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Journal articles on the topic 'Jeu de coalition'

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Author: Grafiati

Published: 25 May 2024

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1

Guillemin, Dominique. "Du mandat national à l’engagement coalition." Revue Historique des Armées 273, no. 4 (December 1, 2013): 51–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rha.273.0051.

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Si depuis la décolonisation les armées françaises n’ont cessé d’intervenir outre-mer, la signification et les modalités de ces opérations sont en constante évolution. La Guerre du Golfe (1990-1991), en particulier, a constitué un tournant majeur dans l’engagement militaire extérieur de la France, tant par l’importance et la nature des moyens mis en jeu que par la nécessité d’agir en coalition. Cet article se propose de suivre l’évolution de l’outil de défense aux opérations extérieures à travers l’exemple de l’engagement de la Marine nationale dans trois opérations majeures conduites avant, pendant et après la Guerre du Golfe : PROMETHÉE (1987-1988), DAGUET (1990-1991) et TRIDENT (1999).

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2

Legault, Marie-Josée, and Johanna Weststar. "Comment jouer la régulation dans l’industrie du jeu vidéo?" Symposium 69, no. 1 (April 4, 2014): 136–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1024210ar.

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Résumé Cet article étudie les choix des concepteurs de jeux vidéo en matière de représentation de leurs intérêts à la lumière de la théorie de la mobilisation de Kelly (1998), cela dans le but de mesurer leur disposition à l’action collective. Ces travailleurs illustrent bien le cas des travailleurs du savoir dans des productions organisées par projets. Si le modèle de Kelly permet en principe d’asseoir des projections concernant la syndicalisation d’un secteur, tel n’est pas le cas ici. Notre étude nous amène plutôt à mesurer l’ampleur de la transformation du marché de l’emploi depuis l’élaboration du modèle et la distance qui sépare les besoins des travailleurs du savoir, d’une part, et les options que leur propose l’action syndicale traditionnelle telle que présentée par le modèle de Kelly, d’autre part. Ce groupe de travailleurs remplit deux conditions propices à l’action collective : il a identifié des problèmes communs dans les conditions de travail de l’industrie et il en attribue généralement la responsabilité à l’employeur. Cependant, trois conditions essentielles l’empêchent de s’unir en une coalition. D’abord, il est partagé entre une définition de son intérêt en termes collectifs et individuels; ensuite , il est aussi partagé quant à la conviction que la situation insatisfaisante est illégitime. Enfin, et surtout, lorsque les travailleurs analysent les coûts et les bénéfices de l’action collective, le projet de syndicalisation via le régime général d’accréditation fondé sur l’entreprise-employeur leur pose plusieurs problèmes concrets. Les concepteurs de jeux pratiquent une forme d’action collective qui contourne les contraintes que pose notre régime juridique actuel de rapports collectifs de travail. Or, la théorie de la mobilisation de Kelly assimile action collective et action syndicale traditionnelle, ce qui mérite d’être reconsidéré.

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3

Christiansen, Nels, Sotiris Georganas, and John H. Kagel. "Coalition Formation in a Legislative Voting Game." American Economic Journal: Microeconomics 6, no. 1 (February 1, 2014): 182–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/mic.6.1.182.

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We experimentally investigate the Jackson and Moselle (2002) model where legislators bargain over policy proposals and the allocation of private goods. Key comparative static predictions of the model hold with the introduction of private goods, including “strange bedfellow” coalitions. Private goods help to secure legislative compromise and increase the likelihood of proposals passing, an outcome not predicted by the theory but a staple of the applied political economy literature. Coalition formation is better characterized by an “efficient equal split” between coalition partners than the subgame perfect equilibrium prediction, which has implications for stable political party formation. (JEL C78, D72, H41)

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4

Nordhaus, William. "Climate Clubs: Overcoming Free-riding in International Climate Policy." American Economic Review 105, no. 4 (April 1, 2015): 1339–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aer.15000001.

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Notwithstanding great progress in scientific and economic understanding of climate change, it has proven difficult to forge international agreements because of free-riding, as seen in the defunct Kyoto Protocol. This study examines the club as a model for international climate policy. Based on economic theory and empirical modeling, it finds that without sanctions against non-participants there are no stable coalitions other than those with minimal abatement. By contrast, a regime with small trade penalties on non-participants, a Climate Club, can induce a large stable coalition with high levels of abatement. (JEL Q54, Q58, K32, K33)

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Wellisz, Stanislaw. "Poland Under “Solidarity” Rule." Journal of Economic Perspectives 5, no. 4 (November 1, 1991): 211–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jep.5.4.211.

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The coalition cabinet in which Solidarity played a leading role, but which also included Communists and their allies, won Parliamentary approval on September 12, 1989. This coalition inherited from the Communists an economy in deep crisis: inflation was raging, shortages of virtually all goods were rampant, and the black market was all-pervasive. The new government pledged to restore the market economy. This paper discusses the economy under Solidarity rule, focusing on stabilization and the restoration of private enterprise.

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6

Dasgupta, Partha, and Eric Maskin. "Strategy-Proofness, Independence of Irrelevant Alternatives, and Majority Rule." American Economic Review: Insights 2, no. 4 (December 1, 2020): 459–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aeri.20200178.

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We show that strategy-proofness, the Pareto principle, anonymity, neutrality, independence of irrelevant alternatives, and decisiveness uniquely characterize majority rule on any domain of preferences for which there exists a voting rule satisfying these axioms. In our formulation, strategy-proofness includes manipulations by coalitions. However, we demonstrate that the characterization still holds when coalitions are restricted to arbitrarily small size. We also show that when coalitions can manipulate outside the domain, there is an extension of majority rule that satisfies these axioms on any domain without Condorcet cycles. (JEL D72)

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7

Kenningham, MD, Katherine, Kathryn Koelemay, MD, MPH, and Mary A. King, MD, MPH. "Pediatric disaster triage education and skills assessment: A coalition approach." Journal of Emergency Management 12, no. 2 (March 1, 2014): 141. http://dx.doi.org/10.5055/jem.2014.0168.

