, 2020): 97–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/suc.2020.1.97-120.

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The subject of Jews as slave owners and traders throughout history received much greater attention in the last few decades. But there is no research that focuses on the Persian and Hellenistic periods and their relevant findings. This current article hopes to do exactly that. This article shows that Jews owned slaves and even traded them throughout the Persian period and during the Hellenistic period until the rise of the Hasmonean Kingdom. The slaves themselves were not only gentiles but also Jews, who received no special treat-ment from their co-religionists. Regarding the ownership of slaves, it was found that each Jewish owner treated his slaves differently, showing a huge gap between the biblical laws on the matter and the reality. The different texts and finds brought here are a testimony to the disregard of the Biblical laws on slaves, and the subsequent similarity between the Jews and their gentile neighbours in both ownership and trade of slaves.

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Cornthwaite, Christopher J. "Wayward Jews, God-fearing Gentiles, or Curious Pagans? Jewish Normativity and the Sambathions." Journal for the Study of Judaism 48, no. 2 (April 18, 2017): 277–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700631-12340145.

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One of the most influential collections of Jewish material evidence in the last century, Corpus Papyrorum Judaicarum, includes Victor Tcherikover’s well-known work on the Sambathions, based on the common appearance of proper names, groups, and deities with similar, Sambath- roots. At stake was whether these people were Jews and the ways in which diaspora Jews and their host communities influenced one another. This historiographical study draws upon the recent category shift from Jewish to Judaean to argue that Tcherikover focuses on religious observance to test whether people with unknown origins are Jews. By doing so, he rejects that many of the Sambathions are Jews and shifts the evaluation of questionable behavior towards gentiles and God-fearers, thus inadvertently using gentiles to create and/or reinforce Jewish normativity.

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25

Zetterholm, Magnus. "'And Abraham believed'. Paul, James, and the Gentiles." Nordisk Judaistik/Scandinavian Jewish Studies 24, no. 1-2 (September 1, 2003): 109–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.30752/nj.69602.

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The New Testament is basically a collection of Jewish texts written during a period when the Jesus movement was still part of the diverse Judaism of the first century. Therefore we should expect to find examples of rabbinic biblical interpretation in the New Testament. This article suggests that the apostle Paul used midrash to create an interpretation of Gen 15:6 that allowed Gentiles to be included into the covenant without prior conversion to Judaism (Romans 4:1-12). It is argued that James, the brother of Jesus, in his interpretation of the same verse (James 2:14-24) also used midrash in order to create an interpretation that contradicted that of Paul. It is likely that this reflects an intra-Jewish debate concerning the salvation of the Gentiles. While the majority of Jews within the Jesus movement neither seem to have agreed that Gentiles were not to become Jews, nor were they obliged to observe the Torah, Paul’s solution of including the Gentiles into the covenant may have been perceived as a threat to Jewish ethnic and religious identity.

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Dahl, Nils Alstrup. "Gentiles, Christians, and Israelites in the Epistle to the Ephesians." Harvard Theological Review 79, no. 1-3 (July 1986): 31–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816000020320.

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Most early Christians perceived the world in which they lived as a world of Jews and Gentiles. Ephesians speaks most impressively about the unity of the two parts in the church, which is the body of Christ. Studies of Ephesians have very often concentrated on the idea of the church and the relationship between ecclesiology, christology, and soteriology. Some scholars have paid special attention to the relationship between the church and Israel, Christians and Jews. Statements about the Gentiles have received much less attention, but for reasons which will become apparent in the course of this article, I prefer to begin with them*.

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27

Setzer, Claudia. "Does Paul Need to Be Saved?" Biblical Interpretation 13, no. 3 (2005): 289–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568515054388191.

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AbstractWhile many liberal Jews have endorsed Jesus as one of their own for at least a century, Paul has often borne the blame for injecting anti-Judaism into early Christianity. The work of these scholars helps overturn these judgments against Paul. Several emphases of their work help us to better appreciate Paul as a pedagogue of multiple identities. 1) Being "in Christ" and being part of Israel are compatible, not contradictory identities for Paul. 2) Paul believes that Gentiles, by being "in Christ" come under the umbrella of Israel, even without circumcision or conversion. 3) Paul's mission as the teacher to the Gentiles shapes every aspect of his rhetoric and message. 4) Paul is animated by the question of Gentile inclusion in God's people, not the existential guilt of the individual. This article also poses four questions as we pursue this approach to Paul. 1) Why does Paul, the robust Jew who continues to believe in Israel's election, so virulently oppose Gentile circumcision or conversion, which was part of the Judaism of his time? 2) What is the role of the cross, which does not spring from the language and myths of Israel, in Paul's thought? 3) Does Paul think he is doing anything new, particularly since he uses the language of novelty? 4) How much does Paul need to be "saved," i.e. made to conform to our contemporary standards, for us to appreciate him as part of our experience and traditions?

