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Published: 10 December 2022
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1

Kounekamp, Mrs Rosamond. "William Stanley Jevons (1835-1882)." Manchester School 30, no. 3 (April 21, 2008): 251–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9957.1962.tb00331.x.

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2

Creedy, John. "Jevons's Complex Cases in the Theory of Exchange." Journal of the History of Economic Thought 14, no. 1 (1992): 55–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1053837200004399.

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When William Stanley Jevons first presented his theory of exchange, he used the example of two trading bodies (A and B) holding stocks of corn and beef (goods X and Y), but he was eager to show how the basic results could be applied to a variety of situations. After considering the relatively simple introduction of transport costs, Jevons added three subsections (Jevons 1957, pp. 111–19) which demonstrated his confident handling of his approach. There have been many critical comments on Jevons's handling of mathematics, including those of Alfred Marshall in his review of the Theory of Political Economy (Jevons 1872; see Black 1981). However, these examples show that Jevons produced a clear and succinct statement of the mathematical structure of the theory of exchange.
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3

Robine, Michel. "La question charbonnière de William Stanley Jevons." Revue économique 41, no. 2 (1990): 369–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/reco.1990.409213.

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4

Robine, Michel. "La question charbonnière de William Stanley Jevons." Revue économique 41, no. 2 (March 1990): 369. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3501807.

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5

Clark, Brett, and John Bellamy Foster. "William Stanley Jevons and The Coal Question." Organization & Environment 14, no. 1 (March 2001): 93–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1086026601141005.

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6

Stack, David. "The Hostility of William Stanley Jevons toward John Stuart Mill." History of Political Economy 52, no. 1 (February 1, 2020): 77–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182702-8009523.

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This article explores the basis for the well-known hostility of William Stanley Jevons toward John Stuart Mill, and offers an alternative explanation to those which have hitherto dominated discussion. After reviewing the importance of disagreements over economic doctrine and questions of scientific method, as well as the “psychological dimension” to the hostility, the article makes the case for considering a “fourth dimension”: the centrality of religion and, more particularly, an urgent fear of religious unbelief in the 1860s and 1870s. The article concludes that by identifying religion at the root of Jevons’s hostility to Mill we are reminded of the need to routinely consider religion and religious concerns when analyzing later nineteenth-century political economy.
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7

Bowman, Rhead S. "Policy Implications of W. S. Jevons's Economic Theory." Journal of the History of Economic Thought 19, no. 2 (1997): 196–221. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s105383720000078x.

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Historians of economic thought typically have seen little or no connection between William Stanley Jevons's economic theory and policy issues. Wesley C. Mitchell, for example, suggested that Jevons had little interest in politics and was uncertain on the questions of the day. He was “basically interested in the subject [of economics] as a science and not as a means of bettering economic organization” (Mitchell 1969, pp. 31, 101-2). Mitchell's comments are curious in view of Jevons's extensive writings on public issues. His book, The State in Relation to Labour (1882), is considered a classic on the subject of policy and a rationalization for interventionist government. Jevons's pronouncement that “we can lay down no hard and fast rules, but must treat every case upon its merits” may well have marked the end of the “liberal era of principles,” according to F. A. Hayek (Hutchison 1978, pp. 100-101). Certainly Jevons intended as much.
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8

Inoue, Takutoshi, and Michael V. White. "Bibliography of Published Works by W. S. Jevons." Journal of the History of Economic Thought 15, no. 1 (1993): 122–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1053837200005307.

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William Stanley Jevons (1835–1882) was one of the great Victorian polymaths. His published writing spans chemistry, meteorology, geology, astronomy, geometry, physiology, political economy, sociology, logic and the philosophy of science. The extraordinary range and volume of this output was not the result of dabbling in the tradition of the Victorian “gentleman scientific amateur.” Dependent in large part on extensive experimental practice, Jevons's work was published in prominent physics journals and his Principles of Science (1874) was considered by one physicist to be a state of the art summary of scientific method and principles (Clifford, 1875, p. 480). Jevons's versatility was evident throughout his life. His article on “reflected rainbows,” which drew on a controversy in art and optics, was published in the month of his death.
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9

Cook, S. "William Stanley Jevons and the Making of Modern Economics." History of Political Economy 39, no. 2 (June 1, 2007): 317–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182702-2007-008.