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Objective: This study aims to 1) demonstrate one method of pediatric disaster preparedness education using a regional disaster coalition organized workshop and 2) evaluate factors reflecting the greatest shortfall in pediatric mass casualty incident (MCI) triage skills in a varied population of medical providers in King County,WA.Design: Educational intervention and cross-sectional survey.Setting: Pediatric disaster preparedness conference created de novo and offered by the King County Healthcare Coalition, with didactic sessions and workshops including a scored mock pediatric MCI triage. Participants: Ninety-eight providers from throughout the King County, WA, region selected by their own institutions following invitation to participate, with 88 completing exit surveys.Interventions: Didactic lectures regarding pediatric MCI triage followed by scored exercises.Main outcome measures: Mock triage scores were analyzed and compared according to participant characteristics and workplace environment.Results: A half-day regional pediatric disaster preparedness educational conference convened in September 2011 by the King County Healthcare Coalition in partnership with regional pediatric experts was so effective and well-received that it has been rescheduled yearly (2012 and 2013) and has expanded to three Washington State venues sponsored by the Washington State Department of Health. Emergency department (ED) or intensive care unit (ICU) employment and regular exposure to pediatric patients best predicted higher mock pediatric MCI triage scores (ED/ICU 80 percent vs non-ED/ICU 73 percent, p = 0.026; regular pediatric exposure 80 percent vs less exposure 77 percent, p = 0.038, respectively). Pediatric Advanced Life Support training was not found to be associated with improved triage performance, and mock patients whose injuries were not immediately life threatening tended to be over-triaged (observed trend).Conclusions: A regional coalition can effectively organize member hospitals and provide education for focused populations using specialty experts such as pediatricians. Providers working in higher acuity environments and those with regular pediatric patient exposure perform better mock pediatric MCI triage than their counterparts after just-in-time training. Pediatric MCI patients with less than life-threatening injuries tended to be over-triaged.

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Böhringer, Christoph, Jared C. Carbone, and Thomas F. Rutherford. "The Strategic Value of Carbon Tariffs." American Economic Journal: Economic Policy 8, no. 1 (February 1, 2016): 28–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/pol.20130327.

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We ask whether the threat of carbon tariffs might lower the cost of reductions in world carbon emissions by inducing unregulated regions to adopt emission controls. We use a numerical model to generate payoffs of a game in which a coalition regulates emissions and chooses whether to employ carbon tariffs against unregulated regions. Unregulated regions respond by abating, retaliating, or ignoring the tariffs. In the Nash equilibrium, the use of tariffs is a credible and effective threat. It induces cooperation from noncoalition regions that lowers the cost of global abatement substantially relative to the case where the coalition acts alone. (JEL D58, F13, F18, H23, Q54, Q58)

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Liu, Jingnan. "INFORMAL POLITICAL COALITIONS AND PRIVATE INVESTMENT IN CHINA." Journal of East Asian Studies 21, no. 3 (October 22, 2021): 515–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jea.2021.25.

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AbstractThis article attempts to estimate the effects of informal political coalitions on China's private investment. Theoretically, the party-state clients of China's supreme leaders are expected to have stronger incentives to foster economic growth. One way of doing so is to encourage private investment by reducing its political risks. Analysis of provincial-level panel data from 1993 to 2017 shows that personal connections—based on shared experience in the same work unit—between provincial leaders and the Chinese Communist Party's incumbent supreme leader significantly increase the growth rate of private investment. This suggests that informal institutional relations may assist the development of China's private economy by partially compensating for the weaknesses of formal rule-of-law institutions.

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Baliga, Sandeep, and Tomas Sjöström. "Contracting with Third Parties." American Economic Journal: Microeconomics 1, no. 1 (January 1, 2009): 75–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/mic.1.1.75.

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In bilateral holdup and moral hazard in teams models, introducing a third party allows implementation of the first best, even if renegotiation is possible. Fines paid to the third party provide incentives for truth-telling and investment. This result holds even if the third party is corruptible, as long as the grand coalition has access to the same contracting technology as any colluding subcoalition. (JEL D86, D82)

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Acemoglu, Daron, Georgy Egorov, and Konstantin Sonin. "Dynamics and Stability of Constitutions, Coalitions, and Clubs." American Economic Review 102, no. 4 (June 1, 2012): 1446–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aer.102.4.1446.

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In dynamic collective decision making, current decisions determine the future distribution of political power and influence future decisions. We develop a general framework to study this class of problems. Under acyclicity, we characterize dynamically stable states as functions of the initial state and obtain two general insights. First, a social arrangement is made stable by the instability of alternative arrangements that are preferred by sufficiently powerful groups. Second, efficiency-enhancing changes may be resisted because of further changes they will engender. We use this framework to analyze dynamics of political rights in a society with different types of extremist views. (JEL D71, D72, K10)

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Buchholz, Wolfgang, and Todd Sandler. "Global Public Goods: A Survey." Journal of Economic Literature 59, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 488–545. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jel.20191546.

