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Journal articles on the topic 'Jewish Question'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 August 2024

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1

Wharton, Annabel Jane. "Jewish Art, Jewish art." IMAGES 1, no. 1 (2007): 29–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187180007782347584.

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AbstractAs the Jews have always produced art, the question arises, why is the notion of a Jewish Art so problematic? No effort is made in this paper to review or summarize the arguments for or against "Jewish Art." Rather, it attempts a modest shift in the terms of the debate. The essay addresses the question by considering the historiography of Jewish art in relation to both the End-of-Art debates and the Holocaust industry.This paper offers a provisional answer to the question: Why has Jewish art never managed to become Jewish Art? The End of Art debate conditions the discussion; the institutions of Jewish art provide its substance.

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2

Ragacs, Ursula. "Christian-Jewish or Jewish-Jewish, That’s my question ..." European Journal of Jewish Studies 5, no. 1 (2011): 93–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187247111x579296.

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3

Rizzi, B. "The Jewish Question." Telos 1985, no. 66 (January 1, 1985): 109–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.3817/1285066109.

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4

Rabinovitch, Simon. "Lenin's Jewish Question." Revolutionary Russia 25, no. 2 (December 2012): 223–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09546545.2012.726778.

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5

Weir, Todd H. "The Specter of “Godless Jewry”: Secularism and the “Jewish Question” in Late Nineteenth-Century Germany." Central European History 46, no. 4 (December 2013): 815–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938913001295.

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When asked to provide his own “solution to the Jewish Question” for a 1907 survey, the journalist and philosopher Fritz Mauthner responded, “I do not know how to give an answer to your question, because I do not know which Jewish question you mean. The Jewish question is posed differently by every questioner, differently at every time, differently at every location.” While untypical for its time, Mauthner's viewpoint is shared by many scholars who write today—not one but a myriad of “Jewish Questions” proliferated in nineteenth-century Germany and, indeed, across the globe. The dramas they framed could be transposed onto many stages, because talk about the purported virtues and vices of Jews had the remarkable ability to latch onto and thereby produce meaning for a wide range of public debates. By plumbing this excess of meaning, scholars have teased out some of the key dynamics and antinomies of modern political thought. No longer focusing solely on conservative antisemitism, they have examined the role of the “Jewish Question” in other political movements, such as liberalism and socialism, and in the conceptual elaboration of the state, civil society, and the nation. Cast in ambivalent roles at once powerful and vulnerable, familiar and foreign, the figure of the Jew acted as a lightning rod for imagining such collectivities. Opposing parties shared common assumptions, such as the tacit understanding that integration into the nation, state, or civil society required a self-transformation of Jews, something historians have referred to as the “emancipation contract.” Generally speaking, it was the terms of this contract rather than its form that divided liberals from conservatives, philo- from antisemites, and Jews from non-Jews in the nineteenth-century. Accordingly, scholars now increasingly approach the “Jewish Question” not merely as an example of prejudice, but rather as a framework through which multiple parties elaborated their positions.

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6

Rominger, Chris. "Debating the “Jewish Question” in Tunisia." Historical Reflections/Réflexions Historiques 46, no. 3 (December 1, 2020): 31–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/hrrh.2020.460303.

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In Tunisia, the end of World War I and the return of Muslims and European settlers from the front brought attacks against local Jews who had been exempt from conscription under French colonial rule. French commentators spoke of a “Jewish question” fueled by Muslim fanaticism and Jewish profiteering, obscuring their own divisive attitudes and policies. Colonial archives and the popular press, however, reveal that this was far from a monolithic sectarian concern. Jews responded to violence with a variety of transnational political visions. I explore how some Jews reaffirmed their loyalty to France, while others highlighted colonial hypocrisies. Others turned to solutions such as US protection or the Zionist movement. This Tunisian story, with its unique colonial arrangement and legal ambiguities, foregrounds an oft-overlooked North African perspective on the global questions of identity, nationalisms, and minority politics at the end of World War I.

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7

Goldstein, Warren S. "The Racialization of the Jewish Question." Religion and Theology 27, no. 3-4 (December 8, 2020): 179–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15743012-02703001.