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10

Kern, William S. "The Law of Conservation of Matter and Energy in the History of Economic Thought." Journal of the History of Economic Thought 12, no. 1 (1990): 96–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1053837200006131.

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The development of economic thinking has seldom taken place entirely independently of developments in other disciplines. There is a long history of interdisciplinary influences among economics, mathematics, physics, biology, and philosophy. Among the most influential of these other disciplines has been physics. Numerous authors have attributed significant influence upon economics to Newtonian mechanics (Taylor 1960, Georgescu-Roegen 1971). The strength of that influence is perhaps best illustrated by William Stanley Jevons's proclamation of his attempt to reconstruct economics as “the mechanics of utility and self interest.“ Frank Knight, having observed what Jevons and others had wrought, concluded that mechanics had become the “sister science” of economics (Knight 1976, p. 85).
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11

Avtonomov, V. S. "Three sources and three heroes of the Marginal Revolution." Voprosy Ekonomiki, no. 7 (July 2, 2022): 104–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.32609/0042-8736-2022-7-104-122.

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The article is devoted to the 150th anniversary of Marginal Revolution and deals with “patristic legacies” leading to the works of William Stanley Jevons, Carl Menger and Léon Walras. The British empiricist-utilitarian tradition which inspired Jevons, the German subjectivist tradition culminating in the work of Menger, and the French Cartesian tradition, the traits of which can be easily seen in Walras, happened to give birth to similar theories of value and price based on marginal utility. All three also contributed to the creation of exact economic science. But the forms their theories took, as well as the policies they recommended, were very different and this difference could be explained by the different, nationally specific sources of their thought.
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12

Persky, Joseph. "Marshall's Neo-Classical Labor-Values." Journal of the History of Economic Thought 21, no. 3 (September 1999): 257–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1053837200004259.

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With the coming of marginal utility theory, the economists of the late nineteenth century were left with a theory of exchange values, but not with a theory of value. For example, William Stanley Jevons suggested that the concept of value be dropped from economics, leaving behind only vectors of exchange ratios (Jevons 1879). Not a few general equilibrium economists today hold much the same view. However, then, as today, there were seemingly fundamental economic questions that required a more general concept of value. Whenever economists turned to describing the movements in the economy over time or comparing the economies of different countries, they inevitably wanted to make statements about changes or differences in the real value of goods.
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13

White, Michael V. "Sympathy for the Devil: H. D. Macleod and W.S. Jevons's Theory of Political Economy." Journal of the History of Economic Thought 26, no. 3 (September 2004): 311–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1042771042000263812.

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Of the published works by William Stanley Jevons, the marginalist theory of value and distribution in the Theory of Political Economy (1871) is principally remembered by economists today. For Jevons in the early 1870s, however, the reception of the Theory (TPE) had “been of the most discouraging character.” The “recognised professor[s] of the science,” for example, had either ignored or, in the case of J. E. Cairnes, “emphatically repudiated it” (Jevons 1875a, p. 4). In November 1874, buoyed by the publication of the first volume of Leon Walras's Elements of Pure Economics and by correspondence with Walras and other European economists, Jevons presented a defense of the marginalist theory and reply to critics in an address titled “The Progress of the Mathematical Theory of Political Economy.” It was delivered to the Manchester Statistical Society, and was extensively reported in the local newspapers. Jevons used those reports to both publicize and obtain comments on the address before the final version was published in 1875. As some of the papers circulated beyond Manchester, London, readers, for example, could also read or hear of his analysis. In that regard, one component of his argument attracted particular attention.
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14

White, Michael V. "Frightening the ‘Landed Fogies’: Parliamentary Politics and The Coal Question." Utilitas 3, no. 2 (November 1991): 289–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0953820800001163.

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In early 1864, disappointed by the response to his previous work, the young Manchester academic W. Stanley Jevons announced that he was undertaking a study of the so-called coal question: ‘A good publication on the subject would draw a good deal of attention … it is necessary for the present at any rate to write on popular subjects’. When Jevons's The Coal Question (henceforth CQ) was published in April 1865, however, it received comparatively little attention and sales were slow. Jevons and his publisher, Alexander Macmillan, then began sending complimentary copies to luminaries such as Sir John Herschel and Alfred Tennyson. In February 1866 the marketing campaign produced its first substantial return. Macmillan had sent CQ to William Gladstone who responded with letters to both Macmillan and Jevons, noting that the book had strengthened his ‘conviction’ on the necessity for reducing the National Debt. In April, John Stuart Mill praised CQ in the House of Commons, calling for action on the Debt and, three weeks later, as Chancellor of the Exchequer, Gladstone introduced the budget using half his speech to examine the Debt situation and referring to CQ in support for a proposed measure of Debt reduction. With the extensive publicity given to CQ following Mill's speech and the budget, Jevons had achieved his objective in writing the text which went into a second edition in 1866. On the face of it, CQ's success was due to its effect of introducing a change in budget policy and this is the impression given by some accounts of the episode.
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15