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This survey investigates the increasing importance of global public goods (GPGs) in today’s interdependent world, driven by ever-growing, cross-border externalities and public good spillovers. Novel technologies, enhanced globalization, and population increases are among the main drivers of the rise of GPGs. Key GPGs include curbing climate change, instituting universal regulatory practices, eradicating infectious diseases, preserving world peace, discovering scientific breakthroughs, and limiting financial crises. The survey presents a compact theoretical foundation for GPGs, grounded in the provision of public goods. Because countries may be contributors or noncontributors to a particular GPG, coalition formation and behavior play a role, as do strategic interactions between a contributor coalition and other countries. In the survey, recurrent themes include strategic considerations, alternative institutional arrangements, GPGs’ defining properties, new actors’ roles, and collective action concerns. The four properties of GPGs—benefit non-rivalry, benefit non-excludability, aggregator technology, and spillover range—influence the GPGs’ supply prognoses and the need for and form of provision intervention, which may affect the requisite institutional changes. Three representative case studies illustrate how theoretical insights inform policy and empirical tests. Regional public goods are shown to involve a question of subsidiarity and different actors compared to GPGs. (JEL C71, C72, D62, D70, H41, Q54)

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13

Tae Eui Lee and Gyu Ho Wang. "The effect of bundling on the stable coalition in the composite goods market." Journal of Economic Research (JER) 14, no. 3 (November 2009): 309–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.17256/jer.2009.14.3.003.

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14

Dawley, Stuart, Danny MacKinnon, and Robert Pollock. "Creating strategic couplings in global production networks: regional institutions and lead firm investment in the Humber region, UK." Journal of Economic Geography 19, no. 4 (March 4, 2019): 853–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jeg/lbz004.

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Abstract This article aims to unpack and analyse the institutional and political dynamics of strategic coupling from a host region perspective, adopting an actor-centred approach that focuses on regional institutions’ efforts to attract and embed lead firm investments within global production networks. We are particularly concerned with understanding the strategic agency and shifting coalitions of actors that create couplings and shape their evolution over time. This involves opening up the institutional underpinnings of strategic couplings by focusing more specifically on the key episodes in their creation and the organisation of the temporary coalitions that do the work of creating couplings. This approach is operationalised through a case study of the Siemens offshore wind turbine plant in the Humber region of England. In conclusion, we emphasise the need for regional institutions to develop adaptive coupling creation strategies that co-evolve with the reconfiguration of production networks and the reshaping of national institutional and political environments.

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15

Tatarczak, Anna. "Profit allocation problems for fourth party logistics supplychain coalition based on game theory approach." Journal of Economics and Management 33 (2018): 120–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.22367/jem.2018.33.07.

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16

Carozzi, Felipe, Davide Cipullo, and Luca Repetto. "Political Fragmentation and Government Stability: Evidence from Local Governments in Spain." American Economic Journal: Applied Economics 14, no. 2 (April 1, 2022): 23–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/app.20200128.

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This paper studies how political fragmentation affects government stability. Using a regression discontinuity design, we show that each additional party with representation in the local parliament increases the probability that the incumbent government is unseated by 5 percentage points. The entry of an additional party affects stability by reducing the probability of a single-party majority and increasing the instability of governments when such a majority is not available. We interpret our results in light of a bargaining model of coalition formation featuring government instability. (JEL C78, D72, H70)

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Bardhan, Pranab, and Dilip Mookherjee. "Determinants of Redistributive Politics: An Empirical Analysis of Land Reforms in West Bengal, India." American Economic Review 100, no. 4 (September 1, 2010): 1572–600. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aer.100.4.1572.

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We investigate political determinants of land reform implementation in the Indian state of West Bengal. Using a village panel spanning 1974–1998, we do not find evidence supporting the hypothesis that land reforms were positively and monotonically related to control of local governments by a Left Front coalition vis-à-vis the right-centrist Congress party, combined with lack of commitment to policy platforms. Instead, the evidence is consistent with a quasi-Downsian theory stressing the role of opportunism (reelection concerns) and electoral competition.(JEL D72, O13, O17, Q15)

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Parente, Stephen L., and Edward C. Prescott. "Monopoly Rights: A Barrier to Riches." American Economic Review 89, no. 5 (December 1, 1999): 1216–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aer.89.5.1216.

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Our thesis is that poor countries are poor because they employ arrangements for which the equilibrium outcomes are characterized by inferior technologies being used, and being used inefficiently. In this paper, we analyze the consequences of one such arrangement. In each industry, the arrangement enables a coalition of factor suppliers to be the monopoly seller of its input services to all firms using a particular production process. We find that eliminating this monopoly arrangement could well increase output by roughly a factor of 3 without any increase in inputs. (JEL D58, O11, O41)

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Medcalf, PhD, Sharon, Shreya Roy, MS, PhD Student, Sarbinaz Bekmuratova, PhD, Wael ElRayes, MBBCh, PhD, FACHE, Harlan Sayles, MS, Jonathon Gruba, MS, and Ronald Shope, PhD. "From silos to coalitions: The evolution of the US Hospital Preparedness Program." Journal of Emergency Management 18, no. 2 (March 1, 2020): 163–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.5055/jem.2020.0459.

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Objective: The objective of this article is to trace the hospital emergency preparedness movement in the United States, strengthen the case for hospital investments in emergency preparedness, and make recommendations to ensure sustainability of the program. Design/Approach: This article is a narrative review. Main themes from the literature about the US Hospital Preparedness Program (HPP) are discussed, beginning with the trends in funding levels of the HPP, the rise of regional healthcare coalitions, preparedness performance measures, and the challenges faced over the past 15 years of HPP activities. Finally, recommendations are made about ways to sustain the program.Findings: The HPP was established in 2002 and funding for the program has seen a 56 percent decrease over the last 16 years. Beyond the initial investment in supplies and equipment, hospitals have received very little of the healthcare preparedness funding.Disaster drills and exercises to test emergency plans in hospitals are perceived as a costly distraction from daily work. The biggest challenge is the lack of engagement and support from hospital leadership.Conclusions: To ensure the sustainability of the HPP, the positive impact of preparedness activities on the hospital’s day-to-day operations must be demonstrated.