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Abstract This article explores how the Jewish Question went from being a question of whether to give Jews, as a religious minority, citizenship, to a racial theory of a conflict between the Aryan and Semitic races. It explores the origins of Christian anti-Judaism in Europe and describes how it flared up during the Crusades, Inquisition, and Pogroms. It then describes how and explains why the Jewish Question became pseudo-secularized into a pseudo-scientific racial anti-Semitism, which culminated in the Final Solution.

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8

Kashin, Valeriy P. "Mahatma Gandhi about Jews and Jewish question." Asia and Africa Today, no. 7 (2022): 71. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750020977-6.

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Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, the leader of Indian liberation struggle and nonviolence adept, paid a lot of attention to the status of the Jews and the Jewish Question. According to the author, Gandhi considered the Jews to be a part of the Indian nation, and their participation in civil disobedience campaigns together with the Hindus and the Muslims to lead to the achievement of Home Rule. Gandhi condemned the idea of making the Jewish National Home in Palestine as well as the idea of making the state of Israel due to the fact that Palestine belonged to the Arabs like England belonged to the English and France belonged to the French. Therefore, Gandhi thought that the migration of the Jews to their historical motherland depends on the Arabs’ good will. Gandhi offered his own way of solving the Jewish Question. He thought the Jews should stay in the countries they were born in and lived in and oppose to the discrimination and pursuit with nonviolence actions following the example of the Indians in South Africa. M.K. Gandhi tried to persuade the Jews that nonviolence was in their interests and it was able to lead to the realization of the Jews’ ambitions even in the Nazi Germany. The author concludes that the reasonable criticism of Gandhi’s naïve beliefs did not affect his trust in universal abilities of nonviolence. Gandhi’s position of condemning the partition of Palestine and the making of the Jewish State had a tremendous impact on the external policy of India in the Middle East. This position made the dialogue between India and Israel rather complicated. As a result India was the latest country among the leading non-Arab and non-Muslim ones to send its ambassador to Israel in 1992.

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9

Lappin, Shalom. "The Re-Emergence of the Jewish Question." Journal of Contemporary Antisemitism 2, no. 1 (Spring 2019) (July 24, 2019): 29–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.26613/jca/2.1.21.

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Major economic transformations over the past forty years have produced wrenching social changes. These have now generated a strong anti-globalist reaction that is expressing itself in extremist political movements throughout Europe, America, and other parts of the world. Antisemitism is an integral element of this reaction in its far-right, far-left, and Islamist instantiations. These developments have caused a re-emergence of the question of the place of Jews in the non-Jewish world. Both the anti-globalist reaction, and many of the Jewish responses to it, are backward looking. They are attempting to deal with new economic and political challenges by re-running ideologies from the past. The rise of antisemitism in this context is indicative of the failure of anti-globalist movements to cope effectively with these challenges. A new progressive politics is urgently needed to deal with them. To be effective, the Jewish response to the threat posed by widespread antisemitism must be informed by the lessons of recent Jewish history. Keywords: Jewish Question, anti-globalism, rightwing antisemitism, leftwing antisemitism, new diasporism, economic dislocation

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10

SCHWARTZ, DANIEL B. "GAUGING THE GERMAN JEWISH." Modern Intellectual History 17, no. 2 (September 17, 2018): 579–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244318000380.

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Few fields are as riddled with terminological indecision as “German Jewish thought.” One cannot invoke this sphere without immediately bumping up against essential questions of definition. Should membership within its bounds be reserved for those who wrote, primarily, as Jews for Jews, even if in a non-Jewish language? Or should its borders be expanded substantially to include Jewish contributions to secular German thought—or, perhaps more aptly put, secular thought in German, in order not to exclude the vast number of Central European Jewish innovators who wrote in the language? If one takes the latter route, the problems only proliferate, for the question then ensues, what makes any of these supposed Jewish contributionsJewish? How is the Jewishness of a particular work, school of thought, or sensibility to be gauged and assessed? How does one avoid the risk of reading too much in—or too little? How does one steer clear of reducing Jewishness to some stable core or essence, without relying on a notion so broad and diffuse as to be effectively meaningless? And always lurking is the question whether, in imputing Jewishness to a cultural product or outlook, one has betrayed its creator, who would have recoiled at being labeled a “Jewish” author or artist. These problems are not peculiar to German Jewish intellectual history. They arise wherever and whenever Jews have been disproportionately prominent in the shaping of secular culture—for instance, in the writing of the “New York intellectuals” in the postwar United States. But the role of authors and artists of German Jewish background proved especially pronounced even after many, like Hannah Arendt or Leo Strauss, emigrated to escape the Nazis. In their new environments, they remained active participants in intellectual life, and the question remains whether they were carrying on the tradition of German Jewish thought.