Missemer, Antoine. "William Stanley Jevons, un pionnier des réflexions sur la fiscalité écologique." L Economie politique 60, no. 4 (2013): 78. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/leco.060.0078.

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16

Peart, S. J. ""Facts Carefully Marshalled" in the Empirical Studies of William Stanley Jevons." History of Political Economy 33, Suppl 1 (January 1, 2001): 252–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182702-33-suppl_1-252.

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17

Kahlert, Helmut. "William Stanley Jevons and Theodor Mommsen on museum management and organization." International Journal of Museum Management and Curatorship 7, no. 3 (September 1988): 275–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09647778809515131.

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18

Missemer, Antoine. "William Stanley Jevons' The Coal Question (1865), beyond the rebound effect." Ecological Economics 82 (October 2012): 97–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ecolecon.2012.07.010.

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19

Kahlert, H. "William Stanley Jevons and Theodor Mommsen on museum management and organization." Museum Management and Curatorship 7, no. 3 (September 1988): 275–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0260-4779(88)90034-9.

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20

Ansa Eceiza, Miren Maite, and Francisco Gómez García. "William Stanley Jevons and Francis Ysidro Edgeworth: Two Pioneers of Happiness Economics." Iberian Journal of the History of Economic Thought 6, no. 2 (October 24, 2019): 175–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/ijhe.66195.

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Este artículo primero aborda temas relevantes para la forma en que actualmente se realizan los estudios de Economía de la Felicidad y más tarde muestra que para WS Jevons y FY Edgeworth, autores neoclásicos fundamentales, el objetivo de la Economía era maximizar la felicidad. En esto, coinciden con los economistas actuales que trabajan en esta área de investigación. Se muestra que el interés por la felicidad no es nuevo, sino que se apoya en una importante tradición económica vinculada a la filosofía utilitaria que data de la segunda mitad del siglo XIX.
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21

Kim, Jinbang. "Newmarch, Cairnes and Jevons on the Gold Question and Statistics." Journal of the History of Economic Thought 19, no. 1 (1997): 49–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1053837200004673.

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Statistical inferences have long been part of economic inquiry. But how were such inferences made and what logic was employed for them, in particular before the procedures called econometrics were developed? This question is raised in the present paper in relation to the discovery of gold in California in 1848 and in Australia in 1851. Different opinions were soon advanced on whether prices had risen as a result, and statistical inferences were often part of the arguments. I examine the arguments of three economists, William Newmarch (1820–82), John E. Cairnes (1823–75) and W. Stanley Jevons (1835–82), who all wrote about the gold question on several occasions.
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22

Mosselmans, Bert. "William stanley jevons and the extent of meaning in logic and economics." History and Philosophy of Logic 19, no. 2 (January 1998): 83–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01445349808837299.

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23

Barros, Leonel Leite. "As expectativas no pensamento dos autores marginalistas: Jevons, Menger e Walras." REVISTA ECONOMIA POLÍTICA DO DESENVOLVIMENTO 6, no. 19 (September 4, 2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.28998/repd.v6i19.8661.

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Neste artigo se investigará os autores marginalistas com a intenção de compreender o motivo de a História do Pensamento Econômico (HPE) não ter dedicado atenção ao estudo das expectativas em suas obras. Na primeira seção será discutido o modelo homogeneizado; na seção seguinte se apresentará o papel que as expectativas desempenham nos modelos econômicos de William Stanley Jevons, Carl Menger e Léon Walras, de maneira individualizada, com o objetivo de identificar como estes autores trataram a problemática; por fim, se farão indicações conclusivas acerca do discutido no artigo, que objetivarão responder por que a HPE ignorou a temática das expectativas.
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24

Kavaliou., A. "MONEY AND CAPITAL IN THE CONCEPTS OF W. ST. JEVONS AND C. MENGER." Экономическая наука сегодня, no. 15 (May 19, 2022): 131–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.21122/2309-6667-2022-15-131-141.