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28

Power, Patricia A. "Blurring the Boundaries: American Messianic Jews and Gentiles." Nova Religio 15, no. 1 (August 1, 2011): 69–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nr.2011.15.1.69.

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Messianic Judaism is usually equated with Jews for Jesus, an overtly missionizing form of ethnically Jewish Evangelical Christianity that was born in the American counter-culture revolution of the 1970s. The ensuing and evolving hybrid blend of Judaism and Christianity that it birthed has evoked strong objections from both the American Jewish and mainline Christian communities. What begs an explanation, though, is how a Gentile Protestant missionary project to convert the Jews has become an ethnically Jewish movement to create community, continuity, and perhaps a new form of Judaism. This paper explores the way in which Messianic Jews have progressively exploited the space between two historically competitive socio-religious cultures in order to create an identity of their own in the American religious landscape. It also introduces Messianic Israelites, non-Jewish but sympathetic believers who are struggling with the implications of an ethnically divided church where Jews are the categorically privileged members.

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Auler, Samuel. "More Than a Gift: Revisiting Paul's Collection for Jerusalem and the Pilgrimage of Gentiles." Journal for the Study of Paul and His Letters 6, no. 2 (2016): 143–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/26371744.

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The Danish scholar Johannes Munck proposed a connection between Paul's collection for Jerusalem and prophetic texts that envisage a pilgrimage of Gentiles to Zion in the end times. Nonetheless, Munck's seminal theory on the collection for Jerusalem has been contested in recent times. This article argues that the Pauline Epistles contain some textual evidence of this link between the two events and that the collection and the pilgrimage of Gentiles share many common characteristics in meaning, both pointing to an eschatological time of reconciliation between Jews and Gentiles under the Messiah. In conclusion, the pilgrimage of Gentiles tradition was likely an influence for Paul in his collection of funds for the church in Jerusalem.

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Auler, Samuel. "More Than a Gift: Revisiting Paul's Collection for Jerusalem and the Pilgrimage of Gentiles." Journal for the Study of Paul and His Letters 6, no. 2 (2016): 143–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/jstudpaullett.6.2.0143.

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The Danish scholar Johannes Munck proposed a connection between Paul's collection for Jerusalem and prophetic texts that envisage a pilgrimage of Gentiles to Zion in the end times. Nonetheless, Munck's seminal theory on the collection for Jerusalem has been contested in recent times. This article argues that the Pauline Epistles contain some textual evidence of this link between the two events and that the collection and the pilgrimage of Gentiles share many common characteristics in meaning, both pointing to an eschatological time of reconciliation between Jews and Gentiles under the Messiah. In conclusion, the pilgrimage of Gentiles tradition was likely an influence for Paul in his collection of funds for the church in Jerusalem.

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Ribak, Gil. "“The Jew Usually Left Those Crimes to Esau”: The Jewish Responses to Accusations about Jewish Criminality in New York, 1908–1913." AJS Review 38, no. 1 (April 2014): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009414000014.

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This article examines how communal activists, leaders, intellectuals, and the Yiddish press understood and reacted to charges regarding purported Jewish criminality, which accusers often linked to the need to curtail immigration to America. The Jewish self-image as a nonviolent people proved to be quite resilient, and one of the ways to reconcile the existence of Jewish criminals with that self-perception was to put the blame on the surrounding (American) influence, or to evoke generalized negative images of gentiles as a foil for applauding Jewish qualities. New York Jews construed their relations with the larger non-Jewish society as a continuation of old-world patterns of Jewish-gentile relations rather than a change or reversal of them. The criminal episodes demonstrated how a cultural net of transnational meanings shaped Jews' understanding and reaction to allegations against them.

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Sanders, Jack T. "Paul Between Jews and Gentiles in Corinth." Journal for the Study of the New Testament 19, no. 65 (July 1997): 67–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0142064x9701906504.

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Achtemeier, P. Mark. "Jews and Gentiles in the Divine Economy." CrossCurrents 59, no. 2 (June 2009): 144–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1939-3881.2009.00067.x.

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Dalton, William. "Once More Paul among Jews and Gentiles." Pacifica: Australasian Theological Studies 4, no. 1 (February 1991): 51–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1030570x9100400104.

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Achtemeier, P. Mark. "Jews and Gentiles in the Divine Economy." CrossCurrents 59, no. 2 (June 2009): 144–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cro.2009.a782441.