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Scheuer, Florian, and Alexander Wolitzky. "Capital Taxation under Political Constraints." American Economic Review 106, no. 8 (August 1, 2016): 2304–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aer.20141081.

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This paper studies optimal dynamic tax policy under the threat of political reform. A policy will be reformed ex post if a large enough coalition of citizens supports reform; thus, sustainable policies are those that will continue to attract enough political support in the future. We find that optimal marginal capital taxes are either progressive or U-shaped, so that savings are subsidized for the poor and/or the middle class but are taxed for the rich. U-shaped capital taxes always emerge when individuals' political behavior is purely determined by economic motives. (JEL D12, D14, D31, D72, H21, H25)

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Fernández Rodríguez, Carolina. "Gloria Velásquez’s Roosevelt High School series: towards quality multicultural literature through rainbow coalitions." Journal of English Studies 18 (December 23, 2020): 59–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.18172/jes.4406.

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The goal of this paper is to study several YA novels by Chicana writer Gloria Velásquez, the Roosevelt High School series (1994-2018), as an educating tool within the framework of multicultural education. The analysis takes into account Velásquez’s choice of problematic situations (related to racism, sexism, or homophobic harassment, among others) and the solutions her novels propose, which include both individual responses and community-organized measures. Special attention is given to the criticism according to which Velásquez’s Latinx and multi-ethnic characters are steeped in stereotypes, which would cancel the books’ potential capacity to inspire social change. In contrast with this negative vision, this paper proves that Velásquez’s series offers empowering role models for teen Latinxs of various ethnic backgrounds and effectively calls for the neutralization of race, class and gender stereotypes, thus contributing to the implementation of Jesse Jackson’s 1984 proposal that ethnic minorities should form a “rainbow coalition”.

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Medina Calzada, Sara. "Wars and heroes: the romantic representation of Spain in "Don Juan; or the Battle of Tolosa" (1816)." Journal of English Studies 15 (November 28, 2017): 155. http://dx.doi.org/10.18172/jes.3271.

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This paper examines “Don Juan; or the Battle of Tolosa”, an anonymous poem published inLondonin 1816. This metrical tale set in medievalIberiaat the time of the so-called “reconquista” recreates the Battle of Las Navas de Tolosa (1212), in which the Muslim forces were defeated by a Christian coalition near Sierra Morena. The poet clearly sides with the Christians, who are depicted as brave warriors struggling to recover their land and their freedom. The emphasis on their patriotic heroism against foreign usurpation creates an implicit analogy between the medieval battle and the recent events of the Peninsular War (1808-1814). The representation ofSpainas a land of war and romance echoes the Romantic figurations of this country appearing in British print culture in the early nineteenth century.

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Neggers, Yusuf. "Enfranchising Your Own? Experimental Evidence on Bureaucrat Diversity and Election Bias in India." American Economic Review 108, no. 6 (June 1, 2018): 1288–321. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aer.20170404.

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This paper investigates the effects of polling station administrator diversity on elections in India, using a natural experiment: the random assignment of government officials to teams managing stations on election day, together with surveys conducted with voters and election officers. I demonstrate that changes in the religious and caste composition of officer teams impact voting at the polling station level, causing shifts in coalition vote shares large enough to influence election outcomes. Effects are strongest when officers have greater discretion over the voting process. I also provide evidence suggesting own-group favoritism by election personnel as one relevant mechanism. (JEL C93, D72, D73, J15, O17, Z12)

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Bulow, Jeremy, and Paul Klemperer. "The Generalized War of Attrition." American Economic Review 89, no. 1 (March 1, 1999): 175–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aer.89.1.175.

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We model a war of attrition with N + K firms competing for N prizes. In a “natural oligopoly” context, the K − 1 lowest-value firms drop out instantaneously, even though each firm's value is private information to itself. In a “standard setting” context, in which every competitor suffers losses until a standard is chosen, even after giving up on its own preferred alternative, each firm's exit time is independent both of K and of other players' actions. Our results explain how long it takes to form a winning coalition in politics. Solving the model is facilitated by the Revenue Equivalence Theorem. (JEL D43, D44, L13, O30)

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Bierbrauer, Felix J. "Optimal Tax and Expenditure Policy with Aggregate Uncertainty." American Economic Journal: Microeconomics 6, no. 1 (February 1, 2014): 205–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/mic.6.1.205.

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We study optimal income taxation and public-goods provision under the assumption that the cross-section distributions of productive abilities or public-goods preferences are not known a priori. A conventional Mirrleesian treatment is shown to provoke manipulations of the policy mechanism by individuals with similar interests. The analysis therefore incorporates a requirement of coalition-proofness. The main result is that increased public-goods provision is associated with a more distortionary and a more redistributive tax system. With a conventional Mirrleesian treatment, the level of public-goods provision is not related to how distortionary or redistributive the tax system is. (JEL D82, H21, H23, H41)

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Barone, Guglielmo, Francesco D'Acunto, and Gaia Narciso. "Telecracy: Testing for Channels of Persuasion." American Economic Journal: Economic Policy 7, no. 2 (May 1, 2015): 30–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/pol.20130318.