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The article analyzes the approaches of Carl Menger and William Stanley Jevons - two authors of the marginalist revolution - to the interpretation of the most important economic concepts - money and capital. They share the evolutionary explanation of the origin of money and similarly understanding their essence, but they emphasize the different basic functions of money. It gives the different shade to the nature of the value of money in their conceptions on money. The positions of the authors on the reasons for the dynamics of the value of money and on recommendations regarding monetary policy are again converging. The authors’ interpretation of capital as a homogeneous fund for generating future income is also similar. At once, Jevons accents emphasis on the function of capital as providing for the current needs of workers, and Menger on the subjectivity of placing any type of capital goods in one or another production chain depending on the individual's needs.
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25

Avtonomov, Vladimir. "WILLIAM STANLEY JEVONS IS NOT THE MOST FAMOUS FOUNDER OF THE MARGINALIST REVOLUTION." Theoretical Economics, no. 3 (2021): 88–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.52342/2587-7666vte_2021_3_88_94.

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26

Sekerler Richiardi, Pelin, and Nathalie Sigot. "William Stanley Jevons et la « réforme sociale » : une théorie du bien-être sans postérité." Cahiers d Économie Politique 64, no. 1 (2013): 221. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/cep.064.0221.

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27

Peart, S. J. "A World Ruled by Number: William Stanley Jevons and the Rise of Mathematical Economics." History of Political Economy 24, no. 3 (September 1, 1992): 763–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182702-24-3-763.

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28

Madureira, Nuno Luis. "The Anxiety of Abundance: William Stanley Jevons and Coal Scarcity in the Nineteenth Century." Environment and History 18, no. 3 (August 1, 2012): 395–421. http://dx.doi.org/10.3197/096734012x13400389809373.

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29

Mattos, Laura Valladão de. "O desafio historicista à economia política: uma análise do debate metodológico na Inglaterra na década de 1870." Economia e Sociedade 28, no. 3 (December 2019): 641–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1982-3533.2019v28n3art02.

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Resumo Esse artigo analisa um debate, ocorrido na década de 1870, que se seguiu a fortes críticas lançadas por dois economistas historicistas, Thomas Cliffe Leslie e John Kells Ingram, à natureza dedutiva, abstrata e universalista da Economia Política. O objetivo desses economistas era substituir essa ciência por uma Economia de caráter indutivo e histórico. Walter Bagehot e William Stanley Jevons - defensores, respectivamente, da ortodoxia vigente e do marginalismo emergente - reagiram diretamente a esses críticos. A resposta de Bagehot foi reafirmar o método dedutivo da Economia Política, porém restringir a validade dessa ciência às sociedades comerciais avançadas como a Inglaterra. A reação de Jevons foi enfatizar a natureza dedutiva e universal da teoria econômica, mas defender a importância da existência de ramos de históricos e aplicados de investigação. Argumenta-se que, o desafio historicista colocou as questões metodológicas na ‘ordem do dia’ e fez com que esses economistas atribuíssem um ‘lugar’ para a história - mesmo que não aquele almejado por Leslie e Ingram. Analisar esse debate metodológico permite uma compreensão melhor das alternativas que se apresentavam para a Economia ao final do século XIX e pode, quem sabe, jogar luz sobre os rumos que a nossa ciência tomou nas primeiras décadas do século XX.
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30

Martinoia, Rozenn. "That which is Desired, which Pleases, and which Satisfies: Utility According to Alfred Marshall." Journal of the History of Economic Thought 25, no. 3 (September 2003): 349–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1042771032000114764.

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In the period of the marginal revolution in England, utility was traditionally defined in reference to either desire or pleasure. William Stanley Jevons, for example, referred to pleasure. According to Jevons, utility was actually identical with the addition made to a person's happiness, that is to say to the sum of the pleasure created and the pain prevented (1871, pp. 5354). Henry Sidgwick, Alfred Marshall's spiritual father and mother, criticized this Benthamist perspective (Sidgwick 1883, p. 63) and introduced another definition at Cambridge. By utility of material things, Sidgwick stated, we mean their capacity tosatisfy men's needs and desires (1883, p. 84, emphasis added). Marshall, for his part, repeatedly moved from one meaning to another. In the first edition of his Principles of Economics, the term utility alternatively designated desire or pleasure. Few commentators have noted this double meaning of utility (Homan 1933, p. 224; Stigler 1950, p. 384; Guillebaud 1961, pp. 23637; Aldrich 1996, p. 211). Only Arthur Cecil Pigou (1903) and Jacob Viner (1925, p. 64749) have actually brought out its theoretical implications. No explanation as to the prevalence of this duality or its status in Marshall's welfare economics seems to have been proposed. Such is the intention of this article.
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31

Mirowski, Philip. "A World Ruled by Number: William Stanley Jevons and the Rise of Mathematical Economics. Margaret Schabas." Isis 83, no. 3 (September 1992): 501–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/356246.