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11

Fischer, Lars. "The Non‐Jewish Question and Other “Jewish Questions” in Modern Germany (and Austria)." Journal of Modern History 82, no. 4 (December 2010): 876–901. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/656079.

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12

Bezarov, Oleksandr. "The jewish question in the concept of socialist zionism by Moses Hess." History Journal of Yuriy Fedkovych Chernivtsi National University, no. 57 (June 30, 2023): 150–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/hj2023.57.150-158.

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The famous German revolutionary activist and publicist of Jewish origin Moses (Moritz) Hess (1812–1875) left a noticeable mark in the history of the formation of the ideology of Zionism, being one of the first to formulate the socialist principles of the future Jewish state.The relevance of the study is determined by the fact that the concept of socialist Zionism, which M. Hess substantiated in the 1860s, was several decades ahead of the development of the ideology of Zionism itself, and also at the beginning of the 20th century determined the emergence of the ideas of Jewish socialism, which were reflected in the activities of the relevant revolutionary parties, especially in the Russian Empire (Poalei Zion, Zionist Socialist Workers Party, Socialist Jewish Workers Party, Tseirei Zion and others). Considering the importance of the conceptual ideas of M. Hess in the further development of the ideology of Jewish nationalism and socialism, it is worth analyzing the evolution of the ideas of M. Hess and determining his views on the solution of the Jewish question in the Western European countries of that time.The conclusions state that the emancipation policy applied by Western European states to the Jewish population in the first half of the 19th century, according to Hess, could not solve the Jewish question. Emancipation only created tension in the relations between Jews and non-Jews, because the latter chose the national principle of development. The non-Jewish society of Western Europe generally excluded Jews from its ideology of national culture. Hess rightly noted the contradictions of the policy of emancipation, which was based on the civilization ideas of the Great French Revolution, but was carried out under the condition of the national elevation of the European peoples. However, in the agrarian societies of Eastern Europe, the above-mentioned phenomena did not acquire the character of an open confrontation between Jews and non-Jews due to the weakly developed national factor and the noticeable influence of traditions. It was the last circumstance that inspired Hess in his concept of socialist Zionism. The religious idea of the collective immortality of the Jewish people should soon be embodied in «earthly Jerusalem», that is, in Jewish statehood on the territory of Palestine. However, the future Jewish republic, according to Hess’s ideas, will certainly be socialist, because the traditional society of Jews, especially in Eastern Europe, was socialist, that is, collectivist. The historical significance of Hess’s ideas was that he was one of the first Western European thinkers to warn of the dangers of the policy of emancipation of the Jewish people, which hid the threat of assimilation on the one hand, and racial anti-Semitism on the other hand. In the second half of the 19th century anti-Semitism in the countries of Western Europe became a noticeable factor not only in the development of national movements, but also influenced the ideological and political debate within socialist groups and parties, whose leaders were forced to take into account the national characteristics of the revolutionary struggle for the ideals of social justice. If we evaluate the concept of Hess through the prism of the revolutionary processes in the development of the Jewish people of Eastern Europe at the beginning of the 20th century, we can state that his ideas turned out to be a true prophecy, and the creation of the Jewish state in the middle of the same century was a natural result of the complex process of the national revival of the Jewish people.

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13

Kettler, David, and Volker Meja. "Karl Mannheim’s Jewish Question." Religions 3, no. 2 (April 11, 2012): 228–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel3020228.

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14

Boyarin, Daniel. "The New Jewish Question." Cambridge Journal of Postcolonial Literary Inquiry 9, no. 1 (January 2022): 42–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/pli.2021.29.

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AbstractIn this article I attempt to lay out at least the bones of an argument for a shift in the terms of world Jewish life. Against the Hobson’s choice of “religion” or “state,” I offer an older paradigm of diaspora nation, the Yiddishe Folk. Because I am opposed to both the mononational state and cosmopolitanism (of the classic Appiah-like variety), I work out a description (not fully defined) of diaspora that comprises dual loyalties, to the place where I am and especially its oppressed people and to others of my nation scattered in many places (ideally!). This statement constitutes a vade mecum to a longer manifesto to be published by Yale University Press, late in 2022.