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We consider the long-lived slant towards Berlusconi in political information on Italian television (TV ). We exploit a shock to the slanted exposure of viewers: idiosyncratic deadlines to switch to digital TV from 2008 to 2012, which increased the number of freeview channels tenfold. The switch caused a drop in the vote share of Berlusconi's coalition by between 5.5 and 7.5 percentage points. The effect was stronger in towns with older and less educated voters. At least 20 percent of digital users changed their voting behavior after the introduction of digital TV. Our evidence is consistent with the existence of persuasion-biased viewers. (JEL D72, D83, L82, L88)

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Prickett, MS, Kristopher J., and Kay Williams-Prickett, PhD, RN. "Plain language emergency alert codes: The importance of direct impact statements in hospital emergency alerts." Journal of Emergency Management 16, no. 2 (March 1, 2018): 73. http://dx.doi.org/10.5055/jem.2018.0356.

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The nature of an emergency is not predictable, and no two emergencies are alike. In response to this unpredictable nature, healthcare facilities across the nation have adopted a system of emergency codes to notify staff of an emergent situation, often without alerting patients and visitors to the crises. However, the system of emergency codes varies significantly within most states and even within healthcare coalition regions. This variation in codes leads to not only the potential for staff confusion, considering many healthcare providers work within multiple healthcare centers, but also decreases the amount of transparency a healthcare center projects to its patients and visitors. The research conducted as part of this study indicated that an overwhelming majority of healthcare professionals would prefer voluntary plain language emergency code standardization to the current individual code systems.

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Kang, Suk, and Seung Ho LEE. "Analysis of the Belief System of the Advocacy Coalition that influenced the Policy Change of Primary School Care." Journal of Elementary Education 36, no. 4 (November 30, 2023): 29–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.29096/jee.36.4.02.

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Miller, Nathan H., Gloria Sheu, and Matthew C. Weinberg. "Oligopolistic Price Leadership and Mergers: The United States Beer Industry." American Economic Review 111, no. 10 (October 1, 2021): 3123–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aer.20190913.

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We study a repeated game of price leadership in which a firm proposes supermarkups over Bertrand prices to a coalition of rivals. Supermarkups and marginal costs are recoverable from data on prices and quantities using the model’s structure. In an application to the beer industry, we find that price leadership increases profit relative to Bertrand competition by 17 percent in fiscal years 2006 and 2007, and by 22 percent in 2010 and 2011, with the change mostly due to consolidation. We simulate two mergers, which relax binding incentive compatibility constraints and increase supermarkups. These coordinated effects arise even with efficiencies that offset price increases under Bertrand competition. (JEL G34, K21, L13, L14, L41, L66)

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Bardhan, Pranab. "State and Development: The Need for a Reappraisal of the Current Literature." Journal of Economic Literature 54, no. 3 (September 1, 2016): 862–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jel.20151239.

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This essay tries to bring out some of the complexities that are overlooked in the usual treatment of the state in the institutional economics literature and supplement the latter with a discussion of some alternative approaches to looking at the possible developmental role of the state. It refers to a broader range of development goals (including the structural transformation of the economy) and focuses on problems like the resolution of coordination failures and collective-action problems, the conflicting issues of commitment and accountability and the need for balancing the trade-offs they generate, some ingredients of state capacity and political coalition building usually missed in the literature, the possible importance of rent sharing in a political equilibrium, the advantages and problems of political centralization and decentralization, and the multidimensionality of state functions that may not be addressed by markets or private firms. (JEL D72, H11, H77, K00, O17, O43, P26)

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Robinson, PhD, Scott E. "School districts and disaster expertise: What types of school districts consult emergency management professionals?" Journal of Emergency Management 10, no. 1 (January 1, 2012): 63. http://dx.doi.org/10.5055/jem.2012.0087.

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Emergency management calls for collaboration among a wide range of organizations. Many of these organizations are involved in matters of emergency management by statute or organizational mission. However, other organizations participate in emergency management as a task secondary to some other core mission. Why and to what extent these organizations collaborate with emergency management professionals are key questions in our attempt to build a broad coalition of organizations to support emergency management activities. The article considers the case of public school districts. Some school districts collaborate with other organizations to overcome their limited internal capacity to prepare for disasters. Other districts continue to rely on their limited internal capacities. The empirical model compares the relative importance of structural characteristics and perceived vulnerability in predicting which districts are likely to consult with external emergency specialists. The results show that the most persistent force behind the decision to engage an emergency management specialist in preparing for emergencies is the size of the school district.

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Li, Yuhan, Xuanqi Liu, and Xiujuan Wang. "Solving the Urban Domestic Waste Classification Dilemma from a Coalitional Game Perspective." Journal of Environmental Protection 14, no. 04 (2023): 243–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/jep.2023.144017.

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Lee, MS, Adam, Lori Upton, RN, BSN, MS, CEM, Magdalena Anna Denham, EdD, and Jeremiah Williamson. "COVID-19 data driven planning: The SouthEast Texas approach." Journal of Emergency Management 20, no. 7 (March 1, 2022): 39–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.5055/jem.0642.

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This coautoethnographic case study used the Open-Source Public Health Intelligence process to explore and share the South East Texas Regional Advisory Councils’ (SETRAC) experience in collecting, processing, disseminating/visualizing, and analyzing COVID-19 data during the pandemic in the largest national medical setting in the United States. Specifically, it details the production of Business Intelligence reports powered by PowerBI both with general publics and with Regional Healthcare Preparedness Program (HPP) Coalition Coordinators, County Judges and City Mayors, Texas Department of State Health Services (DSHS) executive leadership, the Offices of the Texas Governor, and the Federal Pandemic Task Force led by the US Vice President, in order to provide a foundation for situational awareness, inter-regional collaboration, allocation of scare resources, and local, regional, and state policy decisions. It highlights best practices in risk and crisis communications during the COVID-19 response, underscores cross-sector collaboration and standardization of data collection for effective planning and response, discusses pervasive data revealed during the analysis, and evaluates collaborative and feedback processes that have implications for the Health Care System and Homeland Security Enterprise information sharing.