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32

Makasheva, N. A. "The Marginalist Revolution: An event, a process or a myth?" Voprosy Ekonomiki, no. 11 (November 2, 2022): 5–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.32609/0042-8736-2022-11-5-23.

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The Marginalist Revolution, which is traditionally associated with the date 1871 and the names of Leon Walras, William Stanley Jevons, Karl Menger, is interpreted as a complex and lengthy process, that ended around the mid-twentieth century. Its origins can be traced to three relatively independent trends that existed long before the 1870s: in the field of value theory — a tendency to view utility as a basis of value, in the field of methodology — a trend towards the adoption of deductive method, in the field of analytical tools — a trend towards the application of mathematics in economics. The achievements of these authors, which in a sense can be regarded as a “point of intersection” (“overlap”) of the above-mentioned tendencies, were not properly appreciated by contemporaries, were not considered as revolutionary and for quite a long time remained on the periphery of economic research, became a bridge to the future economic science.
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33

Topham, Jonathan. "Science and popular education in the 1830s: the role of theBridgewater Treatises." British Journal for the History of Science 25, no. 4 (December 1992): 397–430. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007087400029587.

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As is widely known, theBridgewater Treatises on the Power, Wisdom and Goodness of God as Manifested in the Creation(1833–36) were commissioned in accordance with a munificent bequest of the eighth Earl of Bridgewater, the Rev. Francis Henry Egerton (1756–1829), and written by seven leading men of science, together with one prominent theological commentator. Less widely appreciated is the extent to which theBridgewater Treatisesrank among the scientific best-sellers of the early nineteenth century. Their varied blend of natural theology and popular science attracted extraordinary contemporary interest and ‘celebrity’, resulting in unprecedented sales and widespread reviewing. Much read by the landed, mercantile and professional classes, the success of the series ‘encouraged other competitors into the field’, most notably Charles Babbage's unsolicitedNinth Bridgewater Treatise(1837). As late as 1882 the political economist William Stanley Jevons was intending to write an unofficialBridgewater Treatise, and even an author of the prominence of Lord Brougham could not escape having hisDiscourse of Natural Theology(1835) described by Edward Lytton Bulwer as ‘thetenthBridgewater Treatise’.
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34

Hands, D. Wade. "William Stanley Jevons and the Making of Modern Economics, by Harro Maas. Cambridge University Press, 2005, xxii+330 pages." Economics and Philosophy 23, no. 2 (July 2007): 252–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266267107001411.

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35

Peart, Sandra J. "A World Ruled by Number: William Stanley Jevons and the Rise of Mathematical Economics, Margaret Schabas. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1990, xii + 192 pages." Economics and Philosophy 9, no. 1 (April 1993): 183–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266267100005228.

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Peart, Sandra J. "Harro Maas, William Stanley Jevons and the Making of Modern Economics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), pp. xxii, 330, $80. ISBN 0-521-82712-4." Journal of the History of Economic Thought 30, no. 2 (June 2008): 262–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1042771608000239.

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37

Koot, G. M. "HARRO MAAS. William Stanley Jevons and the Making of Modern Economics. (Historical Perspectives on Modern Economics.) New York: Cambridge University Press. 2005. Pp. xxii, 330. $75.00." American Historical Review 112, no. 1 (February 1, 2007): 272–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.112.1.272a.

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38

MIROWSKI, PHILIP. "HARRO MAAS, William Stanley Jevons and the Making of Modern Economics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005. Pp. xxii+330. ISBN 0-521-82712-4. $75.00 (hardback)." British Journal for the History of Science 40, no. 2 (May 14, 2007): 297–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000708740700965x.