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15

Ben-Atar, Doron. "The Jewish American Question." Journal of Urban History 26, no. 1 (November 1999): 98–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009614429902600107.

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16

Mendelsohn, Ezra, and John Doyle Klier. "Imperial Russia's Jewish Question." American Historical Review 102, no. 3 (June 1997): 851. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2171607.

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17

Hull, Gordon. "The Jewish question revisited." Philosophy & Social Criticism 23, no. 2 (March 1997): 47–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019145379702300203.

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18

Horowitz, Elliott. "The Court Jews and the Jewish question." Jewish History 12, no. 2 (September 1998): 113–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02335503.

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19

WILSON, NELLY. "Péguy, the Jews and the Jewish Question." Jewish Culture and History 6, no. 1 (August 2003): 174–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1462169x.2003.10511991.

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20

Rabinbach, Anson. "The Jewish Question in the German Question." New German Critique, no. 44 (1988): 159. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/488151.

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21

Bortz, Olof. "Hugo Valentin's scholarly campaign against antisemitism." Nordisk judaistik/Scandinavian Jewish Studies 34, no. 1 (June 19, 2023): 52–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.30752/nj.126119.

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The Swedish Jewish historian Hugo Valentin (1888–1963) founded the field of Swedish Jewish history in the 1920s. Valentin was also a prominent and public figure in Swedish Jewish affairs, as a writer, Zionist and refugee activist. This article focuses on Valentin’s analysis of antisemitism, from the 1920s to the early 1950s. It pays equal attention to the continuity and change of his writings on the topic, analysed in relation to such political contexts as the ‘Jewish question’, Zionism and anti-Nazi responses, and advances within scholarly research on antisemitism. It shows that Valentin staked out a new approach to the topic of antisemitism, in which Jewish characteristics and the so-called Jewish question, while not completely absent, were placed within parentheses. Instead, he presented antisemitism and individual antisemites as problems in their own right, which, given Nazi German expansionism and the outbreak of the Second World War, seemed to be a greater and more urgent issue than whatever questions might have pertained to Jews and their place in modern society.

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22

Fischer-Galati, Stephen. "Jew and Peasant in Interwar Romania*." Nationalities Papers 16, no. 2 (1988): 201–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905998808408082.

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Common historical wisdom has it that the Peasant Revolt of 1907 and the elections of December 1937 reflected the profound anti-Semitism of the Romanian peasantry. And since the events of 1907 and 1937 have also been looked upon as decisive in determining the course of the history of the peasantry, if not of Romania as such, it seems only proper to assess the accuracy of these contentions.The revolt of 1907 was indeed a social movement directed against the exploitation of the impoverished Moldavian and Wallachian peasantry by Romanian landlords and Jewish “arendaşi” (Leaseholders). After 1907, and throughout the interwar years, Romanian historiography and political propaganda stressed the anti-Semitic character of the uprising in an effort to exonerate the absentee, and other, Romanian landowners and to emphasize the exploitative nature of Jews and Jewish capitalism. The Jewish question was organically connected with the peasant question in a variety of ways, all condemnatory of Jewish and Judaizing capitalism.As none of the major political parties of pro-World War I Romania—or, for that matter, few of interwar Romania as well—paid more than lip service to the economic and social plight of the peasants, it was convenient to regard the Jew as the root cause of all the evils affecting the peasantry. Before World War I, populists and, paradoxically, socialists enunciated political theories regarding “neoserfdom,” which, however different in origin, converged in demands for radical land reform. The reform came not because of such demands but because of the Bolshevik Revolution and the dissolution of the Austro-Hungarian and Russian empires. Officially, it was unrelated to any political ideology, certainly separated from the Jewish question which, in theory, was resolved concurrently with the peasant question through the granting of citizenship and extension of political rights to the Jews of Romania. Following the countrywide agrarian reform in Greater Romania the peasant and the Jewish questions were in fact severed as Jews and Jewish capitalism had virtually no connections with the land.

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23

Kosansky, Oren, and Aomar Boum. "THE “JEWISH QUESTION” IN POSTCOLONIAL MOROCCAN CINEMA." International Journal of Middle East Studies 44, no. 3 (July 26, 2012): 421–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743812000402.