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Ferraresi, Massimiliano. "Political cycles, spatial interactions and yardstick competition: evidence from Italian cities." Journal of Economic Geography 20, no. 4 (December 28, 2019): 1093–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jeg/lbz036.

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Abstract I aim to identify the presence of spatial interactions among local governments by exploiting a novel strategy. Specifically, I take advantage of the political cycle of Italian municipalities over the period of 2001–2011 to isolate the effect of the spending decisions of one municipality on neighboring municipalities. The results of this analysis point to the presence of strategic interactions between neighboring municipalities and indicate that such fiscal behavior is more pronounced during electoral years compared to non-electoral ones, when municipalities are governed by coalitions backed by a small majority, and in cities guided by a mayor who can run for re-election. Taken together, these results suggest that the observed spatial dependence in spending decisions seems to be consistent with the yardstick competition hypothesis.

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Efird, Brian, Leo Lester, and Ben Wise. "ANALYZING COALITIONS IN CHINA'S POLICY FORMULATION: REFORMING THE ROLE OF STATE-OWNED ENTERPRISES IN CHINA'S ENERGY SECTOR." Journal of East Asian Studies 16, no. 1 (March 2016): 117–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jea.2015.4.

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AbstractWe focus on the elite decision-making process in China, analyzing the formation of coalitions around particular policy options. We apply a framework that simulates collective decision-making processes (CDMP): the KAPSARC Toolkit for Behavioral Analysis (KTAB). KTAB facilitates the application of a Spatial Model of Politics, an open source model similar to Bueno de Mesquita's (1997) Expected Utility Model and the Senturion model (Abdollahian, et al 2006). KTAB provides a framework to understand logical consequences of subjective data inputs, enabling contrasting scenarios to be analyzed. We examine the interactions of actors' interests that drive China to reform its energy sector policies, in particular the structure of the Chinese National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC). In the case of private companies' entry into energy markets in China, we find that little reform is likely. The inertia of key actors holds back the potential for a significant opening of the energy sector. Despite the erosion of CNPC's political clout, there is little consensus for major reform to China's market position.

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Alonso, Ricardo, and Odilon CÂmara. "Persuading Voters." American Economic Review 106, no. 11 (November 1, 2016): 3590–605. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aer.20140737.

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In a symmetric information voting model, an individual (politician) can influence voters' choices by strategically designing a policy experiment (public signal). We characterize the politician's optimal experiment. With a nonunanimous voting rule, she exploits voters' heterogeneity by designing an experiment with realizations targeting different winning coalitions. Consequently, under a simple-majority rule, a majority of voters might be strictly worse off due to the politician's influence. We characterize voters' preferences over electoral rules and provide conditions for a majority of voters to prefer a supermajority (or unanimity) voting rule, in order to induce the politician to supply a more informative experiment. (JEL D72, D83)

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Mian, Atif, Amir Sufi, and Francesco Trebbi. "Resolving Debt Overhang: Political Constraints in the Aftermath of Financial Crises." American Economic Journal: Macroeconomics 6, no. 2 (April 1, 2014): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/mac.6.2.1.

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Countries become more politically polarized and fractionalized following financial crises, reducing the likelihood of major financial reforms precisely when they might have especially large benefits. The evidence from a large sample of countries provides strong support for the hypotheses that following a financial crisis, voters become more ideologically extreme and ruling coalitions become weaker, independently of whether they were initially in power. The evidence that increased polarization and weaker governments reduce the chances of financial reform and that financial crises lead to legislative gridlock and anemic reform is less clear-cut. The US debt overhang resolution is discussed as an illustration. (JEL D72, E32, E44, G01, H63)

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Baranski, Andrzej. "Voluntary Contributions and Collective Redistribution." American Economic Journal: Microeconomics 8, no. 4 (November 1, 2016): 149–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/mic.20140240.

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I study a multilateral bargaining game in which committee members invest in a common project prior to redistributing the total value of production. The game corresponds to a Baron and Ferejohn (1989) legislative bargaining model preceded by a production stage that is similar to a voluntary contribution mechanism. In this game, contributions reach almost full efficiency in a random rematching experimental design. Bargaining outcomes tend to follow an equity standard of proportionality: higher contributors obtain higher shares. Unlike other bargaining experiments with an exogenous fund, allocations involving payments to all members are modal instead of minimum winning coalitions, and proposer power is quite low. (JEL C78, D63, D71, D72, H41)

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Efird, Brain, Leo Lester, and Ben Wise. "ANALYZING COALITIONS IN CHINA'S POLICY FORMULATION: REFORMING THE ROLE OF STATE OWNED ENTERPRISES IN CHINA'S ENERGY SECTOR–ERRATUM." Journal of East Asian Studies 16, no. 2 (June 30, 2016): 303–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jea.2016.16.

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Roth, Alvin E., and Robert B. Wilson. "How Market Design Emerged from Game Theory: A Mutual Interview." Journal of Economic Perspectives 33, no. 3 (August 1, 2019): 118–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jep.33.3.118.

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We interview each other about how game theory and mechanism design evolved into practical market design. When we learned game theory, games were modeled either in terms of the strategies available to the players (“noncooperative games”) or the outcomes attainable by coalitions (“cooperative games”), and these were viewed as models for different kinds of games. The model itself was viewed as a mathematical object that could be examined in its entirety. Market design, however, has come to view these models as complementary approaches for examining different ways marketplaces operate within their economic environment. Because that environment can be complex, there will be unobservable aspects of the game. Mathematical models themselves play a less heroic, stand-alone role in market design than in the theoretical mechanism design literature. Other kinds of investigation, communication, and persuasion are important in crafting a workable design and helping it to be adopted, implemented, maintained, and adapted.