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Cohen, Shaye J. D. "Respect for Judaism by Gentiles According to Josephus." Harvard Theological Review 80, no. 4 (October 1987): 409–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816000023762.

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Although conversion to Judaism in antiquity has been studied many times, the subject remains elusive. This essay is not a historical study of either ancient philo-Judaism or the relations between Jews and Gentiles in antiquity, but a historiographical study of one of the major bodies of relevant evidence, the writings of Josephus. I hope to answer two sets of questions. First, how does Josephus understand respect for Judaism by Gentiles? What forms does this respect take and what terminology is used to describe them? Second, what is Josephus's attitude towards respect for Judaism by Gentiles? Does his attitude change from his earliest works to his latest?

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Melczewski, Paweł. "Niewłaściwe postępowanie Piotra w Antiochii (Ga 2, 14)." Ruch Biblijny i Liturgiczny 58, no. 4 (December 31, 2005): 263. http://dx.doi.org/10.21906/rbl.602.

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In Ga 2, 14, Paul openly reprimands Peter for his inconsequential behavior. He stands in the midst of the practical problems concerning religious life, while, at the same time, trying to prevent a division in the converted. Christian life is presented as the meeting of theory and practice. Peter’s behavior, despite his intention, was against “Gospel truth”. This behavior inhibited Christian unity. From this point on, Christians would not be able to celebrate the Eucharist, which was connected with the communal meal. In this case, there would be “one Lord, but two tables of the Lord” (S. C. Niell). The rhetorical question addressed to Peter shows two possible ways of life: Jewish and Gentile. In his argumentation, Paul attempts to show that members of different origin may live in one community in the “Gospel truth” that is “according to the logical relationship and coherence, which the Gospel demands” (U. Vanni). Paul defends asymmetry (“non réciprocité”) that is for the Jews not to live as the Gentiles, and for the Gentiles not to live as the Jews. For Paul, the improper behavior of Peter is seen as a regression, which would mean the approval of the idea, that justification can be received through the works of the Law (Ga 2, 16). “The Antioch conflict” is not a dispute between two personalities or authorities. It regards the basis of the Christian community – to show the truth of the Gospel (the salvation in Christ).

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Hurd, J. C., and Stephen G. Wilson. "Gentile Judaizers." New Testament Studies 38, no. 4 (October 1992): 605–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688500022104.

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In recent years a number of scholars have focused on the phenomenon of Gentiles who, in varying degrees, adopted the lifestyle of the Jews. For John Gager they are important evidence for his generally persuasive argument that in the Graeco-Roman world Judaism, far from being universally mistrusted and vilified, was in both its beliefs and its practices often attractive to non-Jews. Gager, like L. Gaston and others before him, brought this observation to bear on the more specific issue of Jewish-Christian relations in the early centuries. For, so they have argued, Christian Gentiles were among those attracted to Judaism and the reaction of ecclesiastical leaders to this situation was a major cause of anti-Jewish sentiment in the early Church. Thus judaizing was not, as had often been assumed, restricted to the first generation of Christians (approx. pre-70 CE), but remained an urgent and troublesome issue.

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Dorothée Lange, Carolin. "After They Left: Looted Jewish Apartments and the Private Perception of the Holocaust." Holocaust and Genocide Studies 34, no. 3 (2020): 431–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hgs/dcaa042.

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Abstract This study of the afterlife of “abandoned” Jewish property in National Socialist Germany analyzes the emotional impact on Jewish families of the loss of personal belongings, and those belongings’ emotional impact on the Gentile families that acquired them. This property could be movable and intimate: jewelry, furniture, porcelain, and the like; as well as immovable: apartments and houses illegitimately wrested from their residents or owners. The author asks how Gentiles’ behavior changed in relation to the escalating Holocaust of the Jews. She argues that the reactions of both ordinary Germans and government authorities changed when the mass deportations started, indicating that non-Jewish Germans were very much aware of the experience of their Jewish neighbors.

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Bassler, Jouette M., and Stanley K. Stowers. "A Rereading of Romans: Justice, Jews, and Gentiles." Journal of Biblical Literature 115, no. 2 (1996): 365. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3266881.

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Wilkes, George R. "Jews and Gentiles in Early America 1654-1800." Journal of Jewish Studies 59, no. 1 (April 1, 2008): 157–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.18647/2788/jjs-2008.

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Giesen, Heinz. "Called from the Jews and from the Gentiles." Biblische Zeitschrift 54, no. 2 (November 29, 2010): 287–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25890468-054-02-90000015.