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AbstractIn this historically and anthropologically oriented article, we situate the recent wave of Jewish-themed Moroccan films within the context of the liberalizing transformations and associated nationalist narratives promoted by the current Moroccan regime. Reflecting Mohammed VI's commitment to widening the space of civil society, the task of enacting these transformations and producing these narratives devolves increasingly to nonstate agents in the public sphere. Previously monopolized and managed more comprehensively by the state, the “Jewish Question”—that is, contestations over representations of Jews as authentic members of the Moroccan body politic—is now taken up in a range of public media less subject to direct government control. We demonstrate that the role of cinema in this process reflects the shifting relationship between state and civil society in the late postcolonial period. More specifically, we argue that the production, circulation, and reception of Jewish-themed films is diagnostic of the state's ability to open new spaces of public representation and debate that foster precisely those images of the state and nation promoted by the current regime in regional and global contexts.

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24

Samuels, Maurice. "The Question of Assimilation in French Jewish Historiography." French Historical Studies 43, no. 1 (February 1, 2020): 29–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00161071-7920436.

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Abstract This article examines one of the defining features of French Jewish historiography: the debate over assimilation. Beginning with Jewish nationalist historians in the late nineteenth century, French Jews were accused of having gladly renounced their Jewish identity to partake of the benefits of emancipation. Twentieth-century historians writing in the wake of Hannah Arendt offered a similar condemnation of the “politics of assimilation.” At the end of the twentieth century, however, historians began to question this consensus, suggesting that French Jews sought out distinct ways of maintaining their religious and cultural identity. Ultimately, this article argues that the debate reflects a conflict over ideological frameworks used to interpret Jewish modernity. Cet article examine le débat sur l'assimilation qui traverse l'historiographie du judaïsme français. Selon les historiens nationalistes juifs de la fin du dix-neuvième siècle, les juifs français auraient renoncé volontairement à leur identité juive afin de jouir des bienfaits de leur émancipation. Les historiens du vingtième siècle écrivant dans la lignée d'Hannah Arendt ont été également prompts à critiquer cette « politique de l'assimilation ». Pourtant, à la fin du vingtième siècle, certains historiens ont commencé à mettre en doute ce consensus, soulignant les divers moyens par lesquels les juifs auraient essayé de conserver leur identité religieuse et culturelle tout en devenant des citoyens français. En fin de compte, cet article suggère que c'est le cadre idéologique qui produit les différences d'opinion dans ce débat sur la modernité juive.

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25

Jeziorny, Dariusz. "‘The most momentous epochs in Jewish life’. American Jewish Congress in Philadelphia (December 15–18, 1918)." Przegląd Nauk Historycznych 17, no. 3 (December 13, 2018): 181–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1644-857x.17.03.07.

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The American Jewish Congress began its activities as an organization established to represent all Jews living in the United States during the Congress in Philadelphia. On December 15–18, 1918, a meeting of 400 delegates representing all Jewish political parties and social groups in the USA took place. It aroused great hopes because new opportunities were opening up for the Jews to resolve the Palestinian question, the main Zionist project, and to guarantee equal rights for Jewish minorities in East-Central Europe. The article answers questions about how the American Jewish Congress was convened. How did the main political groups of Jews in the USA respond to it? What was the subject of the debate? What decisions were made? And then how were they implemented and what was the future of the initiative launched in Philadelphia? Answers to these questions will allow us to draw a conclusion as to the importance of the December congress in the history of Jews in the USA and whether it fulfilled its tasks.

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26

Leganovic, Julijana. "Vilnius Question and Kaunas Jewish Community in the Interwar Years." Tirosh. Jewish, Slavic & Oriental Studies 18 (2018): 138–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2658-3380.2018.18.3.4.