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39

Schabas, Margaret. "Bert Mosselmans, William Stanley Jevons and the Cutting Edge of Economics (London and New York: Routledge, 2007), pp. xv, 143, $40. ISBN 0-415-28578-X." Journal of the History of Economic Thought 31, no. 2 (June 2009): 250–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1053837209090270.

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40

Grattan-Guinness, I. "Margaret Schabas. A World Ruled by Number: William Stanley Jevons and the Rise of Mathematical Economics. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1990. Pp. xii + 192. ISBN 0-691-08543-9. $29.95." British Journal for the History of Science 24, no. 4 (December 1991): 486–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007087400027825.

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41

Marsden, Ben. "Harro Maas. William Stanley Jevons and the Making of Modern Economics. (Historical Perspectives on Modern Economics.) xxii + 330 pp., illus., bibl., index. Cambridge/New York: Cambridge University Press, 2005. $100.95 (cloth)." Isis 97, no. 4 (December 2006): 770–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/512902.

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42

Marchi, Neil de. "A World Ruled by Number. William Stanley Jevons and the Rise of Mathematical Economics, by Margaret Schabas. Princeton University Press, Princeton, 1990. Pp. xii, 192. $29.95. ISBN 0-69-08543-9." Journal of the History of Economic Thought 14, no. 1 (1992): 112–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1053837200004442.

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43

Gouverneur, Virginie. "A Reexamination of John Stuart Mill’s and William Stanley Jevons’s Analyses of Unpaid Domestic Work." History of Political Economy 50, no. 2 (June 1, 2018): 345–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182702-6608614.

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44

Grattan-Guinness, I. ""In some parts rather rough": A Recently Discovered Manuscript Version of William Stanley Jevons's "General Mathematical Theory of Political Economy" (1862)." History of Political Economy 34, no. 4 (December 1, 2002): 685–726. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182702-34-4-685.

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45

"William Stanley Jevons and the making of modern economics." Choice Reviews Online 43, no. 04 (December 1, 2005): 43–2325. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/choice.43-2325.

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46

"A world ruled by number: William Stanley Jevons and the rise of mathematical economics." Choice Reviews Online 28, no. 06 (February 1, 1991): 28–3398. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/choice.28-3398.

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47

"Book Reviews." Journal of Economic Literature 49, no. 3 (September 1, 2011): 727–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jel.49.3.719.r5.

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Abstract:
William J. Baumol of New York University and Princeton University reviews “Economics Evolving: A History of Economic Thought” by Agnar Sandmo. The EconLit Abstract of the reviewed work begins “Revised and expanded English translation of Samfunnsokonomi--en idehistorie (2006). Presents a history of economic thought from the late eighteenth century to the 1970s. Discusses a science and its history; before Adam Smith; Adam Smith; the classical school--Thomas Robert Malthus and David Ricardo; consolidation and innovation--John Stuart Mill; Karl Marx as an economic theorist; the forerunners of marginalism; the marginalist revolution--William Stanley Jevons, Carl Menger, and Leon Walras; Alfred Marshall and partial equilibrium theory; equilibrium and welfare--Francis Ysidro Edgeworth, Vilfredo Pareto, and Arthur C. Pigou; interest and prices--Knut Wicksell and Irving Fisher; new perspectives on markets and competition; the great systems debate; John Maynard Keynes and the Keynesian revolution; Ragnar Frisch, Trygve Haavelmo, and the birth of econometrics; the modernization of economic theory in the postwar period; further developments in the postwar period; and long-term trends and new perspectives. Sandmo is Professor Emeritus of Economics at the Norwegian School of Economics and Business Administration. Index.”
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48

Brady, Michael Emmett. "William Stanley Jevons' Erroneous Comparison of Adam Smith and Robert Cantillon - Overlooking the Risk versus Uncertainty Divide." SSRN Electronic Journal, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2641213.

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49

"World Ruled by Number: William Stanley Jevons and the Rise of Mathematical Economics, Margaret Schabas, 1990. Princeton Univesity Press, Princeton, NJ. 184 pages. ISBN: $29.95." Bulletin of Science, Technology & Society 13, no. 1 (February 1993): 46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/027046769301300147.

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50

"Margaret Schabas. A world ruled by number: William Stanley Jevons and the rise of mathematical economics. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1990. $29.95 (cloth) (Reviewed by S. L. Zabell)." Journal of the History of the Behavioral Sciences 28, no. 2 (April 1992): 171–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/1520-6696(199204)28:2<171::aid-jhbs2300280207>3.0.co;2-b.

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