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Wong, Audrye. "PEDDLING OR PERSUADING: CHINA'S ECONOMIC STATECRAFT IN AUSTRALIA." Journal of East Asian Studies 21, no. 2 (July 2021): 283–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jea.2021.19.

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AbstractWith the globalization of Chinese capital, economic statecraft has become an increasingly prominent component of China's foreign policy. In this article, I examine China's use of economic inducements in developed democracies, a topic of growing concern for policymakers, focusing on the case of Australia. I show how Beijing's attempts to coopt public voices and influence Australia's foreign policy using non-transparent political donations and academic funding generated a strong backlash. At the same time, economic interdependence has provided a buffering effect, with key domestic actors in Australia advocating for cooperative relations, although this effect can in turn be limited by Beijing's coercive economic tactics. My findings underline the reputational costs of certain approaches to economic statecraft, the value of building supportive coalitions, and the challenges faced by China's authoritarian state capitalist model. They also highlight the impacts of globalized Chinese capital in developed democracies, including the resilience and vulnerabilities inherent in democratic political processes.

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Moisé, Gian Marco. "Populism in Moldova’s Informal Political System." Journal of Extreme Anthropology 5, no. 2 (December 21, 2021): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.5617/jea.8986.

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The 2020 presidential and 2021 parliamentary elections in the Republic of Moldova saw a clear victory of the populist Party of Action and Solidarity (PAS) of the newly elected president Maia Sandu over the pro-Russian coalition led by former presidents Igor Dodon and Vladimir Voronin. These results testify the citizens’ will to change a country with an ever-widening gap between politicians and populace. Since 2015, the political debate is centred on corruption, but the cases described draw the picture of a political landscape where practices go beyond the traditional understanding of the term. In fact, their analysis demonstrates the existence of a system of Soviet political culture which relies on informal practices of the elite, arguing that some of these practices have clear Soviet roots while others are an adaptation of the Soviet mentality to the new liberal democratic setting. The paper also highlights differences between the populist parties born either as a reaction to the system or as an adaptation of the elite response to perceived expectations of the electorate. This research took place between 2020 and 2021 utilising participant observation and semi-structured interviews with Moldovan political experts. The paper concludes that future research on Moldovan politics should incorporate analysis of this informal dimension to state politics which is core to public debate on corruption and the integrity of state institutions in Moldova.

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Ambrus, Attila, and Shih En Lu. "A Continuous-Time Model of Multilateral Bargaining." American Economic Journal: Microeconomics 7, no. 1 (February 1, 2015): 208–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/mic.20100029.

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We propose a finite-horizon continuous-time framework for coalitional bargaining, in which players can make offers at random discrete times. In our model: (i) expected payoffs in Markov perfect equilibrium (MPE) are unique, generating sharp predictions and facilitating comparative statics; and (ii) MPE are the only subgame perfect Nash equilibria (SPNE) that can be approximated by SPNE of nearby discrete-time bargaining models. We investigate the limit MPE payoffs as the time horizon goes to infinity and players get infinitely patient. In convex games, we establish that the set of these limit payoffs achievable by varying recognition rates is exactly the core of the characteristic function. (JEL C78)

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Łaptos, Józef. "Postawa Francji i jej belgijskiej sojuszniczki wobec wojny polsko-bolszewickiej." Studia Środkowoeuropejskie i Bałkanistyczne 31 (December 14, 2022): 29–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/2543733xssb.22.002.16704.

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The Stance of France and Belgium Toward the Polish-Bolshevik War The article is an attempt to underline the difference in the conduct of foreign policy by two allied countries. One of them – France, had the opinion of the most powerful state in Europe after World War I, and the other – Belgium, was a small country that decided to abandon its neutrality (imposed by the great powers in 1839). Such an alliance, salutary for strengthening the security guarantees towards the former occupant, brought with it fears of domination and instrumental treatment. In matters of eastern policy, both countries were concerned about the loss of numerous investments and capital investments in tsarist Russia. It was through this prism that the Polish-Bolshevik war was assessed. The second factor that distinguished the two countries in their approach to the war was the different composition of the government. While in France the electoral victory of the National Bloc facilitated the conduct of politics, the government of catholic-socialist coalition in Belgium faced serious obstacles from the socialists, which was manifested in the decision concerning the transit of weapons to Poland. French aid in the form of weapons supplies and support for Poland from the diplomatic side led to an alliance with Poland. Belgium took advantage of the end of the war to establish, above all, economic cooperation.

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Kim, Nan. "The Color of Dissent and a Vital Politics of Fragility in South Korea." Journal of Asian Studies 77, no. 4 (November 2018): 971–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911818000980.

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Inspired by the life and work of the late anthropologist Nancy Abelmann (1959–2016), this essay reflects upon public evocations of human vulnerability as central to understanding recent cultural phenomena and political transformations leading up to and during the Candlelight Revolution in South Korea. In this regard, how did the color vivid yellow come to define both spaces of protest and markers of dissident identity? Considering the prevalence of yellow ribbons, yellow balloons, yellow butterflies, and yellow paper lifeboats, what does it mean for such objects to have been circulated and recirculated in layered metaphorical assemblages that constituted new forms of public memory and new practices of political mobilization? This article addresses both the massive, peaceful Candlelight protests of 2016–17 that took place in downtown Seoul and the decade-long peace movement centered on Jeju Island's Gangjeong Village in order to theorize a vital politics of fragility that has imbued influential narratives, activist coalitions, and the material culture of protest in South Korea.