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One of the most prominent and at the same time the most complicated storylines of Lithuanian history between two world wars — the conflict between Lithuania and Poland for Vilnius. It is important to note that dramatic events occurred in Vilnius and around it, which essentially determined the democratic relations between Lithuania and Poland in the interwar period, influenced not only Lithuanians and Poles, but also national minorities living there for many centuries, first of all — the most numerous and influential Jewish communities. Geopolitical changes, the loss of historical capital and proclamation of Provisional capital affect the new search of coexistence of Vilnius and Kaunas Jewish communities with the dominant nation and directly affects cultural, political development. This paper attempts to present how the Vilnius question influenced the positions and choices of the Kaunas Jewish community in interwar years. Kaunas Jews have survived the crisis of identity in a provisional capital. In this period, Kaunas Jews began to create a new system — the alternative “Jerusalem of Lithuania”. Furthermore, Kaunas Jews joined the Vilnius liberation campaign in 1930s together with Lithuanians.

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27

Fischman, Dennis. "The Jewish Question about Marx." Polity 21, no. 4 (June 1989): 755–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3234722.

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28

Holub, Robert C. "Nietzsche and the Jewish Question." New German Critique, no. 66 (1995): 94. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/488589.

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Drakakis, John, and Martin D. Yaffe. "Shylock and the Jewish Question." Modern Language Review 95, no. 1 (January 2000): 175. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3736385.

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30

Halio, Jay L., and Martin D. Yaffe. "Shylock and the Jewish Question." Shakespeare Quarterly 51, no. 2 (2000): 258. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2902147.

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31

Lockman, Zachary, Maxime Rodinson, Akiva Orr, and Lenni Brenner. "Israel and the Jewish Question." MERIP Reports, no. 131 (March 1985): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3011007.

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32

Botstein, L. "The Jewish Question in Music." Musical Quarterly 94, no. 4 (December 1, 2011): 439–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/musqtl/gdr023.

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33

Beller, Steven. "The ‘Jewish question’ in Wonderland." Patterns of Prejudice 51, no. 5 (October 20, 2017): 474–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0031322x.2017.1388990.

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34

Serlin, David Harley, and Jesse Lerner. "Weegee and the Jewish Question." Wide Angle 19, no. 4 (1997): 95–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wan.1997.0021.

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35

Marks, Shula. "Apartheid and the Jewish question." Journal of Southern African Studies 30, no. 4 (December 2004): 889–907. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0305707042000313077.

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36

Feigelson, Kristian, and Catherine Portuges. "Screen memory: The Jewish question." Hungarian Studies 31, no. 1 (June 2017): 19–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/044.2017.31.1.2.

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37

Rosenthal, John. "Kosovo and "The Jewish Question"." Monthly Review 51, no. 9 (February 3, 2000): 24. http://dx.doi.org/10.14452/mr-051-09-2000-02_3.

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38

Oldenhage, Tania. "Displacements and the Jewish Question." Shofar: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Jewish Studies 14, no. 1 (1995): 185–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sho.1995.0116.

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39

Mahoney, Daniel J. "Solzhenitsyn on Russia’s “Jewish question”." Society 40, no. 1 (November 2002): 104–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02802976.

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40

Abraham, Gary. "Max Weber on ?Jewish rationalism? and the Jewish Question." International Journal of Politics, Culture and Society 1, no. 3 (March 1988): 358–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf01385426.

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41

Benjamin, Alan F. "Judah M. Cohen. Through the Sands of Time: A History of the Jewish Community of St. Thomas, U.S. Virgin Islands. Hanover, MA: Brandeis University Press, 2004. xxvi, 298 pp." AJS Review 29, no. 2 (November 2005): 382–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009405320174.

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Immediately following his acknowledgments, Cohen begins his volume with an invitation that aims to evoke our interest in the Jews of St. Thomas. This chapter structure—in which the volume commences with what is in essence a justification for its publication—elicits an intriguing question about the study of Jewish life. Cohen is asking us to consider why one should be interested in this (and by implication, any?) small community of Jews. His subsequent introductory chapter poses a second fundamental question. It asks whether, in an age in which prevailing historical models have been subject to critical reexamination, a history that is organized by chronology rather than by theme can have scholarly value. The core of his response to these questions is that the St. Thomas Jewish community is an unusual instance of “accumulative ethnicity” (xxii) and thus constitutes a pattern in Jewish ethnicity worthy of scholarly attention. The narrative is arranged in chronological sequence to convey this pattern. Its unfolding temporal structure allows the reader to watch Jewish ethnicities emerge both from, and in place of one another. In raising these questions, Cohen brings a reflexive stance to the narrative. Yet, socially constructed memory seems to lie at the heart of the notion of accumulative ethnicity. Most Jews currently living on St. Thomas are transplants from the American mainland. Might the volume's framework also represent an American search for roots, and for roots that are special?