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Bauman, Mark K., and William Pencak. "Jews and Gentiles in Early America, 1654-1800." Journal of Southern History 73, no. 4 (November 1, 2007): 870. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27649573.

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Klapper, Melissa R. ":Jews and Gentiles in Early America, 1654–1800." American Historical Review 114, no. 2 (April 2009): 433–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.114.2.433.

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Bryk, Andrzej. "The Holocaust – Jews and Gentiles in Memory of the Jews of Pacanów." Polin: Studies in Polish Jewry 2, no. 1 (January 1987): 372–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/polin.1987.2.372.

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Nanos, Mark. "Paul's Reversal of Jews Calling Gentiles 'Dogs' (Philippians 3:2): 1600 Years of an Ideological Tale Wagging an Exegetical Dog?" Biblical Interpretation 17, no. 4 (2009): 448–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156851508x329692.

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AbstractThe commentary tradition on Philippians 3:2 (and on Matt. 15 and Mark 7 too) has been claiming at least since Chrysostom that Jews commonly called Gentiles dogs, thereby legitimating a pattern of calling Jews dogs. Contemporary commentaries indicate no awareness of the harmful legacy or the continued implications of the polemic to which it contributes when perpetuating this invective. Moreover, evidence of this supposed common prejudice is often not provided, and when it is, usually consists of sayings attributed to Jesus and the Syro-Phoenician or Canaanite woman—thus available to us only in documents that post-date Paul, representing early "Christian" polemic. In addition to being anachronistic and not likely known to Paul's audience in Philippi, upon examination, it is also not clear that these Gospel sayings provide the proof supposed. Sometimes an appeal is made to Psalm 22 and other Jewish texts, but under examination, none of these substantiate the claim. Likewise, the many supposed cases in rabbinic literature—which could only provide anachronistic evidence at best—do not in fact substantiate that Jews ever called Gentiles dogs, much less that Jews commonly did so, even long after Christians habitually called Jews dogs. This essay examines the texts and challenges the interpretive tradition's claims, as well as its failure to exhibit hermeneutical distance when repeating this supposed invective against Jews and Judaism. Having exposed this ideological tale, several exegetical options worth exploring are noted.

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Jewei, Roberi. "The Law and the Coexistence of Jews and Gentiles in Romans." Interpretation: A Journal of Bible and Theology 39, no. 4 (October 1985): 341–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002096438503900403.

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The Pauline hope of the unification of all peoples through the gospel of transforming love that produces respect between groups as diverse as the Jews and the Gentiles urgently needs to be placed on our agenda.

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Iverson, Kelly R. "Jews, Gentiles, and the Kingdom of God: The Parable of the Wicked Tenants in Narrative Perspective (Mark 12:1-12)." Biblical Interpretation 20, no. 3 (2012): 305–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156851511x595585.

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AbstractThe identification of the “others” in Mark's Parable of the Wicked Tenants is widely disputed and has not been adequately addressed from a narrative perspective. Through a reconsideration of the vineyard and tenants, as well as the wider plot structure of the narrative, this article argues that the anonymous “others” to whom the vineyard is given are the Gentiles. Understood within the context of the Gentile mission, the parable describes Israel's obstinance and the expansion of the kingdom, while at the same time foreshadowing the proclamation of the gospel to the nations, which is to be carried out by the followers of Jesus.

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Greene-McCreight, Kathryn. "Born of Woman, Born Under the Law: A Theological Exegesis of Galatians 4:4." Pro Ecclesia: A Journal of Catholic and Evangelical Theology 31, no. 1 (February 2022): 33–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/10638512221076356.

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Galatians 4:4 has a rich exegetical career, touching on the eternal decision of the Father in the divine sending of the Son; the pre-existent Christ; Mary's role in Christ's humanity and ethnicity; the one church of Jews and Gentiles.

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WAHLEN, CLINTON. "Peter's Vision and Conflicting Definitions of Purity." New Testament Studies 51, no. 4 (October 2005): 505–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688505000263.

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Luke depicts the problem of incorporating Gentiles into the Church as rooted in conflicting definitions of purity. Apart from the principal Torah distinction between clean and unclean animals, a third category is mentioned: ‘common’, referring to doubtfully pure food. Parallels to this usage are found in a range of Jewish literature, from the Hasmonaean to the Rabbinic period. The notion of doubtfully pure food can help explain Peter's refusal to slaughter and eat from the mixed group of animals in his vision. Categorizing people like Cornelius as ‘potentially defiled’ may have constituted a human ‘fence’ between scrupulous Jews and unclean pagans. Adherence to the stipulations of the apostolic decree by Gentile Christians removed the last hindrance to Jewish Christians having table fellowship with them.

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