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Dickens, Andrew. "Ethnolinguistic Favoritism in African Politics." American Economic Journal: Applied Economics 10, no. 3 (July 1, 2018): 370–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/app.20160066.

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African political leaders have a tendency to favor members of their own ethnic group. Yet for all other ethnic groups in a country, it is unclear whether having a similar ethnicity to the leader is beneficial. To shed light on this issue, I use a continuous measure of linguistic similarity to quantify the ethnic similarity of a leader to all ethnic groups in a country. Combined with panel data on 163 ethnic groups partitioned across 35 sub-Saharan countries, I use within-group time variation in similarity that results from a partitioned group's concurrent exposure to multiple national leaders. Findings show that ethnic favoritism is more widespread than previously believed: in addition to evidence of coethnic favoritism, I document evidence of non-coethnic favoritism that typically goes undetected in the absence of a continuous measure of similarity. I also find that patronage tends to be targeted toward ethnic regions rather than individuals of a particular ethnic group. I relate these results to the literature on coalition building and provide evidence that ethnicity is one of the guiding principles behind high-level government appointments. (JEL D72, J15, O15, O17, Z13)

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Ponce Rodríguez, Raúl Alberto. "Political institutions and tax rate initiatives." Ensayos Revista de Economía 28, no. 2 (November 1, 2009): 65–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.29105/ensayos28.2-3.

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In a model of a representative democracy, we incorporate into the analysis of tax design the constitutional provision that allows voters to propose tax initiatives. In this paper, we present a theory of tax substitution as the rationale for a tax rate limit (TRL) initiative. In our model the tax system at the status quo is determined by the electoral competition between parties. This political institution aggregates the voters’ preferences for tax policy according to the voters’ marginal proportion of the expected vote that different coalition of voters can deliver in the election. The approval of a TRL, however, depends on the majority rule, and it aggregates the preferences of the median voter of tax initiatives. Thus, a TRL is the result of two political institutions with different mechanisms to aggregate the preferences of voters. Moreover, our paper distinguishes the role of perfect and imperfect information on the distribution of voters´ preferences for tax systems in approving a tax initiative. In this paper we identify conditions on the distribution of preferences and income of the electorate and the median voter that guarantee the approval (rejection) of tax initiatives. Clasificación JEL: H2; H23; H1

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Metcalf, Gabriel. "Sand Castles Before the Tide? Affordable Housing in Expensive Cities." Journal of Economic Perspectives 32, no. 1 (February 1, 2018): 59–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jep.32.1.59.

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This article focuses on cities with unprecedented economic success and a seemingly permanent crisis of affordable housing. In the expensive cities, policymakers expend great amounts of energy trying to bring down housing costs with subsidies for affordable housing and sometimes with rent control. But these efforts are undermined by planning decisions that make housing for most people vastly more expensive than it has to be by restricting the supply of new units even in the face of growing demand. I begin by describing current housing policy in the expensive metro areas of the United States. I then show how this combination of policies affecting housing, despite internal contradictions, makes sense from the perspective of the political coalitions that can form in a setting of fragmented local jurisdictions, local control over land use policies, and homeowner control over local government. Finally, I propose some more effective approaches to housing policy. My view is that the effects of the formal affordable housing policies of expensive cities are quite small in their impact when compared to the size of the problem—like sand castles before the tide. I will argue that we can do more, potentially much more, to create subsidized affordable housing in high-cost American cities. But more fundamentally, we will need to rethink the broader set of exclusionary land use policies that are the primary reason that housing in these cities has become so expensive. We cannot solve the problem unless we fix the housing market itself.

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Kosienkowski, Marcin. "The Alliance for European Integration and the Transnistrian Conflict Settlement." Sprawy Narodowościowe, no. 38 (February 18, 2022): 23–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sn.2011.002.

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The Alliance for European Integration and the Transnistrian Conflict SettlementThis article examines the policy of the Alliance for European Integration – the coalition in power in Moldova since mid-2009 – with regard to the Transnistrian conflict settlement. This paper presents the principles of AEI's policy, the motivations behind it and its implementation, including results to date. The core of the Moldovan authorities’ approach is identified as the gradual creation of positive on-the-ground conditions, which aim to facilitate Moldova and Transnistria reaching a final conflict settlement. In general, the AEI’s policy is evaluated in a positive light, since it has potential to bring better results than the confrontational activities of the previous Communist government. However, the article also reveals some of the policy’s shortcomings. Sojusz na rzecz Integracji Europejskiej wobec konfliktu naddniestrzańskiegoW artykule poddano analizie politykę Sojuszu na rzecz Integracji Europejskiej – koalicji rządzącej Republiką Mołdowy od połowy 2009 roku – mającą na celu uregulowanie konfliktu naddniestrzańskiego. Przedstawiono jej założenia, determinanty, realizację i dotychczasowe rezultaty. Za najważniejsze zadanie władz mołdawskich autor uznaje stopniowe stwarzanie warunków, które mają ułatwić Mołdowie i Naddniestrzu ostateczne rozwiązanie konfliktu pomiędzy nimi. Polityka Sojuszu została oceniona zasadniczo pozytywnie. Może bowiem przynieść lepsze rezultaty niż konfrontacyjne działania poprzedniego rządu komunistycznego. W artykule wskazano również główne wady polityki prowadzonej przez władze mołdawskie.

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Wu, Chun-Ying. "Coalitions of the Well-being: How Electoral Rules and Ethnic Politics Shape Health Policy in Developing Countries. By Joel Sawat Selway. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2015. 292 pp. $108.00 (Cloth)." Journal of East Asian Studies 19, no. 2 (May 29, 2019): 270–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jea.2019.14.

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