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Devji, Faisal. "Comments on “The New Jewish Question”." Cambridge Journal of Postcolonial Literary Inquiry 9, no. 1 (January 2022): 85–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/pli.2021.26.

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If the “old” Jewish Question had asked how a Jew could be a citizen, the “new” one posed by Daniel Boyarin’s remarkable and courageous article asks how nationality can exist without a state. Striking about this formulation is the distance it marks from the European debates about emancipation and assimilation that had defined its predecessor. Boyarin’s context is not continental but imperial, taking into account Jews in colonized lands as much as the historical relationship between Europe and empire. As Hannah Arendt was the first to argue in The Origins of Totalitarianism, this relationship possessed an outward trajectory that went through anti-Semitism and an inward return by way of genocide.1

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Cohen, Judah M. "Ruth Katz. “The Lachmann Problem”: An Unsung Chapter in Comparative Musicology. Jerusalem: The Hebrew University Magnes Press, 2003. 415 pp. CD encl.; David M. Schiller. Bloch, Schoenberg & Bernstein: Assimilating Jewish Music. New York: Oxford University Press, 2003. x, 199 pp.; Marsha Bryan Edelman. Discovering Jewish Music. Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society, 2003. xii, 396 pp. CD encl." AJS Review 28, no. 2 (November 2004): 398–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s036400940440021x.

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Jewish music study is a loosely unified field that brings together strands from several scholarly traditions. Researchers trained in historical musicology typically use document study, note analysis, and contemporary aesthetic writings to examine how questions of “Jewishness” manifest themselves in the works of selected composers. Ethnomusicologists frequently utilize ethnographic fieldwork methods developed for studying musical practices of Jewish communities within a broad cultural and symbolic system. Jewish music researchers in Israel commonly focus on comparative cultural projects intended to illuminate stylistic or song-based pathways of transmission from one age or culture to the next. Cultural theorists tend to situate music as a medium for negotiating the borders between Jews and other groups. And with the lay public in mind, specialists and nonspecialists alike have generated numerous popular textbooks claiming to cover “Jewish music.” Each of these disciplines asks different questions about the nature of sound within Jewish contexts; yet central to all is the question of how the sound itself reflects concepts of Jewish life—providing researchers with a richly evocative common ground for substantive and interdisciplinary study.

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Klor, Sebastian. "Zionism and the New Left: The Mordechai Anielewicz Brigade In Argentina in the 1960s." Hebrew Union College Annual 93 (June 1, 2023): 265–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.15650/hebruniocollannu.93.2022/0265.

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The New Left challenged Argentina’s Jews, both young and old, who in the 1960s numbered more than 300,000. It compelled them to reexamine and redefine ethnic-Jewish, national, and transnational elements of their collective identity. On the theoretical level, the New Left raised intriguing questions that have been a focus of attention for scholars of Latin American Jewry in general and Argentinian Jewry in particular, as well as for writers on hyphenated identities. The scholarly debate revolves around the relative weights of the ethnic-Jewish and general-national civic components of the collective identities of Jews of each specific country. Are they Latin-American Jews or Jewish Latin-Americans?1 The question has been the impetus for a historiographical debate between scholars in two different fields – Jewish studies and Latin-American studies. The former stress the particularistic aspects of the Jewish experience in Latin America. The latter, in contrast, seek to understand the Jewish experience in this region from a Latin-American standpoint. The different approaches taken by these writers and the resulting debate have, over the last three decades, produced a wide-ranging and rich research literature on issues such as ethnicity, identity, and diaspora.

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Lévy, Clara, and Cherry Schecker. "The controversial question of “French Jewish literature”." Nationalities Papers 40, no. 3 (May 2012): 395–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2012.674016.

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Is there is specific Jewish literature in France? The study of Jewish authors and their writing is not sufficient grounds to indicate that such a group exists as a sociohistoriacal entity; that their existence is real and not merely nominal. The question of the existence of Jewish literature — not to be confused with Jewish writing — is a central preoccupation of the community press, in which preferred answers are formulated with reference to an organised group of artists rather than in terms of artistic expression. We will attempt to show how and by what devices the position adopted by the press in question, often lacking in coherence and sufficient justification, has influenced that adopted by certain writers and academics.

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Angermann, Asaf. "Du Bois, Marx, and the Jewish Question Reconsidered." Critical Philosophy of Race 12, no. 1 (January 2024): 51–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/critphilrace.12.1.0051.

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ABSTRACT W. E. B. Du Bois’s groundbreaking scholarship on race and racial prejudice was inseparable from his lifelong struggle for racial justice, Black liberation, and against social and political oppression. Both in his theoretical and in his historical-political work, Du Bois substantially and critically engaged with the “Jewish question”: with Jewish life, history, and politics, with the experiential perspective of an oppressed minority, and with the fight against prejudice and racial hatred. Throughout in life, and in particular in later years, Du Bois was influenced by Karl Marx’s critical analysis of social and economic life; Marx’s own discussion of the “Jewish question,” concerning the difference between political equality and human emancipation, proved substantial to his argument on civil rights and racial justice. In this article, I argue that Du Bois did not only draw from the Jewish experience and from Marx’s work on the “Jewish question” in his work on African American history and politics, but also that he, in fact, reconsidered the “Jewish question” from an African American perspective, offering his own reading and understanding of the “Jewish question,” thus applying his concept of double consciousness for rethinking it as a question of racial identity and racial consciousness, and as relevant and applicable to Black liberation and the fight against racism.

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Kontje, Todd. "Thomas Mann's Wälsungenblut: The Married Artist and the “Jewish Question”." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 123, no. 1 (January 2008): 109–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2008.123.1.109.

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This essay examines Thomas Mann's response to the “Jewish question” by focusing on a phase when he struggled to come to terms in his art with the repression of his homosexual desires and with his marriage to the daughter of assimilated Jews. Mann's attitude toward the Jews is primarily hostile in the controversial novella Wälsungenblut (The Blood of the Walsungs), in which he projects anti-Semitic stereotypes onto distorted images of his wife and new in-laws. In the novel Königliche Hoheit (Royal Highness), Mann produces a more sympathetic portrait of his wife by giving her an ethnic background closely resembling his mother's. Mann's response to the Jewish question is linked to his tendency to think in racial categories; his ambivalence toward the Jews stems from his ambivalence toward himself as an artist with repressed homosexual desires and an admixture of foreign “blood.”

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Schoeps, Julius H. "Das (nicht-)angenommene Erbe. Zur Debatte um die deutsch-jüdische Erinnerungskultur." Zeitschrift für Religions- und Geistesgeschichte 57, no. 3 (2005): 232–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1570073054396037.

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AbstractThis essay shows how Jewish identity in pre-1933 Germany defined itself and how the widely known concept of German-Jewish symbiosis came into question after the organized murder of the European Jews. The search for a German-Jewish legacy in postwar Germany as well as in the countries in which the Jewish émigrés found a new home will be explored. Moreover, the Eastern European cultural roots of Jews who migrated from Russia to Germany in the 1990s will also be discussed.

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Tress, Madeleine. "Germany's new “Jewish question” or German‐Jewry's “Russian question”?" New Political Science 12, no. 1-2 (March 1993): 75–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07393149308429678.

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Wolin, Richard. "Words as "Toxins": Heidegger and the Jewish Question." Antisemitism Studies 7, no. 2 (September 2023): 244–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/antistud.7.2.02.

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Abstract: The recent publication of Heidegger's Black Notebooks has renewed the discussion concerning the nature and extent of Heidegger's antisemitism. The initial wave of responses to this fraught and controversial topos by Heidegger's supporters has been disappointingly—if predictably—apologetic. In their haste to downplay the philosophical import of Heidegger's antisemitism, his defenders have often lost sight of the bigger picture: as a vigorous champion of the National Socialist Volksgemeinschaft and as someone who, as late as 1953, continued to insist on the "inner truth and greatness of National Socialism," Heidegger recognized that the goal of making Germany Judenrein was an essential step toward creating a homogeneous and self-assertive "national community." The Black Notebooks demonstrate that Heidegger's antisemitism, as well as his belief in a "Jewish world conspiracy," persisted after the war. Heidegger's postwar thoughts on the "Jewish Question" attest to the prevalence of so-called "secondary antisemitism," an attitude epitomized by Zvi Rex's dark witticism, "The Germans will never forgive the Jews for the Holocaust."

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